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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Communist parties – Italy »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Živković, Bogdan. "Inspiring Dissent: Yugoslavia and the Italian Communist Party during 1956." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.ziv.171-198.

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This paper analyzes the relations between the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy during 1956, one of the most important years of the history of communism. The dissenting nature of those relations, which were based on the mutual wish to limit the Soviet hegemony within the global communist movement, is in the focus of this analysis. Finally, this paper aims to demonstrate how the roots of the close friendship between the two parties during the sixties and seventies can be traced back to 1956, and how the Yugoslav communists influenced or tried to influence their Italian counterparts.

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Emelyanova, E. N. "Reflection of Political Struggle in Italy in Documents of Communist International (1919—1923)." Nauchnyi dialog 13, no. 1 (2024): 332–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2024-13-1-332-353.

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The article examines the events that unfolded in Italy between 1919 and 1923. Based on a large number of documents, archival sources, and literature, it explores the fierce struggle between socialists, communists, on one side, and fascists on the other, which culminated in Benito Mussolini’s victory in 1922. The article analyzes the theoretical understanding of fascism as a phenomenon by the communists, as well as the development of methods to combat it, which were reflected in the congresses of the Communist International and the plenums of its Executive Committee from 1919 to 1923. The novel

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Brogi, Alessandro. "Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe: US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (2017): 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.

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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposit

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Pons, Silvio. "Stalin, Togliatti, and the Origins of the Cold War in Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 2 (2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701300373862.

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Soviet policy toward the Italian Communist Party (PCI) from 1943 to 1948 exemplified Josif Stalin's complicated relationship with the West European Communist parties and Western Europe in general. For a considerable while, Stalin insisted that the PCI follow a policy of moderation. Palmiro Togliatti, the leader of the PCI, heeded Stalin's orders and tried to ensure that the Italian Communists pursued a policy of national unity and avoided conflicts that might lead to civil war in Italy. But this moderate approach collapsed after the Soviet Union rejected the Marshall Plan in 1947 and thereby f

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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.

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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The aut

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Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.

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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have

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Bakshaev, Maxim. "The Rivalry at the Periphery of the Cold War: the USA, the USSR and the Communist Parties of Spain, Italy and France during the Conflict in Western Sahara (1977–1979)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2023): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080021120-9.

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The article examines the foreign policy positions of Moscow and Washington in the context of the events in Western Sahara in the second half of the 1970s, taking into account the diplomatic activities of the Communist parties of Italy (Partito Comunista Italiano, PCI), France (Parti communiste français, PCF) and Spain (Partido Comunista de Españа, PCE). The research is based on the published documents of the US president J. Carter&apos;s administration, sources of the US State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency, as well as unpublished declassified documents of the CPSU Central

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Zivkovic, Bogdan. "The two last encounters between Broz and Berlinguer - the epilogue of an alliance." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 273–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253273z.

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Based on unpublished historical sources from the archives of the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy (Archives of Yugoslavia, Belgrade; Fondazione Istituto Gramsci, Archivio del Partito comunista Italiano, Rome), this paper analyzes the two last meetings of the leaders of the two parties, Josip Broz Tito and Enrico Berlinguer. The topics are Berlinguer?s two visits to Yugoslavia, in October 1977 and October 1978, which took place at the height of the inter-party alliance, after the Berlin Conference of the Communist Parties of Europe held in June 1976. The aforementioned two visits are v

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Guizzi, Vincenzo. "Craxi’s Italy." Government and Opposition 20, no. 2 (1985): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01076.x.

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IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and econ

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Cooke, Philip. "‘Oggi in Italia’: The Voice of Truth and Peace in Cold War Italy." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (2007): 251–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362763.

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Based on archival materials in Italy and the Czech Republic, the article examines the history of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) radio programme ‘Oggi in Italia’, which was broadcast from Prague to Italy throughout the 1950s and 1960s. The programme was produced clandestinely by former partisans who had fled to Czechoslovakia in order to escape prosecution during the ‘trial of the Resistance’ (processo alla Resistenza). ‘Oggi in Italia’ was a central element in the PCI's media strategy, particularly during the Cold War, when access to the official airwaves was circumscribed. The programme wa

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Scionti, Andrea. "“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand”: The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (2020): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00927.

