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1
Rookes, Stephen. "From the Bay of Pigs to Lake Tanganyika : non-state armed actors in the Congo crisis, 1960-1967." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU20021.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Alors que la République Démocratique du Congo devient indépendant en juin 1960 seulement quelques semaines après le pays va connaitre une crise politique et sociale qui va durer sept ans. Cette "crise du Congo" qui durera sept ans voit l'arrivée de mouvements sécessionnistes, de rébellions populaires et des forces militaires externes. Dans le cas de le province de Katanga, le moteur économique de la DRC, ces forces militaires externes sont composées de mercenaires européens, sud-africains et/ou rhodésiens embauchés et payés par les sociétés minières belges. Bien que les Nations-unies obligent le départ des mercenaires et arrivent à restaurer l'intégrité de la DRC, dès leur départ en 1963 le pays sombre de nouveau dans le désordre. En effet, une rébellion rurale d'inspiration marxiste et soutenue par la République Populaire de Chine gagne deux tiers du pays. Pire, en juillet 1964, la deuxième ville de la DRC, Stanleyville, est capturé par les forces rebelles et ces Simba menacent la vie de quelques centaines d'Européens, la plupart des citoyens belges.Pour les Etats-Unis qui tentent depuis quatre ans de faire régner la stabilité au Congo, les Simba représentent un vrai danger du fait de leur soutien par la Chine et d'autres pays africains radicaux. Aux yeux des Etats-Unis ce soutien signale que le communisme risque de prend pied dans l'Afrique centrale. En respect des idéologies telles que de Containment et de l'Effet Domino ce n'est pas une situation qui peut perdurer.En manque de forces armées capables de lutter efficacement contre les rebelles tout en gardant leur intervention secrète, les Etats-Unis forment une alliance avec la Belgique et une Armée nationale congolaise (ANC) renforcée par le retour de centaines de mercenaires blancs. D'ailleurs, les Etats-Unis fournissent leurs propres forces clandestines constituées d'exilés cubains recrutés par la CIA. Ces Exilés ont participé dans un nombre d'opérations clandestines montées par la CIA et, notamment, l'invasion de la Baie des Cochons qui visait à déposer Fidel Castro. En participant à ces opérations en avril 1961, ils rejoignent la liste de combattants anti-communistes utilisée par la CIA en Chine, et au Guatemala.Composé de pilotes d'avion et aussi d'une petite force commando, ces Exiles nommées collectivement le Makasi contribuent aux opérations qui visent à libérer Stanleyville et vaincre la rébellion. D'ailleurs, à partir de septembre 1965, une force navale composée d'Exilés va aussi mener des opérations sur le Lac Tanganyika. Ces opérations consistent empêcher l'arrivée dans les zones rebelles des vives et de munitions nécessaires pour la suite de la rébellion. Fournies par les pays tels que la Chine et l'Algérie, les forces rebelles reçoivent de l'aide de la part de Che Guevara. Envie de provoquer une révolution populaire en Afrique, Guevara restera au Congo que six mois. Sa présence dans ce pays ayant été vite détectée par les Etats-Unis, les Exilés cubains en sont avertis et considèrent que la guerre au Congo leur offre la possibilité de prendre une revanche sur Castro et la défaite à la Baie des Cochons<br>Whereas the Democratic Republic of the Congo became independent in June 1960 within a very short space of time the country will be torn apart by a series of secession and rebellions. In Katanga, secession is supported by the arrival of a mercenary army and the United Nations is sent to restore order by ridding the Congo of these foreign forces.The UN mission complete and its forces having been withdrawn by July 1963, the Congolese government will then be confronted by a popular rebellion in rural areas of the Congo. Supported by the People's Republic of China and radical African nations this communist-inspired rebellion makes rapid progress and soon two-thirds of the Congo is in the hands of the Simbas, the name adopted by the rebels. By August 1964 the Simbas have reached Stanleyville, the Congo's second largest city, and threaten to kill hundreds of mainly Belgian hostages. With the Congolese National Army being unfit to defeat the rebellion alone, it is reinforced by hundreds of white mercenaries. Seeing the rebellion and its communist support as a threat to its ideologies of Containment and the Domino Theory, the United States also provides military assistance in the shape of an air force and a small commando unit. Known collectively as the Makasi, these US covert forces comprise of Cuban Exiles recruited and paid by the CIA. Many of these Exiles took part in the Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961. These Exiles join the list of CIA covert forces who have taken part in secret operations in China and in Guatemala. They will be joined by more veterans of the failed invasion in 1965 when a naval force is created to patrol Lake Tanganyika. It is from here that rebel forces are being supplied with food and weapons provided by communist-bloc nations and supporters. Moreover, from April 1965, the rebel forces will also be joined by Che Guevara who has hopes of starting up a popular revolution in the heart of Africa. Guevara's presence in the Congo being rapidly detected by the US, the Exiles are informed and see the Congo as an opportunity to gain revenge for the Bay of Pigs
2
Mutahi, Kiama. "The United States, the Congo, and the mineral crisis of 1960-64:A triple entente of economic interest." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1376054002.
Texte intégral
3
Makiese, Ndoma Flavien. "Dynamique du marché du travail congolais en environnement de crise : une approche par l'informalité d'emplois segmentée." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0139.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse propose une analyse de l’emploi informel en RDC sous l’hypothèse d’une segmentation. Partant d’un questionnement qui se réfère aux conditions d’émergence et de prolifération d’emplois informels amplifiés par la crise structurelle que traverse ce pays, laquelle a détruit l’emploi formel, cette thèse réfute l’unicité de l’informel à l’intérieur du marché du travail de la RDC et analyse plutôt son hétérogénéité, en s’appuyant sur les analyses de Lautier (2004), Maloney (2004), Fields (2005) et Bacchetta et al (2009).Cette évidence a justifié la combinaison des théories de l’informalité et de la segmentation, suivie d’une exploitation de deux types de données mutuellement enrichissantes : les données quantitatives de l’enquête 1-2-3 et les données qualitatives collectées sur le terrain d’une activité spécifique : le marché des matériels d’occasion d’Europe, appelés « bilokos » en RDC. Les résultats de cette double exploitation ont permis de caractériser l’informalité d’emplois segmentée, notion forgée et mise en œuvre dans le cadre d’une analyse empirique de l’emploi informel reposant sur deux niveaux : les Caractéristiques de l’Activité (C.A.), et les Profils des Entrepreneurs (P.E.) représentant les variables explicatives d’analyses faites dans cette thèse. Les méthodes mixtes qualitative et quantitative utilisées dans cette thèse valident l’existence d’une segmentation en quatre types au sein des Unités de Production Informelles en RDC, selon plusieurs critères, dont le volume du chiffre d’affaires de leurs activités, en particulier<br>This thesis analyses informal employment in the DRC under the assumption of a segmentation. We start with a description of the underlying conditions explaining the emergence, and then spread of informal jobs, which is mainly driven by a structural crisis and the destruction of formal employment in the DRC. The thesis then proposes to reject the uniqueness of the informal sector within the DRC labor market and analyzes its heterogeneity, based on the analyzes of Lautier (2004), Maloney (2004), Fields (2005) and Bacchetta et al. (2009).The thesis therefore highlights the relevance of combining the theories of informality and of segmentation to analyse informal employment in DRC, and applies this framework to two mutually enriching datasets: the 1-2-3 survey, which is quantitative, and qualitative data that we collected in the field and focused on a specific activity: an emerging market for second-hand equipment coming from Europe and called "bilokos" in DRC.The results from these two types of data allow to characterize what we call “the informality of segmented jobs”, a concept that we empirically apply with two levels of analysis: the Characteristics of the informal Activity (C.A.)., and the Profiles of the informal Entrepreneurs (P.E.). Mixed qualitative and quantitative methods allow us to characterize a segmentation in Informal Production Units along four types ranging from lower income to higher income
