Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Comparative government – Europe »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Comparative government – Europe"
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Wartick, Steven L. « Comparative Government-Industry Relations : Western Europe, United States and Japan ». Journal of International Business Studies 20, no 1 (mars 1989) : 170–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jibs.1989.13.
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ANDRONICEANU, Armenia, Irina GEORGESCU et Oana Matilda SABIE. « COMPARATIVE RESEARCH ON GOVERNMENT EFFECTIVENESS AND POLITICAL STABILITY IN EUROPE ». ADMINISTRATIE SI MANAGEMENT PUBLIC 1, no 39 (25 novembre 2022) : 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/amp/2022.39-04.
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The trend of globalization, accompanied by the dynamic development of social systems, places the European states in a completely new position, in which institutions and administrative systems must be adapted. Any intervention in the field of public administration reform implies changes in its major components to have efficient governance in the context of internal and regional political instability. The objective of our research was to identify and analyze the correlations between the main indicators of government effectiveness and political stability in the EU member states during 2020-2022. For this research, we have selected four representative variables. The research methods used are the Pearson correlation matrix, for identifying and analyzing the correlations, and the K-means clustering algorithm for grouping the EU states into clusters based on the considered variables. The results show that approximately half of the EU states are grouped in cluster 3, which is characterized by a high level of governmental efficiency and political stability. The states in the first two clusters include states from Central and Eastern Europe where significant changes are needed to increase government effectiveness and political stability. The results of our research offer an updated correlative analysis between government effectiveness and political stability in the EU member states in the last few years.
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Zlyvko, Stanislav V., Valerii A. Bortniak, Kateryna V. Bortniak, Iryna P. Storozhuk et Roman Z. Holobutovskyy. « Administrative reforms in Eastern Europe : A comparative legal analysis ». Cuestiones Políticas 39, no 69 (17 juillet 2021) : 814–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3969.50.
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The objective of the article was to analyze the legal regulation of the decentralization reform in Eastern Europe and its impact on the unemployment rate. Methodologically, statistical analysis, hypothetical-deductive method and correlation were used. It was found that the first stage of the reform of the New Civil Service in Poland, Ukraine, Romania, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Latvia, and Bulgaria began in 1990, but can be called an informal preparatory stage. It is determined that the process of implementation of administrative reforms is influenced by a series of factors: historical, economic, geographical. It is concluded that there is no positive correlation between the effectiveness of public administration and the effectiveness of local self-government in all the countries studied. The reform of decentralization has been shown to have a negative impact on employment. In addition, it found that Poland is the most stable country among those studied, with a high level of efficiency of local self-government. La more negative correlation between the efficiency index of local self-government and employment, and the most positive correlation between local and unemployment rate.
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Baker, Keith, Steven Van de Walle et Chris Skelcher. « Citizen support for Increasing the Responsibilities of Local Government in European Countries : A Comparative Analysis ». Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no 1 (24 janvier 2011) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.1.1-21(2011).
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The transfer of responsibilities from central to local government has often been justified on the grounds of efficiency and democracy under the principle of subsidiarity. The existing models for mapping local government power in Europe, however, are often insufficiently detailed to allow an in-depth comparison, and little is known about the level of citizen support for increasing the responsibilities of local government. This paper attempts to expand this knowledge base by using financial local government data and opinion data from the European Values Study to analyse these questions. It relates the level of local government responsibilities in Europe to the level of citizen support for increasing local government responsibilities. These findings are then used to develop a research agenda on local government measurement, and to reflect on the difficulties facing the European comparative local government researcher.
Keywords: • comparative local government • citizen attitudes • local government power • decentralisation • local government spending
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van Os, Jim, et Jan Neeleman. « European Union government legislation affecting psychiatric practice ». Psychiatric Bulletin 18, no 7 (juillet 1994) : 390–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.18.7.390.
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Although the process of psychiatric reform is taking place across Europe, national political, economic and historical factors determine to a large extent the manner and pace of its implementation as well as its final shape. The degree of centralisation of health care systems and the degree of prominence of primary care affect how efficiently change can be achieved. Various forms of professional resistance may, in different degrees in European countries, hamper the implementation of community care. The widely varying contexts in which psychiatric reform takes place throughout Europe, should provide a fertile area for future comparative research.
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Turner, Louis. « Comparative government-industry relations : Western Europe, the United States, and Japan ». International Affairs 64, no 2 (1988) : 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621873.
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Pepinsky, Thomas B. « The Global Economic Crisis and the Politics of Non-Transitions ». Government and Opposition 47, no 2 (2012) : 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01361.x.
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AbstractThis paper investigates the effects of the global economic crisis (GEC) on political change. A number of emerging European economies have experienced political turnover, but in other emerging and transition economies, government turnover and regime change have been comparatively rare. Two factors – incumbent governments' responsibility for the current crisis and their responsiveness to its domestic economic effects – shape the political effects of the GEC. Outside Europe, most emerging economies have experienced this crisis as an external shock to trade and investment rather than a domestic financial crisis. As a consequence, their governments have experienced less severe economic contractions, and have been able credibly to portray themselves as victims of, rather than causes of, the economic difficulties that they currently face. By placing political turnover in emerging Europe in comparative perspective, this argument provides a new perspective on the consequences of economic integration on national politics for emerging economies around the world.
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Xu, Bo. « A Comparative Study of Language Educational Policy in China and Western Europe ». Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (7 février 2023) : 768–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4351.