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This article examines the nature and significance of the activities carried out in France and Italy by the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an international organization that was secretly funded by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency to support anti-Communist intellectuals, including those on the left end of the political spectrum. These two West European countries, with their large and politically influential Communist parties, were central to the CCF's work in Europe. The organization's task was complicated by domestic concerns and traditions that forced local intellectuals to stress th

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Messina, Patrizia. "Opposition in Italy in the 1990s: Local Political Cultures and the Northern League." Government and Opposition 33, no. 4 (1998): 462–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00462.x.

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SINCE 1989 THE NATURE OF OPPOSITION IN SEVERAL WESTERN democracies has been subject to change, and Italy is no exception. But the Italian case is distinct because the changes which occurred in Italy after 1989 amount to a revolution compared to the traditional political equilibrium. The Italian political scene was dominated, from the post-war years (1948) to the 199Os, by two political parties: the DC (Christian Democracy) and the PCI (Italian Communist Party), which respectively occupied the positions of ruling party and opposition party for over forty years.

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Costalli, Stefano, and Andrea Ruggeri. "The Long-Term Electoral Legacies of Civil War in Young Democracies: Italy, 1946-1968." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (2018): 927–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018784057.

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Are there long-term legacies of civil wars on the electoral geography of post-conflict democracies? We argue that parties derived from armed bands enjoy an organizational advantage in areas where they fought and won the war. Former combatants can create a strong local party organization that serves as a crucial mobilization tool for elections. Parties have strong incentives to institutionalize this organizational advantage and retain electoral strongholds over time. We test our theory on the case of Italy (1946-1968). Our findings indicate that, on average, the communist party managed to creat

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Palma, Francesco Di. "„Rote“ Städtepartnerschaften als die besseren kommunistischen Beziehungen im geteilten Europa?" Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 103, no. 1 (2023): 389–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2023-0020.

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Abstract This article uses the example of a trilateral network of relationships to offer a critical and much-needed contribution to the history of town twinning across the Iron Curtain through the late 1970s and 1980s. The chosen case studies are Italy and France on the one hand, the two countries with the most influential communist parties in Western Europe – the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) and the PCF (Parti Communiste Français) –, and the SED (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, Socialist Unity Party of Germany) on the other, the state party of the German Democratic Republic (G

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Swain, Geoffrey. "The Cominform: Tito's International?" Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (1992): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026017.

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AbstractAlthough it is now recognized that the Stalin-Tito dispute was sparked off by Tito's desire to intervene decisively in the Greek civil war, the ideological context of that decision has never been fully explored. This article suggests that, since the early days of the Second World War, Tito had been committed to establishing a popular front ‘from below’, i.e. under clear communist control. He did this not only in Yugoslavia, but used his position in the war-time Comintern to persuade other communist parties to do the same. As a result he was dissatisfied with the all-party coalition gov

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CURINI, LUIGI. "Negative Campaigning in No-Cabinet Alternation Systems: Ideological Closeness and Blames of Corruption in Italy and Japan Using Party Manifesto Data." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 3 (2011): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000181.

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AbstractWithin a one-dimensional spatial framework, we deduce that parties’ incentives ‘to go negative’, by blaming alleged insufficiencies of the rival concerning commonly shared values, increase with their ideological proximity. We test our hypothesis by considering the long period of no-cabinet alternation that characterized both Italy and Japan. In particular, we focus on the (spatial) incentives of the Italian Communist Party and of the Japanese Socialist Party to emphasize on a particular topic related to negative campaigning, i.e. political corruption issues. The status of the perennial

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Xhaferrı, Manjola. "The Perception of Fascist and National Socialist Ideologies During the Second World War in Albania." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no. 1 S1 (2024): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n1s108.

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The Albanian Communist Party was born as a Bolshevik-style party, endowed with a non-Bolshevik but social democratic program, such as popular democracy. To shed light on the factors that determined the arrival of the communist regime in Albania, it is necessary to start the analysis from its roots, that is, since the establishment of the communist regime in Albania. For his part, although the communist regime was established in Albania immediately after the end of World War II, the roots of the phenomenon must be sought from the beginning of the war, even a few months earlier when Albania was

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Gorshkova, Elena. "Diplomacy of A.А. Gromyko in the Context of the Soviet-Italian Relations in 60–80s". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, № 18 (1 грудня 2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62020103111.