4
Okitapoy, On'okoko Michel. "Assessing psychopathy among male prisoners in the Democratic Republic of Congo: a cross-cultural analysis in a post-crisis setting." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106526.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The personality construct of psychopathy is of interest because it may identify a distinct group of criminals with longer criminal careers, greater association with violence, and higher rate of relapse than other types of criminals. This study addressed the measurement of psychopathy across cultures using the French version of the Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R). Most research on the PCL-R has been conducted in North America and Europe, very little in Sub-Saharan Africa, and none at all in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country torn by war and violence since its independence in 1960. The aim of this study was to test the cross-cultural validity of the PCL-R instrument by examining its psychometric properties among 336 male prisoners in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The findings were that the psychometric properties of the scale among PCL-R among male Congolese were generally moderate, suggesting that the PCL-R has adequate internal consistency and reliability in the DRC. However, specific items had low item-total correlations and potential reasons for this in terms of the cultural meaning of symptoms and behaviours are discussed. Further work is needed to refine and validate the PCL-R in the Democratic Republic of Congo and to determine its proper cutoff score.<br>Le concept de personnalité psychopathique est d'un grand intérêt puisqu'il permet d'identifier un groupe distinct des criminels avec une plus longue carrière criminelle, un taux élevé d'association avec la violence associés avec des récidives plus fréquentes que les autres catégories des criminels. Cette étude porte sur la mesure de la psychopathie à travers les cultures en utilisant la version française de l'échelle de psychopathie révisée de Hare (PCL-R). La plupart des recherches sur le PCL-R ont été menées en Amérique du Nord et en Europe, très peu en Afrique Sub-Saharienne et aucune en République Démocratique du Congo, un pays déchiré par la guerre et la violence depuis son indépendance en 1960. Le but de cette étude est de tester la validité interculturelle du PCL-R, en examinant ses propriétés psychométriques chez 336 prisonniers congolais de sexe masculin. Les résultats de cette étude indiquent que toutes les propriétés psychométriques recueillies en utilisant le PCL-R parmi les congolais sont basses d'une manière générale. Cela pourrait être dû à l'influence des facteurs culturels. Cependant, bien que ces valeurs soient basses, elles se situent dans les limites acceptables par rapport aux données rapportées dans les études normatives effectuées en Amérique du Nord et en Europe, ce qui suggère que le PCL-R a une bonne consistance interne et une bonne fiabilité. L'analyse factorielle s'est avérée non significative, probablement à cause des différences dans le fonctionnement du système judiciaire entre l'Amérique du Nord et la République Démocratique du Congo. Cela démontre qu'il y a un grand besoin de compléter cette étude par une validation transculturelle de PCL-R au Congo et de déterminer son point de coupure et le taux de prévalence de la psychopathie dans la population générale, en milieu carcéral et dans les deux sexes.
5
Nsalou, Nkoua Lewis. "Les marchés publics et le développement économique au Congo." Thesis, Paris 11, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA111010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les marchés publics au Congo ont été longtemps encadrés par le décret colonial du 9 mars 1959. Rédigée dans un contexte historique particulier, cette règlementation s’est avérée éloignée des réalités socio-économiques du Congo à la suite de l’indépendance proclamée le 15 août 1960. Institué pour accompagner le pays vers son développement dans un environnement économique libéral, ce décret colonial a été, dans la pratique, complètement écarté au profit des règles édictées par le Parti unique et l’idéologie marxiste à partir de l’année 1964. En 1982, une nouvelle réglementation des marchés publics devant servir de fondement à la politique contractuelle de développement économique du pays a été définie par les autorités congolaises de l’époque. Cette nouvelle réglementation des marchés publics, mise en place par le décret du 22 avril 1982, a le mérite d’avoir créé les autorités de gestion des marchés publics et fixé un cadre de passation des marchés et contrats de l’État. Toutefois, elle a aussitôt montré ses limites et ses insuffisances au regard de la configuration socio-politique du pays. Plusieurs facteurs participent à l’inefficacité du dispositif de 1982 : le monopartisme, l’endettement des entreprises publiques et de l’État, la corruption dans la passation des marchés publics, le recours excessif au gré à gré et l’instabilité institutionnelle. Avec l’avènement dans les années 1990-1991 de la démocratie, même fragilisée par les guerres civiles, un vent de réformes importantes souffle sur le Congo. C’est ainsi que, dans la perspective de la reconstruction institutionnelle et économique du pays, avec l’appui des organisations financières internationales, les autorités congolaises ont engagé une série de réformes, parmi lesquelles s’inscrit la réforme portant codification des marchés publics. Mis en place par le décret du 20 mai 2009, le Code des marchés publics constitue une réponse à plusieurs objectifs : la transparence, la bonne gouvernance, la lutte contre la corruption et le développement économique du Congo. Dès lors, un état des lieux de la réglementation des marchés publics au Congo, de son accession à l’indépendance en 1960 à nos jours, semblait nécessaire pour dégager des perspectives nouvelles. Pour que les marchés publics deviennent un outil au service du développement économique du pays, quelques préalables s’imposent : la lutte contre la pauvreté, le renforcement du rôle de la justice, l’égalité entre les candidats aux marchés, la prise en considération des exigences sociales et environnementales locales<br>Procurement in the Congo has long been framed by the colonial decree of March 9th, 1959. Written in a particular historical context, this regulation has proven to be far from the socio-economic realities of the Congo as a result of the independence proclaimed on August 15th, 1960. Established with the view of leading the country towards its development in a liberal economic environment, this colonial decree was, in practice, completely sidelined in favor of the rules issued by the Single Party and the Marxist ideology from the year 1964. In 1982, new procurement rules to serve as a basis for the contractual policy of economic development has been defined by the Congolese authorities of the time. This new procurement regulation, established by a Decree of April 22nd, 1982, is credited with having created the management authorities of public contracts and having set a framework for procurement and government contracts. However, it soon showed its limits and shortcomings with regard to the socio-political configuration of the country. Several factors contributed to the inefficiency of the device in 1982: the party system, the State debt and that of public enterprises, corruption in public procurement, the excessive use of OTC over the counter negotiations and institutional instability. In the years 1990-1991, with the advent of democracy, even though weakened by civil wars, a significant wind of change blew across the Congo. Thus, in view of the institutional and economic reconstruction of the country, with the support of the international financial organizations, the Congolese authorities have undertaken a series of reforms, including the reform codifying procurement. Established by the Decree of May 20th, 2009, the Procurement Code aims at several objectives: transparency, good governance, the fight against corruption and economic development of the Congo. Therefore, an overview of the procurement rules from the Congo's independence in 1960 until today seemed necessary to identify new prospects. For public procurement to become a tool of economic development, there are some prerequisites: fighting against poverty, strengthening the role of justice, granting candidates equal access markets, taking into consideration local social and environmental requirements