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Nowadays, English has become a very important communicative tool for people from non-English-dominant countries. The Chinese government has been trying to push its residents to keep this pace for decades while recently most Western European countries try to avoid English teaching to protect their languages and cultures. Most Chinese students have to study English when they enter Grade 3. The College English Test Band 4 (CET4) has been the basic examination for Chinese students for decades and some universities will even require their students to pass CET6. Certificates of proving passing CET4 and CET6 will also offer help in job hunting. Recently, Chinese government even released the “Chinese culture go abroad” which aims to teach students how to spread Chinese cultures in English. For Western countries, Germany government want to protect their language and maintain the use of English at the same time while English academic writing continues to develop in Italy even these triggered severe debates. Now the Chinese government can see their reward after policies released for decades as it has become one of the strong competitors on academic area while the objectors in Western Europe are still working hard to defend their opinions. However, there are problems with policies released by the Chinese government as some teachers will argue that learning English cost a huge part of students’ time.
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Nurmi, Hannu. « Multiparty government. The politics of coalition in Europe ; comparative European politics series ». European Journal of Political Economy 8, no 1 (février 1992) : 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0176-2680(92)90064-n.
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Hobolt, Sara Binzer, et Robert Klemmemsen. « Responsive Government ? Public Opinion and Government Policy Preferences in Britain and Denmark ». Political Studies 53, no 2 (juin 2005) : 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00534.x.
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The ability of a political system to respond to the preferences of its citizens is central to democratic theory and practice; yet most empirical research on government responsiveness has concentrated on the United States. As a result, we know very little about the nature of government policy responsiveness in Europe and we have a poor understanding of the conditions that affect cross-national variations. This comparative study examines the relationship between public opinion and policy preferences in the United Kingdom and Denmark during the past three decades. We address two key questions: First, are the government's policy intentions driven by public opinion or vice versa? Second, do political institutions influence the level of government responsiveness? We suggest that public opinion tends to drive the government's policy intentions due to the threat of electoral sanction, and that this is more pronounced in proportional systems than in majoritarian democracies.
Thèses sur le sujet "Comparative government – Europe"
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Savage, Lee. « Government formation in central Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446466.
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Leruth, Benjamin. « Differentiated integration in the European Union : a comparative study of party and government preferences in Finland, Sweden and Norway ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16175.
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In the field of European studies, the notion of ‘differentiated integration’ (Stubb 1996) was developed in the late 1990s as an alternative to the crude membership/non-membership dichotomy. While the theoretical benefits of this approach are broadly discussed in the existing literature, further empirical studies have been deemed necessary (Holzinger and Schimmelfennig 2012). The Nordic states constitute a particularly interesting laboratory in order to study this phenomenon. Indeed, while these states share several socio-economic and political characteristics, they also differ in terms of their relationship with the European Union. Several studies on these relationships emphasise the relevance of certain contextual variables as key explanatory factors for the variation in attitudes between the Nordic states. However, there is also lack of analysis that looks into the domestic political features that these countries share. Furthermore, most studies in the field tend to ignore the respective government’s positions on European integration, and mostly adopt a top-down approach when focusing on the nation-state as a whole. Adopting a most similar systems design, this thesis aims to answer the following question: have Nordic government preferences on European integration been influenced by domestic political factors? In order to answer this question, four domestic variables are introduced and analysed: relative strength of parties in parliament; composition of government; type of government; and government ideology. Within this comparative framework, three Nordic countries have been selected: the first one belonging to the ‘inner core’ of the European Union (Finland);; while the second is located at its ‘outer core’ (Sweden);; and the third one serves as a control case as an ‘EU-outsider’ which is still located in the Union’s ‘inner periphery’ (Norway). For each state, the analysis starts in the early 1990s, when ‘Europe’ developed into a politically salient issue in domestic politics. The focus is furthermore set on their respective government’s positions regarding five distinct policy areas: participation in the European Economic Area; application for European Union membership; participation in the Schengen Area; participation in the Economic and Monetary Union; and participation in European Battle Groups. The main findings of the thesis suggest that when analysing governments’ positions on (differentiated) European integration, the domestic political features should not be downplayed. For instance, the Swedish government’s opposition to participation in the EMU in 1997 is mostly explained by a lack of party consensus over this issue, unlike in Finland where a broad inter-party agreement was secured for this policy area. The analysis further suggests that studies on party and government preferences on Europe should focus on policy areas rather than on the issue of integration as a whole. Such a focus provides for better understanding of the nature of ‘Euroscepticism’ in the Nordic region and, to a broader extent, in Europe.
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de, Rooij Eline A. « Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
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Stephens, Yonette A. « Transacting Government : A Comparative Content Analysis of the Interactive and Communicative Functions of e-Government Web sites – The Case of Africa, Asia and Europe ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1331570901.
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Dickson, Francesca. « Paradiplomacy and the state of the nation : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2017. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/111215/.
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Part of a new cohort of diplomatic actors, sub-state governments represent a particularly complex challenge for our understanding of international relations. These actors are both territorially constituted and governmental; they look and sound very similar to states. Crucially, however, they are not states at all. When paradiplomatic relations are conducted on the part of sub-state governments with a strong regional identity, in particular ‘stateless nations’, there can sometimes be challenge – implicit or explicit – to the authority of the state to speak for, or represent, its people. This thesis takes three such stateless nations: Wales, Scotland and Bavaria, and analyses their paradiplomatic activities. The unique political context in each of these case studies is used as a frame within which to understand and interpret both the motivations and implications of such activities. Using a conceptual toolkit less familiar to traditional paradiplomatic analysis, including sovereignty games, performativity and mimicry, the study explores the ways in which sub-state governments acquire international agency, and the extent to which this agency is contested by other actors. Despite the range in political ambitions in each of the stateless nations considered, the paradiplomatic activities they conducted were often remarkably similar. What differed, however, was the way that these activities were interpreted, depending on the political context and the tenor of inter-governmental relations within the state. The paradox of paradiplomacy is that in many ways it remains unremarkable in its day-to-day practices. Yet, at other times, sub-state governments use their international relationships to make important claims about their status and position within their state, the currency of exchanges becoming that rarefied concept: sovereignty. Using a marginal site of international relations such as paradiplomacy, this thesis explores the heterogeneity of the field and the variety of relationships that exist and persist within it.