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Thе article considers some key episodes of Andrej A. Gromyko’s diplomacy, as the Minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, in the sphere of the Soviet-Italian relations in the 60–80s. The main attention is focused on such aspect of his work as cooperation of the USSR and Italy in establishment of the European collective security system. Under examination are the visits of A. A. Gromyko to Rome in 1966 and 1970 which were important links in the preparatory process for the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (СSCE) and in the development of bilateral Soviet-Italian relations. The so

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Filipović, Luka. "FINANSIJSKA POLITIKA SAVEZA KOMUNISTA JUGOSLAVIJE PREMA KOMUNISTIČKIM PARTIJAMA ITALIJE, FRANCUSKE, ŠPANIJE I GRČKE KRAJEM ŠEZDESETIH GODINA 20. VEKA." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (2022): 477–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.fil.477-494.

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Adoption of the early forms of the new Eurocommunist ideology by the communist parties of Italy, Spain and partially, Greece in the late 1960s (1967–1969) made the conflict of these parties with CP of USSR inevitable. This was the deciding factor of forming the new course of financial policies of LCY towards the previously mentioned parties. The main events leading to this outcome were the establishment of military dictatorship in Greece in 1967 and Czechoslovakian Crises of 1968. The process of forming the official standing of the party on the military intervention in Czechoslovakia marked th

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Benjamin, H. Welsh. "Framing Culture and Diversity Today: Cultural Hegemony." Journal of Underrepresented and Minority Progress 1, no. 1 (2017): 3–7. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1165450.

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We should be alarmed (but not surprised) that Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), Marxist, journalist, politician, and political philosopher, bore witness to a similar political movement in Italy in the early decades of the 20<sup>th</sup> century. Gramsci was active in Socialist and Communist circles circa 1912, at the same time as Benito Mussolini. Then, after Mussolini rejected socialism, embraced nationalism and strong-armed his way into power in 1922, Gramsci witnessed Italy collapse into a one-party fascist dictatorship almost overnight. In five years or less, Mussolini dismantled liberal Italy

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Carrieri, Mimmo. "The long goodbye: the relationship between lleftist parties and the Italian General Confederation of Labour (CGIL) after the end of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) (1992-2017)." SER Social 22, no. 47 (2020): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/sersocial.v22i47.29447.

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This article explores the effects of the growth of the “cartel parties” within the Italian system and the new relations between the unions and leftist parties, going beyond the models and experiences of the twentieth century. One of the consequences concerns the stronger interdependence of the parties and the state, and their need for more public resources. Another aspect relates to the relationship of the party with society and other socially representative organisations and stakeholders. In the case of Italy, the Democratic Party, set up in 2007, embodies the weak-minded party version, progr

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Pivovarov, Nikita. "In Search of Lost Unity: Creating and the First Period of Publication of the Magazine “Problems of Peace and Socialism” in Prague (1958—1964)." ISTORIYA 15, no. 4 (138) (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840031114-4.

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The article, based on archival documents, examines the process of creating a common printing press for the world communist movement — the magazine “Problems of Peace and Socialism”, and the first stage of the work of the magazine’s editorial office in Prague, covering the period from 1958 to 1964. Already at the stage of developing the journal project, discussions arose among its potential participants about the feasibility of such a body. As the authors show, according to the documents of The Central Committee of the CPSU, there was no expressed interest of the top Soviet leadership in creati

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Cheles, Luciano. "Iconic images in propaganda." Modern Italy 21, no. 4 (2016): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.55.

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Italian visual propaganda often makes use of well-established imagery, to exploit its proven impact. Renaissance masterpieces with religious subject matter were recurrently reproduced on political posters in the early post-war years and during the referenda campaigns of 1974 and 1981, mostly to characterise the parties as Christian. In Italy and elsewhere these images now tend to be employed in a secular way, for instance to denounce injustices and atrocities, and invite compassion and solidarity for the victims. Symbolic motifs traditionally associated with specific ideological traditions als

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Łukasiewicz, Sławomir. "A Shadow Party System: The Political Activities of Cold War Polish Exiles." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 1 (2023): 46–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01121.

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Abstract Polish émigrés were an important feature of the Cold War landscape in Europe, as were exiles from other Central European countries. In addition to opposing the Communist systems in their countries of origin, they tried to pursue independent policies in the West. Émigrés were active in political parties—including Christian Democratic, Socialist, and agrarian parties—but at the same time they attempted to create new forms, such as new political and social movements and transnational organizations. With active international agendas, they also worked to influence their own societies, both

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Granata, Mattia. "The economic policies of Italian social democracy in the post-war period (1945–1962)." Modern Italy 20, no. 2 (2015): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2015.1028347.