6
Thiboutot, Monika. "CURES TO STALLED DEVELOPMENT: CAUSES AND SOLUTIONS TO ECONOMIC CRISIS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2776.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this thesis is to investigate some of the contending issues associated with economic underdevelopment in sub-Saharan African states. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the combined effects of World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic austerity programs, the increased spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and the continuous democratic deficit on the sluggish economic performance within four sub-Saharan African countries – Ghana, Kenya, Botswana and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The research questions are: are there any unique political, cultural, and economic issues that underscore and determine the path of sub-Saharan African development? What are the potentials for sub-Saharan Africa going beyond its present state of socioeconomic and political underdevelopment? Can sub-Saharan African nation-states truly claim the 21st century? It is hoped that what is learned from examining the situation in these four countries may be generalizeable to other sub-Saharan African states. This thesis has been written with the conviction that sub-Saharan Africa, although it has missed opportunities over the past thirty years, has not completely closed the door on economic development. Although sub-Saharan African conditions have not favored development and there is no simple solution for sub-Saharan Africa's economic and social ills, there are a number of 'common sense' approaches toward sustainable economic and social development. This thesis examines why sub-Saharan Africa's economic crisis has persevered for three decades, and why efforts to establish and uphold more effective economic policies and functioning public institutions have been so much more difficult in sub-Saharan Africa than elsewhere. My account concentrates on political and institutional factors: I explore how the predicament has progressed over the last thirty years, and the repercussions of the long-term nature of this predicament. The focal purpose is to identify and explain the causes which have kept sub-Saharan Africa for several decades mired in an ostensibly permanent crisis. The general theme of the thesis emphasizes that politics and economics are interconnected in sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, the thesis focuses on the changing role of politics and markets in the process of economic development since the 1970s – and prospects for the future of this region.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
7
Larsson, Mats. "Bringing Light into the Heart of Darkness? : A study of United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld's role as a mediator during the Congo crisis 1960-1961." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-148278.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Syftet med uppsatsen är att analysera Dag Hammarskjölds medlande och diplomatiska agerande under Kongokrisen 1960-1961. Uppsatsen är grundad i Thomas Princens teori om intermediärt medlande med taktiker och tekniker som metodologiska verktyg. Studiens resultat visar att Hammarskjöld aktivt medlade med en tydlig preferens för Léopoldville faktionen samt att han undvek att tydligt tillgodose FN:s rådgivande kommitté med information om en diplomatisk policy som han själv skapade. Denna bild skiljer sig från den tidigare forskningen som främst har idealiserat Hammarskjöld. Hammarskjölds diplomati var även karakteriserat av en ambivalent relation till medlarrollen där han vid tillfällen snarare var en disputant än en medlare. Genom analysen av Hammarskjölds medlande under Kongokrisen har forskningen om generalsekreterarens diplomatiska agerande utökats.
8
Petrov, Petar Yordanov. "Governing the European security and defence policy (ESDP) : an institutionalist perspective on the European Union's military crisis management in the context of operations concordia (FYROM 2003) and Artemis (DR Congo 2003)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499843.
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9
Agbobly-Atayi, Amevi. "L’organisation internationale de la francophonie en matière de prévention, de gestion et de règlement des crises et conflits en Afrique subsaharienne francophone : cas de la république démocratique du Congo, du Tchad, de la Côte d'Ivoire et du Togo." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30059.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En Afrique subsaharienne francophone, au cours de ces deux dernières décennies, le nombre et l’intensité des crises et conflits restent un sujet de vive préoccupation exigeant une réponse globale. Ces différends ont souvent pour cause profonde la violation des droits de l’homme et l’avènement du processus démocratique débouchant sur des transitions chaotiques, notamment en République démocratique du Congo, au Tchad, en Côte d’Ivoire et au Togo.L’OIF, un acteur à vocation culturelle doté dorénavant d’instruments et de mécanismes de prévention et de sortie de crises, s’impose à côté de l’ONU et autres organisations internationales et régionales comme une institution culturelle de démocratie et de sécurité.Outre son rôle prépondérant en matière de contribution au processus démocratique, les actions de la Francophonie se déroulent en complémentarité avec celles des autres organisations impliquées dans la prévention, la gestion et la résolution des conflits.A l’heure des enjeux sécuritaires entre Etats, et en dépit de ses moyens limités, il s’avère nécessaire de construire autour de cet espace géoculturel à dimension politique, une identité stratégique sécuritaire en vue de juguler les menaces et risques majeurs et jouer pleinement son rôle de puissance d’influence<br>In francophone Sub-Saharan Africa conflicts and crises have increased in number and intensity over the two last decades and remained a major issue demanding a global response. They are often mainly caused by the breach of human rights and the coming of democratic process leading chaotic transitions, such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Ivory Coast and Togo.The international organisation of “ francophonie” – whose role consists in promoting culture and whose new tools and mechanisms aim at preventing and solving crises – play a major part among the UN and other international and regional organisations as a cultural institution for democracy and security. Apart from its prevailing part played in terms of contribution to the democratic process, the actions of the organisation complement those of other organisations involved in preventing, managing, and solving conflicts.At this time of security challenge among countries and despite limited means, working out – within this geo cultural area that has a political dimension – a secure strategic identity, turns out to be necessary in order to curb major threats and risks and fully play the role of influential power
10
Massamba, Louis. "La Protection sociale au Congo : Dynamique, Crises, enjeux dominants." Paris, EHESS, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989EHES0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Depuis une trentaine d'annees, des mesures de protection sociale ont ete introduites dans la plupart des pays africains. Mais cette tendance a l'universalite pronee par l'o. I. T. Et introduite dans des textes de constitutions et des lois, souffre encore de nombreuses exceptions. C'est ainsi qu'une frange tres importante de la population, notamment les paysans, les artisans, en fait tout le secteur dit "informel", qui subit d'autre part la degradation tres sensible du niveau de vie, en raison de la situation economique desastreuse et de plusieurs facteurs pauperisants, ne beneficie d'aucune mesure de protection sociale. Mais les populations des zones urbaines composees pour l'essentiel des fonctionnaires et des travailleurs salaries du commerce et de l'industrie et couverts par les regimes de securite sociale existants ne jouissent pas pour autant des meilleurs conditions de vie, a cause de l'engorgement des structures socio-sanitaires, en grande partie provoque par l'exode rural, et une forte natalite a tel point qu'il est difficile aux pouvoirs publics d'y faire raisonnablement face. Cette carence se traduit par une defiance en la medecine officielle, au renoncement aux soins de sante dans les structures medicales de l'etat, au profit de la medecine traditionnelle, des religions et sectes a guerison.