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Smith, Alison F. « The effect of electoral institutions on party membership in central and east Europe ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2c9c60b1-5fd8-435e-a485-a5322de60246.
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Party membership levels in the new democracies of central and east European were predicted to remain universally low, stymied by post-communist legacies, the availability of state funding and the prevalence of mass media communications (van Biezen, 2003; Kopecký, 2007). However, more than two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, membership levels vary considerably between countries, and also between individual parties within party systems. Using freshly gathered party membership data, elite surveys and interviews, this thesis explores a number of institutional hypotheses to test whether, as in western democracies, electoral institutions influence how parties organise and campaign. This thesis finds that national electoral systems, municipal electoral rules and business funding regulations have an observable impact on how parties use their members. In particular, 'decentralised' electoral systems encourage greater involvement of members in voter contacting and other small campaign tasks. This thesis concludes that, contrary to the dominant literature, the availability of state funding has little impact on party membership recruitment. Instead, central and east European parties' attitudes to members are shaped by a complex interaction of institutional, cultural, ideological and strategic factors.
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Walther, Daniel. « Till death do us part : a comparative study of government instability in 28 European democracies ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-133482.
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This thesis is rooted in the research tradition known as coalition politics, where governments, political parties and political institutions are the central focus. The main emphasis here is on government instability and the question of why governments in modern parliamentary democracies often come to an end before the next regular election. In five distinct but interrelated papers, the thesis explores the issue of early government termination and how it is affected by public support, economic developments and the functioning of the state apparatus. The studies included in this thesis generally take a quantitative approach and make use of a dataset that contains 640 governments in 29 European democracies. Their joint goal is to improve our understanding of when early termination happens by introducing and testing new explanatory factors as well as by improving how previously identified factors are modelled. The first paper focuses on Central and Eastern Europe. It shows that the stability of governments in that region is affected by slightly different factors than those that impact on governments in Western Europe. In particular, ideological factors and political institutions are found to be less important in Central and Eastern Europe while the formal power basis of the government and the country’s economic performance matter more. In the second paper, co-authored with Professor Torbjörn Bergman, the state is brought into government stability research. The paper shows that countries with a lower quality of governance and a less efficient public sector have less stable governments. This is mainly because government parties struggle to achieve their policy goals when the state apparatus is inefficient and corrupt. Paper 3, co-written with Associate Professor Johan Hellström, looks at how different types of governments respond to economic challenges. In particular, this paper demonstrates that the same changes in economic circumstances (e.g. increases in unemployment or inflation) have different effects on cabinet stability depending on which type of government is in charge. Single party governments are better equipped to deal with economic changes, because they are better positioned to devise new policy responses without having to compromise with other parties. Coalition governments, in contrast, become significantly more likely to terminate early when the economy takes a turn for the worse. Finally, over the course of two papers I first explore new techniques for analysing polling data and then use them to empirically test whether governments sometimes choose termination as a way to cope with bad poll numbers. Most of the existing techniques for pooling polls and forecasting elections were explicitly designed with two party systems in mind. In Paper 4, I test some of these techniques to determine their usefulness in complex, multiparty systems, and I develop some improvements that enable us to take advantage of more of the information in the data. In the final paper, I combine the two themes of polling and government stability by looking at how changes in government popularity affect the likelihood of premature dissolution. I find that governments, particularly single party governments, do, in fact, use terminations as a strategic response to changes in their popularity among the public. When support is high, governments tend to opportunistically call an early election, whereas they tend to abandon or reshuffle the government when support is low.
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Gertz, Renate. « A comparative study of government-controlled, mixed and private eco-labelling programmes in Europe, the United States of America, Canada and Germany ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369800.
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Eco-labelling schemes can be classified according to the ownership of the programme. This thesis compares government-controlled, private and half government-controlled, half privatised eco-labelling schemes from Europe, America, Germany and Canada. The criteria for the comparison are divided in three sections. The first section is based on the awarding process, focusing on the determination of product categories, the setting of standards and the awarding of the label. The second section focuses on environmental policy and regulation, examining impact on trade, transparency of the programme, accountability and credibility and whether the programme is a stand-alone instrument. Section three contains the context and background of the study, discussing the programme's effectiveness in providing information, knowledge about the label and the effect of the label on manufacturers. These criteria are applied to each of the four eco-labelling programmes. Three areas were found to be most problematic during this comparison. The first one was found concerning the possible incompatibility of eco-labelling programmes with GATT law and therefore their negative impact on international trade. The second one was found regarding the accountability of the programmes, showing the difficulty in holding the eco-labelling authority accountable. The third problem was the amounts of funding necessary to advertise the programmes so that consumers will become fully aware of them - funding that is not available. After the actual comparison, the results were then drawn together in a final analysis. During this analysis, a look was also taken at eco-labelling in general. Several intrinsic problems were determined, such as the still unreliable scientific method of life-cycle analysis (LCA), the "lock in" to inferior technologies and the unwillingness of consumers to pay higher prices for environmentally friendly products. Since the result of the comparison is that eco-labelling contains too many intrisinc problems to be able to ever function as it should be, a look was taken at possible alternatives, such as international harmonisation of standards, the ISO 14000 series, the Eco-Profile, mutual recognition under the Global Eco-labelling Network and mandatory product standards.