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In post-war Italy, ‘reformism’ has been ignored by many, wished for by some, and pursued by only a few. While it was a beacon for the major progressive political forces of Western countries, in Italy this idea was for a long time considered an ‘impossible’ vision. Even when there have been attempts to trace its development, explain the reasons for its failure, or reassess some of its merits, it has been sought everywhere except where it should actually be located: within those parties which defined themselves and considered themselves reformist, for example within the social democrat tradition

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Bartali, Roberto. "Red Brigades (1969–1974): An Italian Phenomenon and a Product of the Cold War." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (2007): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633817.

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With the removal of Khrushchev in 1964 the Soviet Union adopted—at the level of the secret service—a more aggressive policy towards western countries, with a more intensive recourse to so-called ‘covert operations’. These operations regarded even western communist parties, such as the Italian Communist Party (PCI), which were close to being viewed as ‘orthodox’ by the Soviet leadership. The so-called ‘active measures’ which resulted were realised through the infiltration of agents, the training of (usually young) extremists, and (through them) the sending of warnings to the PCI leadership abou

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Rossetti Di Valdalbero, Domenico. "La crise du système politique italien par des observateurs socio-politiques nationaux." Res Publica 38, no. 1 (1996): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i1.18649.

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In the last five years, the Italian political system registered its most important crisis. All parties, existing since the second world war, disappeared or were greatly transformed. The main purpose of this article is to analyse the deepest causes of the first Italian republic's collapse, following some specific interpretations of ltalian political observers.L. Ricolfi bases his theory on the emergence of "Lega" and the return of laïque culture in Italy. The old christian democratic and communist parties will suffer the most from these changes.A. Sofri emphasizes the identity of northern regio

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Samofatov, Mykhailo. "AN UNEXPECTED ALLIANCE: US POLICY REGARDING FORMATION OF THE CENTER-LEFT COALITION IN ITALY." Paper of Faculty of History, no. 33 (March 12, 2024): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2022.33.270463.

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The Cold War became a significant factor influencing not only the foreign, but also the domestic politics of Italy. The main problem of Italy as a member of NATO in the middle of the 20th century left pro-Soviet parties became popular, and the ruling Christian Democratic Party may lose power. The alliance of Christian Democrats with the Socialists became an unexpected means of solving the current problems, and the US, by supporting this alliance, demonstrated the ability to be flexible in conducting foreign policy towards its allies. The main thesis of the article is that such unexpected allia

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Mozzachiodi, Luca. "On the creation of a communist poetic tradition through the review Officina." Twentieth Century Communism 27, no. 27 (2024): 61–86. https://doi.org/10.3898/175864324839498919.

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This article examines the cultural and literary review Officina to show how, between 1955 and 1959, the editors (Roberto Roversi, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Francesco Leonetti, Gianni Scalia, Angelo Roman?? and later Franco Fortini) worked to construct a non-party communist poetic tradition. These authors used Antonio Gramsci’s recently published-Prison Notebooks in order to re-read the Italian literary tradition (from Giacomo Leopardi to Giuseppe Ungaretti), through re-considering the relationship between intellectuals and society and between poetry and politics. The article uses the activities of

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Taverni, Barbara. "For Italy in a changing world: the political apogee of Alcide De Gasperi, 1948–1954." Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (2009): 459–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237573.

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Following the political stabilisation achieved with the victory at the election in 1948 of the Christian Democrat Party, De Gasperi's leadership had to deal with new domestic and international dynamics. The government dialogue with the ‘laical’ parties did not end with the reconstruction of the identity of a nation divided by the Fascist phenomenon, nor did it solidify along the lines of an ideologically driven anti-Communist design. De Gasperi's leadership was interwoven with profound changes in the role of the Church, the economic system and political organisation, founded upon new party and

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Neglie, Pietro. "La Resistenza a Roma durante l’occupazione nazista. Il ruolo dei socialisti e il martirio di Bruno Buozzi." History and Modern Perspectives 3, no. 3 (2021): 62–69. https://doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-3-62-69.