11
Mouyoula, Prosper. "Crises et mutations politiques au Congo-Brazzaville : radioscopie et interprétation d'une histoire complexe : 1946-1996." Lyon 2, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004LYO20026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le Congo-Brazzaville est un pays de l'Afrique centrale, composé de groupes ethniques ayant des royaumes avant la colonisation. En 1960, son premier président est l'abbé Fulbert Youlou. A cause des tensions ethniques et des rivalités politiques, Youlou est renversé par un soulèvement populaire en trois jours en août 1963. Les militaires installent un gouvernement civil dirigé par Alphonse Massamba-Débat. Ce dernier est, par la suite, piégé par le Capitaine Marien Ngouabi lors d'un coup d'Etat en 1968. En 1969, Ngouabi proclame le Congo, comme "première République populaire en Afrique" et annonce la création du Parti Congolais du Travail (PCT). Il est assassiné en mars 1977. Entre 1977 et 1991, avec le Colonel Joachim Yhombi-Opango et le Commandant Denis Sassou-Nguesso, le pays est sous domination militaire. La fin du parti unique marxiste intervient avec la Conférence nationale dirigée par Monseigneur Ernest Kombo. La période de transition s'achève avec les élections présidentielles. Pascal Lissouba est le nouveau président du Congo le 31 août 1992. Notre objectif était de démontrer quatre points. Les Eglises chrétiennes ont toujours été impliquées dans les différentes étapes de l'histoire congolaise. Cette histoire montre que les droits fondamentaux n'ont pas été respectés, et de 1992 à 1996 ce pays est resté sous la loi des milices. En outre, l'histoire congolaise est caractérisée par la permanence des crises et mutations politiques. De 1960 à 1996, le coup d'Etat est le seul moyen d'accéder au pouvoir. Ceci annihile tout espoir d'une vraie démocratie. Le matsouanisme, les idéologies socialiste et marxiste-léninistes, la doctrine du militarisme, la violence comme évidence politique et l'ethnocentrisme sont des principaux obstacles à la vraie démocratie. Ces freins ont gravement handicapé le pays. De plus, ils ont maintenu, accru la haine et les divisions entre les différentes communautés que constitue la nation congolaise.
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Douma, Jean-Baptiste. "L'immigration congolaise en France : entre crises et recherche d'identité /." Paris ; Budapest ; Torino : l'Harmattan, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39002987g.
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Taty-Ndoumou, Gabriel. "Endettement extérieur, crise et faisabilité des politiques des programmes d'ajustement structurel : le cas du Congo-Brazzaville : (des années 70 au milieu des années 90)." Nice, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998NICE0062.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le but de cette investigation est d'etudier theoriquement et empiriquement le probleme de l'endettement exterieur, la mise eh place des politiques des programmes d'ajustement structurel (p. P. A. S) et leur bilan dans le cas du congo. Pour s'exprimer simplement, voire en simplifiant, on peut dire que la crise est resultee de la conjonction, au debut des annees 80, de chocs exterieurs avec une situation interieure plus ou moins fragilisee. Au cours des annees 70-80, le congo s'est endette pour mener une politique d'investissements de grande envergure. La proliferation des entreprises publiques et le developpement d'une certaine forme de plein emploi se sont acceleres. En raison de cet endettement et, comme le congo ne pouvait pas degager un excedent commercial important, mais souffrait souvent d'un deficit commercial, la balance du compte courant etait nettement deficitaire. A ce desequilibre exterieur etait lie parfois le deficit budgetaire. L'economie etant ainsi fragilisee, elle a souffert de deux chocs petroliers au debut des annees 80: d'une part la hausse des taux d'interet et la rarefaction du credit international, d'autre part une depreciation des termes de l'echange facilitant ainsi une rupture des agregats macroeconomiques et l'entree du congo dans l'ere des p. P. A. S. Vu sous cet angle, l'ajustement selon le f. M. I et la banque mondiale constitue non seulement une reponse a la crise congolaise mais aussi, un nouveau code de conduite nationale et internationale: celui du cadrage des indicateurs macroeconomiques et leurs interpretations. C'est cette interpretation des faits que nous avons voulu verifier dans notre etude a travers la pertinence-coherence et adaptabilite des modeles standards et financiers. Notamment celui de polak. On est loin des resulats escomptes. Bien au contraire, les p. P. A. S, en l'etat apparaissent comme synonyme d'aggravation de la pauvrete<br>The objective of this analysis is to study theoretically and empirically the issue of external indebtedness, the setting up of structural adjustment programs and their result in the case of congo. In simple terms, in the 70-80's years, we can say that debt crisis of congo came from the addition of external shocks with more or less weakened internal situation. During the 70-80's, the congo ran into debt to carry out a large-scale policy of investment. The proliferation of public enterprises and the development of a specific type of full employment has been accelerated. Because of this indebtedness, and as the congo could not release an important trade surplus, but indured a trade deficit, the current account showed a debit balance. To this external imbalance was sometimes linked the budget deficit. The economy thus weakened had suffered from two oil shocks in the previous seventeen to eighteen years. In addition, the rising of interest rates and the international credit scarcity, together with, a deterioration of trade terms lead to a breakdown of macroeconomics agregates and the entry of congo into the adjustment policies area. Given this point of view, adjustment programs according to the imf and the world bank represent not only an answer to the congolese crisis but also, a new national and international code of conduct: that of guiding macroeconomics indicators and their interpretations. It is this interpretation that we tried to check in our analysis through the pertinence-coherency and adaptability of classical and financial models, especially that of polak. Also, we are far from the anticipated results. On the contrary, the s. A. P. P's in the present circumstances, seem to be synonymous of deepening poverty
14
Oyono, Jean Bosco. "La gestion et la résolution des conflits en Afrique centrale : sortir des crises et reconstruire la paix : le cas de la République démocratique du Congo." Lyon 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009LYO31079.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Notre travail se divise en deux parties. La première tranche présente la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), et étale essentiellement les différentes crises et guerres qu’il a connus depuis son indépendance 1960. Selon le rapport du Groupe d’experts de l’ONU adressé au Conseil de Sécurité le 8 décembre 2008, ce pays regorge de nombreuses ressources naturelles telles que le diamant, le cobalt, le cuivre, le zinc, etc). En outre, il détient 15% du potentiel hydraulique mondial soit 50% du continent africain. Malheureusement, les Congolais n’ont jamais eu aucune emprise sur ces richesses qui ne profitent qu’aux autres, à cause des différentes dictatures, dont-ils ont été l’objet depuis l’indépendance. C’est le contraste entre un pays potentiellement riche et un peuple pauvre. La deuxième partie nous examinerons des pistes et du cercle vicieux de la violence. C’est dans ce but que nous avons proposé trois modèles d’organisation politique de l’Etat. Notamment le type fédéral, présidentiel et parlementaire, qui devrait être appuyé par un système démocratique de type occidental. Naturellement, nous avons souligné leurs avantages et leurs inconvénients dans le cas de la RDC. Nous avons également émis l’hypothèse de la partition de l’Etat sous le modèle des royaumes africains précoloniaux et cela, en fonction de la géomorphologie issue du dernier conflit armé. Enfin, nous avons préconisé une démocratie endogène de type africain<br>Our work falls into two parts. The first part introduces the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); it essentially shows the different crises and wars undergone by this country since its independence in 1960. According to a report sent by a group of UNO experts to UN Security Council on December 8,2008, the country is rich with innumerable natural resources such as diamond, cobalt, copper, oil , etc ); moreover, it contains more than 15% of the world hydraulic potential, i. E. , 50% of the hydraulic potential of the whole African continent. Unfortunately, the Congolese have never had any control over these riches which have never served the financial interests of the Natives because of the dictatorial Regimes that have governed the country since its independence. The case of the Democratic Republic of Congo is an illustration of the contrast between a potentially rich country and a poor people. The second part suggests solutions to help put an end to crises and the circle of violence. So, we have defined three main models of political Regimes: the federal type, the Presidential and Parliamentary types which should be sustained by a democratic system equivalent to the model of Western. Naturally, we have underlined both the advantages and disadvantages of each system as far as The Democratic Republic of Congo is concerned. We have also examined the hypothesis of a possible partition of the DRC on the model of pre-colonial African Monarchies, and this in accordance with the geomorphologic aspect of the later armed conflict. Finally, we have suggested an endogenous Democracy of African type
15
M'bemba-Milandou, Augustin. "L' héritage colonial et la gestion publique au Congo : crises, turbulences, faillite d'un système économique." Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100089.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L'objet de cette recherche sur le Congo-Brazzaville, se veut essentiellement économique. La dimension réelle du poids de l'histoire économique et politique et les mécanismes de gestion publique utiisés depuis l'indépendance, constitue-elle un facteur de blocage au décollage économique? Lorsqu'on observe la diversité des situations en Afrique, un système économique transparaît à travers les vicissitudes de la pénétration française en Afrique lors de la mise en valeur du bassin Congo. L'exploration géographique, les transferts de main-d'oeuvre, la nature des échanges économiques et le choix des investissements y jouent leur rôle. C'est la structure fondamentale de notre réflexion qui mérite d'être explicitée au travers de ce questionnement. Le Congo dispose d'importantes ressources naturelles dont le pétrole qui contribue à près de 80°/° au budget de l'Etat. Pour cela, fort de ses 201. 000 barils de pétrole par jour et des réserves prouvées d'environ 100 millions de tonnes de pétrole, ce pays se classe désormais au troisième rang des producteurs africains dans le Golfe de Guinée. Malgrè son pétrole, décadence, crises, guerres civiles, tel est le lugubre vocabulaire qui enrichit le blocage de l'économie locale. A cela s'ajoute le problème crucial de la dette qui, malgré l'ajustement structurel, n'a pas étét résorbé. Ce choix fut une occasion permettant d'amorcer une reprise "spontanée" ou volontaire des flux de capitaux vers ces pays en développement. Le processus de privatisation qui en découlait et apparaît comme une évolution souhaitable des structures économiques n'a pas été mené jusqu'au bout. C'est finalement plusieurs paramètres économiques d'une équation compliquée qu'il faudra prendre en compte et qui entraînera sans doute, la détermination des nouvelles perspectives en matière de gestion publique en recadrant le rôle de l'Etat.