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Kristoferitsch, Hans. « Vom Staatenbund zum Bundesstaat ? die Europäische Union im Vergleich mit den USA, Deutschland und der Schweiz / ». Wien : Springer, 2007. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10217677.
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Wright, Scott. « A comparative analysis of government-run discussion boards at the local, national and European levels ». Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410027.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Comparative government – Europe"
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1943-, Campbell Colin, dir. Politics and government in Europe today. 2e éd. Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1995.
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Pekka, Kosonen, et Suomen Akatemia, dir. Changing Europe and comparative research. Helsinki : VAPK-Pub., 1992.
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Lee, Mike. Regional power and local government in Europe. London : Fabian Society, 1991.
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1918-, Macridis Roy C., dir. Modern politicalsystems : Europe. 6e éd. Englewood Cliffs : Prentice-Hall, 1987.
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1943-, Campbell Colin, dir. Politics and government in Europe today. San Diego : Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990.
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Luebbert, Gregory M. Comparative democracy : Policymaking and governing coalitions in Europe and Israel. New York : Columbia University Press, 1986.
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Politics in Western Europe : A comparative analysis. 5e éd. New York : Holmes & Meier, 1989.
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Smith, Gordon R. Politics in Western Europe : A comparative analysis. 5e éd. Aldershot : Gower, 1989.
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Maria, Colomer Josep, dir. Political institutions in Europe. London : Routledge, 1996.
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C, Macridis Roy, dir. Modern political systems : Europe. 6e éd. Englewood Cliffs, N.J : Prentice-Hall, 1987.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Comparative government – Europe"
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Norton, Alan. « Western European Local Government in Comparative Perspective ». Dans Local Government in Europe, 21–40. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21321-4_2.
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Vela, José Manuel, et Iluminada Fuertes. « Local Government Accounting in Europe : A Comparative Approach ». Dans Comparative Issues in Local Government Accounting, 87–102. Boston, MA : Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4581-1_6.
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Wayenberg, Ellen, et Sabine Kuhlmann. « Comparative Local Government Research : Theoretical Concepts and Empirical Findings from a European Perspective ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Public Administration and Management in Europe, 841–63. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55269-3_44.
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Brans, Marleen, Arco Timmermans et Athanassios Gouglas. « A Theoretical Perspective on the Roles of Political Scientists in Policy Advisory Systems ». Dans The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 15–39. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_2.
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AbstractThis chapter presents a theoretical perspective for studying the policy advisory roles of political scientists, drawing upon literature on knowledge utilization and policy advisory systems. It first proposes a locational model as a heuristic tool for mapping the advisory activities of academic political scientists in the academic, government and societal arenas, and the intersections between these. For comparative purposes, it considers policy advisory systems as on the one hand reflecting civic epistemologies and political-administrative social systems within countries, and on the other hand as being subject to such global trends towards the externalization and politicization of advice. Secondly, it defines what policy advice is, how its content may vary, and how, to whom, and at which levels of government it is communicated. Thirdly, in order to distinguish engagements and activities of individual academics engaging in advisory work, the chapter construct a typology of four advisory roles: the pure academic, the expert, the opinionating scholar, and the public intellectual.
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Vetter, Angelika, Daniel Klimovský, Bas Denters et Norbert Kersting. « Giving Citizens More Say in Local Government : Comparative Analyses of Change Across Europe in Times of Crisis ». Dans Local Public Sector Reforms in Times of Crisis, 273–86. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52548-2_15.
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Scarponetti, Patricia, Leandro Sepúlveda et Antonio Martín-Artiles. « Pension Systems Compared : A Polarised Perspective, a Diverse Reality ». Dans Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 419–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_14.
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AbstractGlobalisation and international competition have a spillover effect on the reforms of pension systems that imposes a similar pattern of dismantling, hardening access to pensions, reducing expenditure and retrenchment in said reforms. The comparative analysis of four countries with different pension systems: two liberal (United Kingdom and Chile) and another two with contributory-proportional systems (Spain and Argentina) serves to determine the details of the reform processes, which discursively seem to have a shared pattern recommended by the international financial and economic institutions.But the reality of the four case studies shows considerable differences in the implementation of the pension reform policies. The reforms depend on the societal context, institutions, history, the role of unions, the government in power, demographic factors and economic perspectives, among other matters. Many countries need to sustain pension systems because they are associated with many pensioners’ political vote. Therefore, the spillover effect of globalisation and the convergence in certain uniform patterns of reforms is far from reality in the four countries, and as such, the measures adopted are specific for each country.
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Bakir, Caner, et H. Tolga Bolukbasi. « Changing Policy Advisory Dynamics in the 2000s : The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Turkey ». Dans The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 307–31. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_14.
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AbstractThis chapter maps the changing features of the policy advisory system in Turkey and explores the policy advisory roles of Turkish political scientists in the 2000s. It situates Turkey’s statist policy advisory system in an environment of increasing centralization of executive power in a hybrid regime. In this system, government actors dictate the terms of engagement for key policy actors. They do so against the background of externalization, politicization, privatization, Europeanization and societalization of advice. In addition to case study material, the chapter relies on the ProSEPS survey. According to the survey findings, the typical political scientist in Turkey is a male opinionator, who gives generally informal face-to-face advice to mostly civil society organizations, think tanks and civil servants. This opinionator is an expert in international relations, comparative politics and political theory. Political scientists in Turkey’s advisory system do not differ markedly from their European colleagues in terms of their demographic characteristics, educational attainment, employment status, specialization subfields, channels they use and levels of governance they provide advice at. The chapter concludes by calling for further research on the advisory roles of political scientists in this hybrid regime.