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In this essay we want to reconsider the role of the socialists in the Resistance in Rome, showing that their role was by no means marginal. Of course, the centrality of the Garibaldi Brigades in Italy occupied by the Nazis cannot be denied, compared to them, the action of the Matteotti Brigades was actually negligible, but in Rome the socialists were protagonists. During the Nazi occupation, in conditions of grave danger, the socialist Bruno Buozzi, secretary of the General Confederation of Labor when Fascism took power, entered into delicate negotiations to reconstitute the union, committing

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Gosselin, Guy. "Terzuolo, Éric R., Red Adriatic : The Communist Parties of Italy and Yugoslavia. Boulder (Col.), Westview Press, Coll. « A Westview Special Study », 1985, 262 p." Études internationales 18, no. 4 (1987): 908. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702286ar.

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Luchkanyn, Serhii. "Romania in the Second World War 1939–1945: unknown facts and new views on the problem." European Historical Studies, no. 9 (2018): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.09.79-95.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of different views in Romanian historiography on the participation of I. Antonescu, along with Germany, Italy, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland, in the war against the USSR, starting from June 22, 1941. It is known that the decision to join the anti-Soviet war was taken by I. Antonescu alone, without any consultation with any political group, or even with the king Mihai, who has learned from the BBC radio that Romania had entered the war with the USSR. First, the war was proclaimed as a “sacred war” against Bolshevism for the return of Bessarabia and Norther

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Hopkins, Stephen. "Gavin Bowd, Les communismes britannique et français, 1920-1991. Un conte de deux partis; Marco Di Maggio, The Rise and Fall of Communist Parties in France and Italy. Entangled Historical Approaches." Twentieth Century Communism 24, no. 24 (2023): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864323837280472.

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In 1944 America, 41 per cent of men and 28 per cent of women read comics, plus 91 per cent of American children. By 1950, 'the comics industry generated an annual profit of almost $41 million dollars and published 50 million comics a month: everyone read comics' (pp 17-18). Resistance to the industry came from groups such as church and parental organisations that assumed children read the texts seriously. 1954 witnessed the adoption of the Comics Code Authority (CCA), a self-regulatory body that prohibited certain content. It dealt a huge blow to the horror genre, although it did not destroy i

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Суздальцев, И. А. "The Policy of the Comintern towards the Communist Party of Spain as Interpreted by Modern Historians." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 650–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-2-7.

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В статье анализируется современная отечественная и зарубежная историография (2000-е гг. – настоящее время) взаимоотношений Коммунистического Интернационала – международной организации, объединявшей коммунистические партии в 1919–1943 гг., и Коммунистической партии Испании (КПИ) в период от ее основания (1921 г.) до окончания Гражданской войны в стране (1939 г.). Рассмотрены мнения историков из России, Испании, Великобритании, США и Италии. Выбор обусловлен тем, что именно в указанных странах за последние десятилетия был опубликован ряд интересных работ по данной тематике. По мнению лидеров Ком

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Forlenza, Rosario. "In Search of Order: Portrayal of Communists in Cold War Italy." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 2 (2020): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00878.

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This article analyzes the battle between Italian Communists and anti-Communists during the early Cold War. Without denying the critical role of high politics or the rivalry between Washington and Moscow, the article places the home front at the center of its analysis, using a bottom-up perspective. Drawing on the rhetoric, remembrances, and visual propaganda produced by Communists and anti-Communists alike, the article shifts the focus of attention away from governments and diplomacy and toward imagination and culture as agents of historical change. Looking beyond the institutional-administrat

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Varriale, Francesco. "La politica estera italiana e la Cina durante la guerra civile fra Kuomintang e comunisti (1945-1949)." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001001.

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- According to the author, after the Second World War, Italy was too weak to build an autonomous foreign policy in China or to influence the conflict between Communists and Nationalists. However, Italian diplomacy, especially the Italian ambassador in China Sergio Fenoaltea, tried to have his own vision of the Chinese Civil War and to take advantage of the weakness of Italy to establish a good relationship with the Kuomintang government: China was a great power, especially at the United Nations, and it could be very important for the future of Italy. Furthermore, Fenoaltea criticized Marshall'

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Orsina, Giovanni. "The Republic after Berlusconi: Some reflections on historiography, politics and the political use of history in post-1994 Italy." Modern Italy 15, no. 1 (2010): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903488713.

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The Italian political crisis of 1993–1994 and the new political dynamics to which it gave rise, and which persist today, have strongly shaped both public debate and historiographical reflection on the Italian Republic. This article assesses the impact of the political changes of the post-1994 period (and notably Berlusconi's entry into politics) on the debate over the so-called First Republic, with regard to: Italian national identity in the post-Fascist period; the functioning of the political system, especially in relation to the role of the political parties; anti-Fascism and its internal d

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SLUSARENCO, Svetlana. "Medierea în Republica Moldova – realitate şi tendinţe." Revista de studii interdisciplinare "C. Stere" 1-2 (17-18) (June 15, 2018): 233–44. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3360553.