16
Kayamba, Musaputa Emery. "The causes of armed conflict and human rights abuses in Central Africa and the impact on the Democratic Republic of Congo /." Abstract Full Text (HTML) Full Text (PDF), 2008. http://eprints.ccsu.edu/archive/00000492/02/1948FT.htm.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2008.<br>Thesis advisor: Timothy Rickard. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-124). Also available via the World Wide Web.
17
Gaestel, Allyn. "Sexual violence as a catalyst for judicial reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3730.
Texte intégral
18
Gülstorff, Torben. "Trade follows Hallstein?" Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17628.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Die deutsche Außenpolitik zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges stellt in historischer wie politikwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht einen Gegenstand dar, der mit gutem Gewissen als wissenschaftlich erschlossen bezeichnet werden kann. Zahlreiche Aufsätze, Artikel und Bücher sind in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erschienen, welche die deutsche Außenpolitik in Europa, Afrika, Asien, Ozeanien, Amerika, oder auch gleich der Welt als Ganzem, in den Blick genommen haben. Dies gilt sowohl für die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland als auch für diejenige der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Früh – wenn nicht sogar von Beginn an – kam hierbei eine zentrale These, eine Kernthese, zum Vorschein, die, ohne auf Widerstand zu stoßen, Eingang in den historischen und politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskanon fand und ihn bereits nach kurzer Zeit zu dominieren begann. Die Rede ist von der die deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten angeblich bestimmenden Hallstein-Doktrin und dem mit ihr in engem Zusammenhang stehenden deutsch-deutschen Gegensatz. In dieser Arbeit wird dieser Kernthese, diesem ''Mythos'' der deutschen Außenpolitik, vehement widersprochen. Weder die Hallstein-Doktrin, noch der deutsch-deutsche Gegensatz, sondern nationale ökonomische und internationale geostrategische Interessen haben die deutsche Außenpolitik – und darüber hinaus auch die gesamten deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten, der BRD wie der DDR – maßgeblich bestimmt. Zur Stützung dieser Gegenthese werden in der vorliegenden Studie die staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten West- und Ostdeutschlands in neun zentralafrikanischen Staaten zwischen 1945 und 1975 kritisch dargelegt, umfassend analysiert und im Hinblick auf mehrere zentrale Thesen zu den deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten ausgewertet.<br>For decades articles and books have been published on the history of German foreign policy during Cold War. Regardless of whether Europe, Africa, Asia, Oceania, America or the world as a whole, the foreign affairs of the Western Federal Republic of Germany and the Eastern German Democratic Republic have been researched and analysed in context of a broad variety of locations. However, even though the list of publications continues to grow, the topic''s theses–especially its main thesis–do not show much progress. Already at an early stage, a central thesis–a core thesis–came to light, met no resistance and entered history''s and political science''s research canons on German foreign policy. This thesis reads: Inner German issues and the non-solved German question were so powerful, they dominated West and East German foreign affairs nearly right from the start. German foreign policy, that was the so-called Hallstein doctrine, that was the so-called German-German contradiction. And all studies–whether of history or political science, whether designed as a case study or as a global approach–confirm this thesis, use it as an integral part of their work–until today. But be that as it may. This study contradicts this thesis, this ''myth'' of German foreign policy. Instead it argues that neither the Hallstein doctrine nor the German-German contradiction, but national economic and international geostrategic interests dominated German foreign policy and German foreign activities–regarding the FRG, the GDR, and Germany as a whole. To proof this thesis, West and East German activities–of the two states, their economies and their societies–in nine Central African states between 1945 and 1975 are observed and analysed. More than a million file pages out of more than a dozen German archives were read to tackle this task–and shed some refreshing new light on the foreign policies of the two German states during Cold War.