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Siaroff, Alan. « Governments and party types ». Dans Comparative European Party Systems, 103–68. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315713694-5.
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Vogel, Lars. « Illiberal and Anti-EU Politics in the Name of the People ? Euroscepticism in East Central Europe 2004–2019 in Comparative Perspective ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 29–55. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_2.
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Abstract This chapter describes patterns, trends and determinants of public Euroscepticism in East Central Europe (ECE). It investigates whether public opinion on European integration in this region is connected to the contestation of both the immigration policies and the constitutional principles of the EU by the respective national governments. By applying longitudinal and comparative analyses based on European Election Studies from 2004 to 2019, it shows public support for European integration in ECE as more closely linked to instrumental performance assessments than in the EU average and as structured by country-specific rather than region-specific patterns. Cultural issues, like immigration and conceptions of democracy, which dominate ECE governmental politics, are only related to public Euroscepticism in some of those countries. Based on these results, the chapter suggests that the connection between the illiberal and anti-EU politics of ECE national governments and public Euroscepticism is loose and conditional upon the national context.
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García Portilla, Jason. « Summary Overview of the Four Case Studies ». Dans “Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”, 329–32. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_22.
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AbstractThis chapter presents a brief comparative summary overview of the four cases.In Switzerland, most conservative Catholics escaped modernisation and centralism by relocating to the mountains, while Liberals and Protestants mostly remained in flat areas that became industrialised (Obinger, 2009). The federal government has been mainly liberal (anti-clerical) and close to Protestantism. Likewise, the Protestant population was in the majority until the 1970s. Currently, the Protestant cantons are the most competitive, while the mountainous Roman Catholic cantons are the least competitive.Uruguay exhibits the highest levels of social progress in Latin America (Sect. 10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_4#Sec2) as well as high safety. Along with Chile, it is the only country in Latin America with low perceptions of corruption. Further, Uruguay is by far Latin America’s most secular country with the lowest religiosity and lowest proportion of Roman Catholics on the continent. The Roman Catholic Church-State did not significantly establish itself in Uruguay, unlike in most Latin American countries. After gaining independence in 1828, Uruguay continued a secular direction with the recognition of civil unions in 1837. In 1917, the Uruguayan constitution completely separated church and state.Cuba ranks in the middle of world distribution on the transparency index. Compared to the cases studied (Europe and the Americas), the countries clustering with Cuba exhibit moderate to high corruption due to their Socialist Legal Origin.Colombia is one of the most inequitable and dangerous countries in the world. A “Catholic and conservative hegemony” has existed in Colombia until 1991, when the Constitution of Rights was promulgated and religious pluralism became legally recognised. However, as a result of centuries of hegemony, the Roman Catholic Church-State still enjoys ample privileges with the Colombian state.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Comparative government – Europe"
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Мякинина, С. Б. « Comparative analysis of legal regulation of higher education in Germany and Finland ». Dans Современное социально-гуманитарное образование : векторы развития в год науки и технологий : материалы VI международной конференции (г. Москва, МПГУ, 22–23 апреля 2021 г.). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37492/etno.2021.36.37.018.
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для анализа современного правового регламентирования системы высшего образования выбраны две страны, образовательные модели которых были изучены автором непосредственно в этих странах. В статье рассматриваются избранные страны как диаметрально различные как по форме государственного устройства, что повлияло на законодательную базу, так и по подходу к реализации Болонской декларации о создании общеевропейского пространства высшего образования. Несмотря на то, что Германия реализует классическую модель образовательного процесса, а финское образование является во многом новаторским, обе эти страны добились высоких качественных показателей и занимают лидирующее положение университетского образования в Европе. Данный анализ полезен для дальнейшего совершенствования правового регулирования образования в России. to analyze the modern legal regulation of the higher education system, two countries were selected, the educational models of which were studied by the author directly in these countries. The article examines the selected countries as diametrically different both in the form of government, which influenced the legislative framework, and in the approach to the comprehension of the Bologna Declaration for the creation of a common field of European Higher Education. Even though Germany implements the classical model of the educational process, and Finnish education is in many ways innovative – both countries have achieved high quality indicators and occupy a leading position in university education in Europe. This analysis is useful for further improving the legal regulation of education in Russia.
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Fernández Aracil, Patricia, Graciela Fernández Morote et Armando Ortuño Padilla. « COMPARATIVE STUDY OF LIBERALIZATION PROCESS OF PASSENGERS RAILWAY MARKET IN SPAIN AND ENGLAND ». Dans CIT2016. Congreso de Ingeniería del Transporte. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cit2016.2016.3522.