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Mediation is first and foremost an alternative to the justice that solves amicably a conflict between the parties to the conflict. Mediation has its origin in antiquity. It is found in the Justinian Codification. Our ancestors have preserved the institution of mediation in feudalism, and in modern times only in rural areas. At the present stage, the mediation procedure has grown in most European countries. The advantages of out-of-court mediation are: shorter duration, flexibility of the mediation procedure, parties can identify and adopt their own solutions. Among the disadvantages we mention

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Ivanov, Alexander G. "To the Question of Origin of the Policy of Non-Intervention in Spain in 1936 (On Materials of the Foreign Office’s Archives)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (216) (December 28, 2022): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-4-49-58.

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The article presents an analysis of the origin of the policy of non-intervention in the civil war in Spain in 1936. The archival materials of the Foreign Office’s fund (National Archives, London) make it pos-sible to widen greatly our knowledge about genesis and character of that policy, to argue the version about Great Britain as an initiator of non-intervention. Many factors influenced this process: interests of British monopolies, strategic and political considerations, such as anti-Communism of the elite of British society, their sympathy towards the rebels of Franco, wish of official Lond

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GORDON, DANIEL A. "A ‘Mediterranean New Left’? Comparing and Contrasting the French PSU and the Italian PSIUP." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (2010): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000251.

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AbstractThis article argues that Gerd-Rainer Horn's model of a ‘Mediterranean New Left’ encompassing both the French Parti socialiste unifié (PSU, 1960–1990) and the Italian Partito socialista italiano di unità proletaria (PSIUP, 1964–1972) needs to be significantly revised. It agrees that, half a century on from the events which gave rise to their foundation, this much misunderstood part of the political spectrum, midway between social democracy and the far left, is worthy of rescue from the ‘enormous condescension of posterity’, but questions how similar the two parties actually were. Major

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Baskin, Mark. "Red Adriatic: The Communist Parties of Italy and Yugoslavia. By Eric R. Terzuolo. Westview Special Studies. Boulder, Colo., and London: Westview Press, 1986. xi, 255 pp. $21.50, paper. - Party Pluralism or Monism: Social Movements and the Political System in Yugoslavia 1944-1949. By Vojislav Koštunica and Kosta Čavoški. East European Monographs, no. 189. Boulder, Colo.: East European Monographs, 1985. vii, 257 pp. Tables. $25.00, cloth. Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York." Slavic Review 45, no. 4 (1986): 764–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498371.

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Kopeček, Lubomír. "Opoziční smlouvy „za kopečky“ I.: Byl pakt ČSSD a ODS z let 1998–2002 demokratickou deviací?" Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 2–3 (2013): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2013.23.175.

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After the 1998 general elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, the largest party, the Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), formed a minority government. The origin and existence of this government was enabled by an agreement with the second largest formation, the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). What was then known as the Opposition Agreement became the subject of considerable debate. The paper analyses the Opposition Agreement in comparison with other minority governments with external support, be they governments formed on the basis of ad hoc agreements or complex ones. The text

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Hill, Dave. "Marxist education and teacher education against capitalism in neoliberal/ neoconservative/ neofascist/ times." Cadernos do GPOSSHE On-line 2, no. 1 (2019): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33241/cadernosdogposshe.v2i1.1524.

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In this article I analyse global and national neoliberalisms- economic and social class war from above- neoconservatisms which are leading to and connected with NeoFascisms- with their scapegoating, racism, xenophobia, misogyny, heterophobia, militarism and the attacks on dissent- whether electoral, media, or from academics/ universities and workers’ organisations and actions. Six prime examples are Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Trump in the USA, Orban in Hungary, the Law and Justice government in Poland, and the racist government in Italy, in effect led by Salvini. Across Europe Far

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Legnani Annichini, Alessia. "El Tractatus de proxenetis, et proxeneticis de Benvenuto Stracca (1509-1578)." REVISTA LEX MERCATORIA Doctrina, Praxis, Jurisprudencia y Legislación 3, no. 1 (2017): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21134/lex.v3i1.1249.