19
Bounda, Sosthène. "Le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge en Afrique centrale à la fin du XXe siècle : cas du Cameroun, du Congo Brazzaville, du Congo Kinshasa et du Gabon de 1960 à 1999." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30053/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le comité international de la Croix-Rouge en abrégé CICR est une organisation humanitaire fondée en 1863 par le Comité de cinq citoyens suisses: Gustave Moynier, Henri Dunant, Guillaume Dufour, Louis Appia, Théodore Maunoir. Crée à la base pour secourir et venir en aide aux victimes de guerre, sur une initiative d'Henri Dunant d'après un souvenir de la Guerre de Solferino, le CICR élargira son champ d'action après la Convention de Genève de 1949. En effet, le CICR est l'ONG la plus représentée dans le monde et c'est à juste titre qu'elle fut Prix-Nobel de la paix en 1901 remis à Henri Dunant, en 1917, 1944, 1963, pour son effort lors des différents conflits, mais aussi le prix Balzan pour l'humanité, la paix et la fraternité entre les peuples en 1996. Elle s'est établie progressivement dans tous les continents après la seconde Guerre Mondiale. Avant cela, elle n'était qu'une ONG essentiellement européenne. En Afrique Centrale, la délégation de la Croix-Rouge Internationale était basée à Yaoundé au Cameroun et comprenait les pays d'Afrique Centrale tels que le Congo, la RD Congo, le Gabon, la Guinée Equatoriale et le Sao-Tomé. Dans ces pays l'oeuvre du CICR varie selon les besoins Humanitaires des uns et des autres. En effet, plus un Etat est en guerre, plus l’intervention du CICR est importante. Cette intervention se fait dans le respect des règles établies lors des différentes Conventions de Genève, de la Haye et bien d’autres encore. De ces différentes conférences est né le Droit international humanitaire qui codifie l’action du CICR sur le terrain, surtout en temps de guerre, mais aussi celles des autres ONG, y compris les entités onusiennes. Le Droit international est le respect des Droits de l’homme et son environnement en période de conflit armé. Ainsi l’action du CICR en Afrique Centrale a été plus importante en République Démocratique du Congo qu’au Gabon qui est resté sans conflits guerriers depuis 1960, date de départ de notre borne chronologique. Les pays qui font l’objet de notre étude ont connu diverses péripéties : la guerre de Bakassi pour le Cameroun, la guerre civile du Congo Brazzaville et la guerre à multiples facettes interminable en République Démocratique du Congo. L’intervention du CICR en temps de paix est souvent confiée aux Sociétés nationales qui doivent former les secouristes, diffuser le Droit international humanitaire, entre autres de leurs activités quotidiennes de supplier les gouvernements dans leurs missions de santé, d’hygiène. Même cette mission du CICR en temps de paix vise la limitation des dégâts en temps de guerre<br>The International Committee of the Red Cross ICRC abstract is a humanitarian organization founded in 1863 by the Committee of five Swiss citizens: Moynier, Henry Dunant, Guillaume Dufour, Louis Appia, ThéodoreMaunoir. Creates the basis for the relief and assistance to victims of war, an initiative of Henry Dunant from a memory of the War of Solferino, the ICRC will extend its scope after the Geneva Convention of 1949. In Indeed, the ICRC is the NGO most represented in the world and it is appropriate that it was price-Nobel Peace Prize in 1901 awarded to Henri Dunant, in 1917, 1944, 1963 for his effort during the different conflicts, but also the Balzan Prize for humanity, peace and brotherhood among peoples in 1996. It was established gradually in all continents after the Second World War. Before that, she was a mostly European NGOs. In Central Africa, the delegation of the International Red Cross is based in Yaounde, Cameroon and includes the Central African countries such as Congo, DR Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome. In these countries the work of the ICRC varies Humanitarian needs of each other. The more a country is at war, most of the ICRC's intervention is important. This procedure is done in accordance with the rules established in the various Geneva Conventions, the Hague and many others. Of these conferences was born on international humanitarian law that codifies the ICRC's work in the field, especially in time of war, but also those of other NGOs, including UN entities. International law is respect for human rights and the environment in times of armed conflict. Thus the ICRC's work in Central Africa was greater in Democratic Republic of Congo and Gabon, which remained without military conflicts since 1960, starting date of our chronological terminal. The countries that are the subject of our study experienced various vicissitudes: Bakassi war for Cameroon, the civil war in Congo Brazzaville and war multifaceted ending in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The intervention of the ICRC in time of peace is often left to National Societies must train rescuers dissemination of international humanitarian law, including their daily activities to beg governments in their health missions, hygiene. Even the ICRC mission in peacetime is damage limitation in time of war
20
Munazi, Muhimanyi Cyprien. "La répression des crimes relevant du statut de la Cour pénale internationale par les juridictions nationales et le principe de complémentarité : l’exemple de la République démocratique du Congo." Thesis, Montpellier, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018MONTD039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Au cours d’un peu plus de deux décennies, la RDC, située au cœur de l’Afrique, dans la région des grands lacs, a été le théâtre des crimes de masse les plus violents. De nombreux rapports relatent les violations à grande échelle des droits de l’homme et du doit international humanitaire commises dans ce pays démontrent. Ils démontrent l’horreur innommable infligée aux populations civiles dans la partie Est du pays. ll s'agit notamment, de Bukavu, Fizi, Uvira Mugunga, Goma, Bénie, Rusthuru,Lubero, Walikale, Kisangani, Tingi-Tingi, Makobola, Ituri, Kiwanja, Kasai, Maniema, Shaba. Dans un contexte global de conflit et de trouble persistant, d’instabilité socio-économique et de crise politique profonde, la commission des crimes graves se trouve exacerbée par la présence des centaines de groupes armés politico-militaro-affairistes, des Forces Armées de la R.D.C., tous soutenus par des troupes étrangères et multinationales. L'environnement politique et sécuritaire empêche la justice congolaise d'évaluer dans la sérénité la quasi-totalité d’éléments de crimes sur le territoire en vue d’identifier les auteurs, d’établir les responsabilités, procéder à leur répression, assurer la réparation des nombreuses victimes et la réconciliation nationale. L'association d'autres formes de justice serait plus que nécessaire, toujours à travers la logique de la complémentarité de la CPI<br>. For almost over two decades, the DRC, located in the heart of Africa, in the Great Lakes region, has benn the scene of the most violent crimes. Tremendous public and non government organizations have reported the large-scale violations international humanitarian law and human rights committed in this country. They display the horror inflicted upon the civilian populations in the eastern part of the country. These include amonsgt others the areas of Bukavu, Fizi, Uvira Mugunga, Goma, Béni, Rusthuru, Lubero, Walikale, Kisangani, Tingi-Tingi, Makobola, Ituri, Kiwanja, Kasaï, Maniema, Shaba. In a global context of conflict and persistent turmoil, socio-economic instability and deep political crisis, the commission of serious crimes is exacerbated by the presence of hundreds of armed politico-military-mercenary groups, the Armed Forces of the DRC, all supported by foreign and multinational troops. The currently political and security environment prevents the Congolese justice system from smoothly assessing all elements of crimes on the territory in order to identify the perpetrators, establish the responsibilities, carry out investigation and prosecution as well as legal proceedings, ensure the reparations to millions of victims and the national reconciliation at large. The combination of other forms of justice would be more than ever necessary through the logic of the complementarity of the ICC
21
Davey, Christopher P. "Vortex of Genocide: Banyamulenge Identity Formation in Pursuit of the Genocidaire, Zaïre (1996- 1997)." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17365.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Genocide is conventionally seen through the mutually exclusive characterisations of perpetrators and victims. Attempts to understand this phenomenon in the 1990s postcolonial African Great Lakes region suffer from this same limitation. This dissertation critiques the limiting binary of perpetrator and victim identities. By examining the messy formation of identities in genocide, this research demonstrates that the latter are layered and fluid. Using relational sociology, identities are examined through the narrative analysis of interviews with Banyamulenge soldiers who participated in the early 1990s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and the short-lived Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo (AFDL). These soldiers witnessed first-hand the violence and devastation of the Rwandan civil war and 1994 genocide. The AFDL, under Rwandan leadership, went on to obliterate 233,000 Rwandan refugees spread across Zaïre form 1996 to 1997. A heuristic device of a vortex is used to conceptualise a process of identity formation framed by three features of genocide, namely narratives of insecurity, destructive crises, and intermediate space. RPF and Banyamulenge narratives, power relations, and relational journeys are traced through an exploration of the networks and histories of these features. Banyamulenge soldier identities are formed in movements through this vortex with each experience of genocide. Such movements resulted in violence against the refugees. A specific relation to the idea of the enemy as a guilty genocidaire was constructed through the deployment of multiple narratives. The genocidaire was essential to Banyamulenge identities as they went on to perpetrate genocide against the Rwandan refugees.