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This article provides an overview of the privatization of railway passengers market in Spain through a background to the most relevant cases studies in Europe, particularly the liberalization process in England. The English case study is a paradigmatic example to assess how the liberalization process was developed and its effect in the present. This assessment has been undertaken to analyse the railway franchise structure, ticketing measures, role of national and regional authorities, etc. and possible analogies to be adapted to the case of Spain. Firstly, this article reviews the origin of the privatization of the railway market in both Spain and England, describing every phase of the liberalization and the success of every stage. Secondly, a critical approach assessment exposes those market failures of the liberalization process in England that caused negative impacts on society. In addition, the role of the Government is analysed to measure their implication in order to solve that situation. Furthermore, the paper expounds a wide analysis of the rail ticketing in England, its effects on increased passenger number. Finally, this article proposes some measures to be followed on the privatization of passenger rail market in Spain, as well as some key concepts to guarantee its success as taken from the case studies that have been reviewed.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/CIT2016.2016.3522
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Nicoleta, Danescu. « VOCATIONAL DISTANCE LEARNING OF AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES IN THE EU AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES WITH THE UK, GERMANY, AUSTRALIA AND THE U.S.A. » Dans eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-170.
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Lately we have been witnessing a very intense form of promoting education, learning and training called distance learning. This phenomenon requires clarifications at both conceptual and practical levels, especially since the methods seem to be approved by a large number of participants in the educational process, therefore we’ll try to approach things from a global perspective. This paper reviews the evolution and impact of all types of distance learning. Distance learning is not a new phenomenon, there was at least 100 years ago, representing a form of teaching and learning through printed educational material was distributed by mail. Due to increased interest in training electronic or "e-learning", in recent years, rapid progress of electronic learning programs, developing Internet and e-mail. This report analyzes the media of information. Except for a few leading companies, the adoption of e-learning in Europe occurred in a much slower rate than in the U.S., one of the main reasons being the different types of training systems in Europe. Also, each European country has a different educational system on access to education, the financing of it, and participating students (as individuals, supported by employers or public systems). Such systems have been developed following discussions between employers, government agencies, educational institutions, accreditation authorities and trade unions. For example, in Germany, these systems are very well organized. Students can participate in distance learning, developing his skills, but not required to work in a field requiring professional mobility. Distance learning courses are also designed a number of contextual issues. Many employees are satisfied with their professional performance and we need much persuasion for them to understand that such courses can improve the existing system. This summary’s meaning is to be a review of the professional development of distance education, particularly in the agricultural and biological sciences in Great Britain and Germany, seeking as well the recommendations for future actions in Romania, Slovenia and Bulgaria.
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Belykh, Vladimir, et Tatyana Stadnik. « Improving the Procedures for Concluding Transfer Pricing Agreements in Russia and Kazakhstan : a Comparative-Legal Analysis ». Dans The XX International Scientific Conference "Functioning of Investments Financed from State Resources and from Other Sources in The Countries of Central And Eastern Europe". Temida 2, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/ipf.2022.01.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the procedure for considering and concluding transfer pricing agreements in the countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The issues of determining the parties to the transfer pricing agreement, introducing amendments and additions to them, the timing of the final decision on the application of entrepreneurs to conclude an agreement, as well as the list of documents required for its signing are to be investigated. The discussions of civil scientists regarding the interpretation of the nature of agreements on pricing, namely, referring them to one of the types of tax control or to a contractual form of regulation of relations in the field of taxation have been studied and reflected. The positive and negative aspects of transfer pricing agreements for the state and business have been identifi ed. It is noted that pricing agreements can help achieve a balance of public and private interests, neutralize the negative aspects of the use of transfer prices, including reducing numerous disputes and litigation between entrepreneurs and government agencies. Proposals were made to amend and supplement the legislation on transfer pricing in Russia and Kazakhstan in terms of improving the procedure for concluding transfer pricing agreements for tax purposes.
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Pino Hernández, Eva María, et Cristina Delgado Quiralte. « International benchmark and best practices on national infrastructure plans. Application to Spanish strategic planning ». Dans CIT2016. Congreso de Ingeniería del Transporte. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cit2016.2016.3459.
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The need for planning regarding investment in infrastructures is recognised and supported by most governments around the world. Planning helps to take effective and correct decisions, provides a basis for monitoring its impacts and also facilitates further developments. However it requires a high level of organization, coordination among stakeholders and anticipation of transport needs. There are some different methodological approaches for strategic planning. This paper examines the importance of infrastructure planning and how it is undertaken in different countries from Europe and other continents. It is based on a benchmarking about planning procedures of 7 reference countries (UK, France, the Netherlands, Poland, Germany, Japan and USA), in addition to others whose strategic plans are being developed at the present moment such as Croatia or Romania. This benchmarking aims to extract and compare best practices carried out in this field and to define the optimal formulation of strategic planning. In this regard, the benchmarking is focused on some key aspects: firstly, on the plan structure and its main contents. There are a lot of differences about how each country defines the future needs for transport and how it establishes the objectives and the strategies to be followed. Secondly, on the characterisation of the authorities which are responsible of the plan development (level of dependence from the government, know-how…) along with the time frame and final validity of the plans. And finally, the level of detail of the proposed actions and budgetary commitments provided by the strategic plans. Throughout the comparative analysis, the knowledge generated by this benchmarking has allowed setting a series of specific recommendations in strategic planning which can be applied as innovative solutions and best practices in future planning processes in Spain.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/CIT2016.2016.3459
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Barbieri, Maria de, Alejandra Marzuca et Salvador Schelotto. « ¿En la guerra con un tenedor ? la escala municipal en Uruguay, lecturas de la primera generación de municipios uruguayos ». Dans Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona : Facultad de Arquitectura. Universidad de la República, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6198.