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Dentro del rico panorama de la tratadística cinquecentesca se encuentra el De proxenetis, et proxeneticis del anconitano Benvenuto Stracca (1509-1578), publicado por primera vez en Venecia en 1558 y articulado en cuatro partes, de las cuales la última –la más extensa– reúne algunas quaestiones que, según el autor, tienen el valor de convertir el tratado «uberiorem et fertiliorem» Considerándolo casi una suerte de apéndice al famoso De mercatura, seu mercatore, la compilación, dedicada al Cardenal Rodolfo Pio da Carpi (1500-1564) legado de la Marca, tiene el indiscutible mérito de condensar en

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Scirè, Giambattista. "Il confronto tra cristianesimo e comunismo nella secolarizzazione del XX secolo L’originale percorso di Mario Gozzini." JoMaCC, no. 1 (March 4, 2025). https://doi.org/10.30687/jomacc/2785-6046/2025/01/005.

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In the backdrop of the confrontation between faith and politics, in particular the relationship of dialogue between Communism and Christianity in Italy during the secularization process of the 20th century, the essay aims to retrace the long biographical story of the Catholic intellectual (later elected as an independent senator in the lists of the Italian Communist Party) Mario Gozzini, with a special focus on the elements of continuity and discontinuity between modernism, the Second Vatican Council and religious dissent. By making nonconformist choices of freedom of conscience, expressing po

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Суздальцев, И. А. "IV CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN: FEATURES OF THE CONDUCTING AND COVERAGE IN THE COMMUNIST PRESS." Вестник МГПУ. Серия Исторические науки, no. 2(46) (December 15, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.25688/20-76-9105.2022.46.2.07.

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В статье рассматриваются ключевые факторы, на основании которых допустимо утверждать, что во время проведения IV конгресса (5 ноября – 5 декабря 1922 г.) и после него произошло усиление централизации аппарата Коминтерна. Речь идет о 1) решении на конгрессе вопроса о руководящем составе Коммунистической партии Франции (далее — ФКП); 2) расширении полномочий Исполкома Коминтерна (далее — ИККИ). Для обоснования привлечены мнения историков и материалы Российского государственного архива социально-политической истории (РГАСПИ). На основании архивных данных автор изучает деятельность так называемой

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Michele, Fiorillo. "The Freedom to think differently. Rosa Luxemburg's Democratic Critique of Leninism." January 23, 2018. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1156844.

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The search for a form of ‘true democracy’ – where the governors can potentially coincide with the governed – seems to be the central point of the political research and struggle of Rosa Luxemburg, as it was for Antonio Gramsci. Both of them co-founders of communist parties, in Germany and Italy respectively, they exercised their own strong critical view, in different moments, on the degeneration of the Soviet experience. Both practiced and theorized a ‘counciliar’ model of democracy, imagining it as a finally full participation of the people to the governmen

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"PREJUDICE AS A MEANS OF PROOF IN CRIMINAL PROCEEDINGS IN UKRAINE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS WITH CONTINENTAL AND COMMON LAW SYSTEMS." Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 7, no. 3 (2024): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-7.3-a000319.

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Background: During the preparation of the CPC of Ukraine in 2012, the issue of legal regulation regarding the use of prejudice in the process of criminal procedure proof received little scholarly attention. Although much time has passed since then, this subject of discussion remains largely unexplored in textbooks and manuals on criminal procedure published after the adoption of the codified act. Even within the few scholarly investigations dedicated to prejudice in criminal proceedings, a communis opinion doctorum on some issues related to the means of proof has yet to be achieved. This artic

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Legnani Annichini, Alessia. "El Tractatus de proxenetis, et proxeneticis de Benvenuto Stracca (1509-1578)." REVISTA LEX MERCATORIA Doctrina, Praxis, Jurisprudencia y Legislación, June 13, 2017, 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21134/lex.vi.521.

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Dentro del rico panorama de la tratadística cinquecentesca se encuentra el De proxenetis, et proxeneticis del anconitano Benvenuto Stracca (1509-1578), publicado por primera vez en Venecia en 1558 y articulado en cuatro partes, de las cuales la última –la más extensa– reúne algunas quaestiones que, según el autor, tienen el valor de convertir el tratado «uberiorem et fertiliorem» Considerándolo casi una suerte de apéndice al famoso De mercatura, seu mercatore, la compilación, dedicada al Cardenal Rodolfo Pio da Carpi (1500-1564) legado de la Marca, tiene el indiscutible mérito de condensar en

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