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De, Carvalho Vanessa Roque. "A critical descriptive analysis of the role of track I and track II diplomatic interventions: the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo (1998-2002)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4317.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The climate of the Great Lakes Region fostered desperate sources of insecurity which fed
each other in a conflict-system which was also largely fuelled by the surrounding war
economy. Consequently, the focus of this study was narrowed to providing only a descriptive
analysis of the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s peace processes of 1998-2002.
Subsequently, the surrounding climate served to aggravate the DRC’s ethnic cleavages and
the conflict grew so complex that the issues could no longer be clearly divided. The
motivation for conducting a study of this nature was that amidst the twenty-three failed
attempts for peace, the conflict persisted with no signs of abating, which suggests that a
historical and discourse analysis of the peace processes is justified.
This study found that during these peace processes, far greater prominence was given to
Track I diplomacy than to the unofficial Track II diplomacy. This was due to various
limitations that existed. This distinction is fundamental because even though unofficial
diplomacy has a different function to official diplomacy, their values are equal and more
effective in a peace process when there is a collaborative effort between the two. This is
called a Multi-Track approach (Diamond and McDonald, 1996). Thus this study proposes
that by giving Track II diplomacy a greater prominence in a peace process, the Multi-Track
approach would be fully utilized. It suggests that governmental, informal, and unofficial
contact in civil society is fundamental in trust-building between parties in negotiation.
Overall, there is value in providing a critical descriptive analysis of both Track I and Track II
diplomatic initiatives that were undertaken during the 1998-2002 peace process, in order to
expose the shortcomings. In doing so, this study presents the Multi-Track approach in order
to emphasize its potential efficacy in addressing similar future cases of intractable conflict.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die omstandighede in die Groot Merestreek het onsekerheid gekweek, wat mekaar versterk
het in die konteks van ’n konflik-sisteem wat ook deur die omliggende oorlog-ekonomie
aangevuur was. Gevolglik is hierdie studie se fokus beperk tot ‘n beskrywende analise van
die vredesprosesse wat tydens 1998-2002 op die tweede rebellie in die Demokratiese
Republiek van die Kongo gevolg het. Die omstandighede in die omliggende omgewing het
die DRK se etniese splitsings vererger, en die konflik het so kompleks geword dat daar nie
meer duidelik tussen die verskillende geskilpunte onderskei kon word nie. Die motivering vir
hierdie studie is dat daar te midde van die drie-en-twintig mislukte vredespogings geen teken
was dat die konflik aan die afneem was nie, wat suggereer dat ’n historiese diskoers analise
van die vredesproses geregverdig is.
Hierdie studie het gevind dat daar gedurende hierdie vredesprosesse ’n veel meer prominente
rol aan die amptelike Track I-diplomasie as aan die nie-amptelike Track II-diplomasie
toegeken was, as gevolg van verskeie beperkinge wat bestaan het. Hierdie onderskeid is van
kardinale belang; ten spyte van die feit dat nie-amptelike diplomasie ’n ander funksie as
amptelike diplomasie vervul, dra dit ewe veel waarde en behoort vredesprosesse waar daar
samewerking tussen die twee inisiatiewe plaasvind dus meer effektief te wees. Hierdie
redenasie word ’n Multi-Track benadering genoem. Hierdie studie stel voor dat die Multi-
Track benadering meer effektief geïmplementeer kan word deurdat daar aan Track IIdiplomasie
’n meer prominente rol in die vredesproses toegeken word; dit stel dus ook voor
dat regeringskontak, informele en nie-amptelike kontak tussen gewone burgers van kardinale
belang in die bou van vetroue tussen bemiddelingspartye is.
Daar lê dus waarde daarin om ’n krities-beskrywende analise van beide Track I- en Track II
inisiatiewe wat tydens die 1998-2002 vredesprosesse onderneem is weer te gee, ten einde die
tekortkominge daarvan uit te wys. Op hierdie manier hou hierdie studie die Multi-Track
benadering voor om uiteindelik die potensiële bruikbaarheid van hierdie benadering in
soortgelyke toekomstige gevalle van konflik te beklemtoon.
23
Marin, Pacchioni Maria Claudia, and Cavalieri D'Oro Romina Rebora. "Influencia de los frames mediáticos sobre las percepciones de la ciudadanía respecto a los conflictos sociales: jóvenes universitarios ante la crisis del proyecto Minas Conga." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/14534.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Los medios tienen un papel significativo en la construcción de relatos sobre sucesos que
acontecen en la realidad, y ponen en discusión temas y posiciones en el espacio público.
La presente investigación tiene como finalidad analizar la influencia de los frames1 mediáticos2
en los frames individuales de pensamiento3 de los jóvenes universitarios en
Lima de 16 a 24 años sobre el conflicto por el proyecto Minas Conga, durante la crisis de
finales del 2011. Identifica la percepción de los jóvenes respecto al conflicto, determina
los encuadres más representativos en las noticias online publicadas durante esta etapa, y
sus efectos sobre las percepciones preexistentes (framing effect). Los tres tipos de marcos
interpretativos utilizados en el estudio generan un efecto diferenciado en relación con el
rol de los actores, las causas del conflicto y sus alternativas de gestión, debido a los objetivos
y estrategias empleados por el medio de comunicación en la construcción de la
noticia.<br>The media have a significant role in the construction of narratives about events that take
place in reality, and they put into discussion various issues and positions in the public
space. The purpose of this research is to analyze the influence of communication on the
individual frames of young university students in Lima, from 16 to 24 of age, about the
Conga conflict during its crisis at the end of 2011. It identifies the students’ perception of
the conflict, it determines the most representative elements in the online news published
during this time, and its effects on pre-existing perceptions (framing effect). The three
types of frames used in the study generate a differentiated framing effect in relation to the
role of the actors, the causes of the conflict and the alternatives for managing it, due to
the objectives and strategies used by the media in the construction of the news.<br>Tesis
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Materu, Sosteness F. "The prosecution of international crimes in respect of the Democratic Republic of the Congo : critical evaluation of the factual background and specific legal considerations." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5628_1307603309.
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<p>The first part of this study evaluates the historical events that led to the referral of the DRC situation to the ICC. This includes the background of the conflict and the extent to which international crimes have been committed. Both regional and domestic attempts and initiatives to address the conflict are discussed, with specific reference to peace agreements and restorative justice mechanisms. The second part of the study deals with the prosecution of the perpetrators by the ICC. It examines the approach of the Pre- Trial Chamber to two legal issues, the principle of complementarity and modes of criminal participation as part of the ICC Statute. In this regard, the study makes a critical evaluation of two preliminary decisions confirming the charges against Lubanga, Katanga and Chui before the cases proceeded to the trial stage.</p>
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Moura, Edna Nubia Oliveira de. "Avalia??o neuropsicol?gica de crian?as com hemiparesia cong?nita e adquirida." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2013. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13318.