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“A la guerra con un tenedor” es una expresión que destaca la asimetría entre medios y fines. Un Alcalde uruguayo la utiliza para ilustrar que el rol del Municipio -lo que éste hace o puede hacer- no se visualiza en la comunidad con claridad y esto se refleja en que las demandas que plantean los vecinos no se condicen con sus competencias y recursos. La experiencia comparada aporta ejemplos desde Europa y América, al respecto de entidades municipales que reflejan una tradición sólida de gobierno y gestión local. Esto no sucede en Uruguay, que recién en 2010 crea los primeros 89 municipios, y así comienza a implementar su tercer nivel de gobierno, con una primera generación de gobiernos locales. Durante décadas el país ha transitado por una serie de reformas relacionadas con la organización territorial del Estado, incluyendo desconcentración de servicios y descentralización del poder de decisión, pero el común denominador que no ha podido resolverse, es hasta el momento el binomio : debilidad – dependencia. Esta ponencia problematiza los procesos de desigualdad y diversidad territorial en los cuales se inscriben las jurisdicciones municipales y agrega información sobre las características organizaciones de los Municipios y sus recursos "To war with a fork" is a saying that emphasizes the asymmetry between means and goals. A Uruguayan Mayor used this expression to illustrate that the role of municipality -what it does or is able to do- is not clearly seen from the perspective of the community. Therefore, demands posed by neighbors do not fit with the skills and resources of the municipality. Comparative experience provides examples of municipalities in Europe and America, which has a strong tradition of local government and local management. This does not happen in Uruguay, where the first 89 municipalities were created in 2010. For decades, the country has transited through several reforms related with the territorial organization of the State, including deconcentration of services and decentralization of decision power, but the common factor has always been the binomial: weak - dependence. In this paper we question about the processes of inequality and territorial diversity and its impact in the municipal jurisdictions. Information on the organizational characteristics of Municipalities and its resources is also provided.
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Hustad, Carl-W. « Deployment of Low and Zero Emission Fossil Fuel Power Generation in Emerging Niche Markets ». Dans ASME Turbo Expo 2008 : Power for Land, Sea, and Air. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2008-50106.
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The opportunities for near-term implementation of low and zero-emission fossil fuel power generation using Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) is emerging in niche markets. This is primarily motivated by regulations following a growing awareness regarding the potential impact of climate-change, and partly the opportunities for use of carbon-dioxide (CO2) with enhanced oil recovery (EOR). However there remain significant technology, engineering, investment and political barriers that need to be overcome before CCS can be accepted as commercially mature for the power generation industry and the finance community. The risk with early projects is high, while collaboration and trust between government, industry and investors will also be needed to commercialize the technology. With an emerging sense of urgency regarding a global consensus for tackling climate-change, one also observes that technology pathways are integrated with political agendas and it becomes important to roadmap a commercial strategy for the respective technologies taking account of government requirements for compromise and burden sharing. To some extent this can also impact on comparative choices for the most cost-effective technologies that are supported through to future commercial deployment. The situation is complicated by the fact that technology choice—be it pre-combustion, post-combustion or oxy-combustion—remains an open question, where parties are probably influenced by their historical expertise, available hardware and near-term perception of future carbon challenge. The fact that energy, materials and engineering costs have been escalating rapidly while there is also a fundamental paradigm change occurring, somewhat undermines the use of historical data and past experience to predict business opportunities for the future. Within this context the paper considers on-going carbon market evolution in three regions, namely Texas, North Europe and Canada, seen from a technology and project developer perspective. The paper applies updated project engineering costs for capture from natural gas (NG) and coal using post- and oxy-combustion technology. Under all circumstances projects still exhibit poor economic return on invested capital and depend on government participation; they therefore remain unattractive to the investment community. But perhaps more important is the current perception of technology and market risk which also appears to undermine motivation to make significant commitments when evaluating projects within the old paradigm. However such a situation is not politically sustainable and a new paradigm must emerge. This will occur through regulation and significant changes in pricing in the energy and commodity market—including valuation of captured and avoided CO2. And this will also impact on the relative merits of various technology options. For the time being these discussion and results are only indicative of how a new paradigm and evolving technology may become “game-changing”, but the paper does attempt to provide some foresight into future opportunities.
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Biren, Jean-Michel, Alain Milhau et Olivier Boulhol. « Comparative Performance of Two Similar Vehicles with and without Catalyst under Actual European Driving Conditions ». Dans SAE Government Industry Meeting and Exposition. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States : SAE International, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/871076.
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Geske, Andrejs, Rita Kiseļova et Olga Pole. « Quality of Education in Latvian Municipalities and State Cities – Results of International Studies and State Examinations ». Dans 80th International Scientific Conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/htqe.2022.58.
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In 2021 a new Law on Administrative Territories and Populated Areas came into force in the Republic of Latvia. To reduce fragmentation, the number of municipalities and State cities was reduced from 119 to 43. There were no changes in 11 local governments, however, other new structures were formed by merging two to eight local governments. On the one hand, these changes are creating new challenges in the education process and institution management, but on the other hand – larger local governments with larger numbers of schools and students opens up new opportunities. One of the opportunity is to make a more accurate assessment of student achievement, which characterizes the performance of a local government’s educational institutions. The aim of this article is to show that despite the great differences between local governments (e. g. population differences from 3 to 614 thousand) it is possible to assess the quality of education in local governments by using data from state examinations and international comparative education studies. Over the last few years Latvia has taken part in IEA (International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement), ICCS (International Civic and Citizenship Education Study), PIRLS (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study), and TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study), as well as in OECD PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment). To obtain the results the data were used from all mentioned studies. This article was supported by European Social Fund project No. 8.3.6.2/17/I/001
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Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev et Mairam Baigonusheva. « Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.
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As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Comparative government – Europe"
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Arora, Sanjana, et Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.
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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.
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Mayfield, Colin. Higher Education in the Water Sector : A Global Overview. United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health, mai 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.53328/guxy9244.
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Higher education related to water is a critical component of capacity development necessary to support countries’ progress towards Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) overall, and towards the SDG6 water and sanitation goal in particular. Although the precise number is unknown, there are at least 28,000 higher education institutions in the world. The actual number is likely higher and constantly changing. Water education programmes are very diverse and complex and can include components of engineering, biology, chemistry, physics, hydrology, hydrogeology, ecology, geography, earth sciences, public health, sociology, law, and political sciences, to mention a few areas. In addition, various levels of qualifications are offered, ranging from certificate, diploma, baccalaureate, to the master’s and doctorate (or equivalent) levels. The percentage of universities offering programmes in ‘water’ ranges from 40% in the USA and Europe to 1% in subSaharan Africa. There are no specific data sets available for the extent or quality of teaching ‘water’ in universities. Consequently, insights on this have to be drawn or inferred from data sources on overall research and teaching excellence such as Scopus, the Shanghai Academic Ranking of World Universities, the Times Higher Education, the Ranking Web of Universities, the Our World in Data website and the UN Statistics Division data. Using a combination of measures of research excellence in water resources and related topics, and overall rankings of university teaching excellence, universities with representation in both categories were identified. Very few universities are represented in both categories. Countries that have at least three universities in the list of the top 50 include USA, Australia, China, UK, Netherlands and Canada. There are universities that have excellent reputations for both teaching excellence and for excellent and diverse research activities in water-related topics. They are mainly in the USA, Europe, Australia and China. Other universities scored well on research in water resources but did not in teaching excellence. The approach proposed in this report has potential to guide the development of comprehensive programmes in water. No specific comparative data on the quality of teaching in water-related topics has been identified. This report further shows the variety of pathways which most water education programmes are associated with or built in – through science, technology and engineering post-secondary and professional education systems. The multitude of possible institutions and pathways to acquire a qualification in water means that a better ‘roadmap’ is needed to chart the programmes. A global database with details on programme curricula, qualifications offered, duration, prerequisites, cost, transfer opportunities and other programme parameters would be ideal for this purpose, showing country-level, regional and global search capabilities. Cooperation between institutions in preparing or presenting water programmes is currently rather limited. Regional consortia of institutions may facilitate cooperation. A similar process could be used for technical and vocational education and training, although a more local approach would be better since conditions, regulations and technologies vary between relatively small areas. Finally, this report examines various factors affecting the future availability of water professionals. This includes the availability of suitable education and training programmes, choices that students make to pursue different areas of study, employment prospects, increasing gender equity, costs of education, and students’ and graduates’ mobility, especially between developing and developed countries. This report aims to inform and open a conversation with educators and administrators in higher education especially those engaged in water education or preparing to enter that field. It will also benefit students intending to enter the water resources field, professionals seeking an overview of educational activities for continuing education on water and government officials and politicians responsible for educational activities
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Dudoit, Alain, Molivann Panot et Thierry Warin. Towards a multi-stakeholder Intermodal Trade-Transportation Data-Sharing and Knowledge Exchange Network. CIRANO, décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54932/mvne7282.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The performance of supply chains used to be mainly the concern of academics and professionals who studied the potential efficiencies and risks associated with this aspect of globalisation. In 2021, major disruptions in this critical sector of our economies are making headlines and attracting the attention of policy makers around the world. Supply chain bottlenecks create shortages, fuel inflation, and undermine economic recovery. This report provides a transversal and multidisciplinary analysis of the challenges and opportunities regarding data interoperability and data sharing as they relate to the ‘Great Lakes - St. Lawrence Seaway Trade Corridor’ (GLSLTC)’s intermodal transportation and trade data strategy. The size and scope of this trade corridor are only matched by the complexity of its multimodal freight transportation systems and growing urbanization on both sides of the Canada-US border. This complexity is exacerbated by the lack of data interoperability and effective collaborations between the different stakeholders within the various jurisdictions and amongst them. Our analytical work relies on : 1) A review of the relevant documentation on the latest challenges to supply chains (SC), intermodal freight transport and international trade, identifying any databases that are to be used.; 2) A comparative review of selected relevant initiatives to give insights into the best practices in digital supply chains implemented in Canada, the United States, and the European Union.; 3) Interviews and discussions with experts from Transport Canada, Statistics Canada, the Canadian Centre on Transportation Data (CCTD) and Global Affairs Canada, as well as with CIRANO’s research community and four partner institutions to identify databases and data that they use in their research related to transportation and trade relevant data availabilities and methodologies as well as joint research opportunities. Its main findings can be summarized as follow: GLSLTC is characterized by its critical scale, complexity, and strategic impact as North America’s most vital trade corridor in the foreseeable further intensification of continental trade. 4% of Canadian GDP is attributed to the Transportation and Logistics sector (2018): $1 trillion of goods moved every year: Goods and services imports are equivalent to 33% of Canada’s GDP and goods and services exports equivalent to 32%. The transportation sector is a key contributor to the achievement of net-zero emissions commitment by 2050. All sectors of the Canadian economy are affected by global supply chain disruptions. Uncertainty and threats extend well beyond the COVID-19 Pandemic. “De-globalization” and increasing supply chains regionalization pressures are mounting. Innovation and thus economic performance—increasingly hinges on the quantity and quality of data. Data is transforming Canada’s economy/society and is now at the center of global trade “Transport data is becoming less available: Canada needs to make data a priority for a national transportation strategy.” * “How the Government of Canada collects, manages, and governs data—and how it accesses and shares data with other governments, sectors, and Canadians—must change.”