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Previous issue date: 2013-09-20<br>A hemiparesia consiste no d?ficit da for?a muscular, com consequente debilidade na m?o e no p?, afetando um dos lados do corpo. A literatura mostra poucos estudos enfocando detalhadamente as fun??es cognitivas e emocionais de crian?as afetadas por essa condi??o neurol?gica. Este estudo teve como objetivo realizar avalia??o neuropsicol?gica de 23 crian?as e adolescentes, de ambos os g?neros, com idades entre 5 anos e 4 meses e 16 anos e 6 meses, com hemiparesia cong?nita e adquirida. Aplicou-se uma bateria de testes espec?fica para avalia??o de fun??es cognitivas superiores incluindo processos intelectuais, aten??o, fun??o perceptiva, fun??o motora, praxias, gnosias, linguagem, mem?ria e fun??o visuomotora. Em rela??o aos aspectos emocionais, foi usado o teste do desenho da figura humana, visando-se a avalia??o da percep??o da imagem corporal dos pacientes. Os resultados mostraram que a hemiparesia da crian?a conduz a d?ficits em fun??es neuropsicol?gicas importantes, al?m de d?ficit motor e altera??es na esfera emocional, mais precisamente aquelas relacionadas com a representa??o da imagem corporal. A abrang?ncia multidisciplinar, envolvendo a neurologia pedi?trica e a psicologia, engrandeceu o trabalho, referendando os resultados obtidos em todos os seus aspectos
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Mwana, Kitata Job. "Église catholique et crise socio-politique en RD Congo : analyse discursive de la parole épiscopale catholique sur la paix (1990-2010)." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28176.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Traitée autour de la question : « Quelles sont les stratégies discursives des évêques pour transformer les agents en acteurs de changement souhaité, et donc, en artisans de paix », la recherche montre à partir de l’analyse rhétorique de huit discours des évêques de la CENCO, l’impact et la pragmatique de leurs discours dans la reconstruction de la paix en RDC. En prenant comme base empirique, la crise socio-politique que traverse la RDC (1990-2010), l’analyse rhétorique de la parole épiscopale, se ressourçant dans la pragmatique de la communication telle qu’élaborée dans la théorie de l’argumentation de C. Perelman, l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et du discours politique de P. Charaudeau, traite de la reconstruction de la Nation, de la consolidation de la paix et des perspectives pour un Congo démocratique paisible, juste et prospère. L’analyse porte deux enjeux majeurs : elle poursuit une visée pragmatique de manière à produire un impact effectif sur l’auditoire et construit de nouveaux sens, précisément, un nouveau système de valeurs sur lesquelles il convient de bâtir la Nation. Mettant le point focal sur les valeurs de l’ethos : paradigmes du « devoir-faire » et du « faire-être », la recherche s’inscrit dans la théologie morale, précisément l’éthique théologique. Ces valeurs structurantes sont des principes normatifs, principes de réflexion et des points d’ancrage qui fondent le discours théologique et éthique sur la paix. Aux antivaleurs qui hypothèquent la paix, l’analyse propose, partant des élaborations de P. Ricoeur sur la responsabilité et la cohérence, et de M. Foucault sur la vérité, une éthique de responsabilité et une éthique de cohérence adossée à l’éthique de vérité. La paix est une responsabilité citoyenne, une composante de l’éthique de fraternité à construire sur l’éthique de vérité. L’aléthique engendrera chez les destinataires l’éthique de cohérence. Justesse du discours à l’authenticité de la vie, conformité de la parole à la manière de vivre et d’agir, l’éthique de cohérence comme mode de sincérité et d’authenticité de vie, aiderait à édifier la paix et l'homonoïa en RDC. Mots-clés : Paix, ethos, logos, doxa, dialogisme, auditoire, valeurs, changement, reconstruction, consolidation, pragmatique, État de droit, analyse rhétorique, analyse du discours, éthique de responsabilité, éthique de vérité, éthique de cohérence.<br>Developed around the question: « What are the bishops’ discursive strategies for turning agents into actors of desired change, and hence into peacemakers », research shows from the rhetorical analysis of eight speeches by the bishops of the CENCO, the impact and pragmatic of their speeches in the reconstruction of the peace in the DRC. To be based on an empirical basis the socio-political crisis in the DRC (1990-2010), the rhetorical analysis of the episcopal word, emerging in the pragmatics of communication as elaborated in the theory of C. Perelman’s argumentation, in the argumentative analysis of R. Amossy’speech and P. Charaudeau’s political discourse, deals with the reconstruction of the Nation, the consolidation of peace and the prospects for a peaceful, just and prosperous democratic Congo. The analysis raises two major issues: it pursues a pragmatic aim in order to produce an effective impact on the audience and constructs new meanings, precisely, a new system of values on which to build the Nation. Putting the focal point on the values of the ethos: paradigms of « must-do » and of « bring-into-being », the research is inscribed in the moral theology, precisely theological ethic. These structuring values are normative principles, principles of reflection and anchors that the theological and ethical discourse on peace. To the counter values that threaten peace, analysis proposes, starting from the elaborations of P. Ricoeur on responsibility and coherence, and of M. Foucault’s on truth, an ethic of responsibility and an ethic of coherence backed by eths ethic of truth. Peace is a civic responsibility, a component of the ethics of fraternity built on the ethics of truth. The alethic generate the ethic of coherence among the recipients. The correctness of discourse the authenticity of life, the conformity of speech to the way of living and acting, the ethics of coherence as a mode of sincerity and authenticity of life, make it possible to build peace and self-Homonoïa in the DRC. Keywords: peace, ethos, logos, doxa, dialogism, values, change, reconstruction, consolidation, pragmatics, rule of law, rhetorical analysis, discourse analysis, ethic of responsibility, ethic truth, ethic of coherence.
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Bakissi, Etienne. "Guerres civiles du Congo-Brazzaville (1993-1999) : Influences sur les itinéraires de vie, les acteurs et victimes de ces conflits." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LORR0297.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A la suite de la Conférence de la Baule en 1990, le Congo Brazzaville opte en 1991, pour une Conférence nationale. C’est un rendez-vous de l’Histoire, préludant à la démocratie. On a cru que la Conférence, serait un moyen de sortie de crise sociale et identitaire, l’expression d’un sursaut politique et économique. Hélas, chacun pense faire partie de l’entourage du roi qui comme dans la Société de cour va faciliter son enrichissement illicite et personnel. Cette Conférence, la plus longue, donne lieu à une impulsion belliqueuse et développe un état agonal. C’est la mise en route de l’extraversion qui conduit les ennemis politiques à armer les jeunes déscolarisés et sans ressources. Cette démarche teintée de confusion, fera naître des milices d’Etat et privées, puis trois guerres adventices, jeter de milliers des personnes dans les savanes et les pays étrangers, sans espoir de retour au pays natal. L’art de la guerre devient une politique qui livre des batailles. Puisque le sous-sol congolais présente un intérêt économique évident, les multinationales financent les trois guerres. Elles obligent à l’errance, à la peur de l’Autre et de l’étranger. Le chemin du retour sera rude pour les femmes violées et pour les jeunes. Or les responsables de crimes, retrouvent leur légitimité. La figure du chef se trouve ainsi galvaudée, voire désacralisée. A terme, de l’individuel ou familial, nous avons traité du global et de l’organisationnel. Nous a avons cherché à comprendre comment les institutions se sont délitées suite aux guerres adventices, qu’il s’agisse du monde économique ou qu’il s’agisse des institutions publiques comme l’école, voire l’Eglise.Enfin, nous avons voulu comprendre la venue d’un ordre sauvage : celui du meurtre et du viol, sur fond de tueries avec dans la ligne de mire : la mort des innocents? Pourquoi la femme porteuse de la vie en Afrique, devient-elle le trophée des puissants et des forts. Si la guerre a un côté tragique, pourquoi suscite-t-elle tant d’engagement? La guerre a sans doute sa grammaire, mais pas sa propre logique<br>Following the conference of La Baule in 1990, Congo-Brazzaville opted in 1991, for a national conference. It was an appointment with History, a prelude to democracy.The conference it was assumed, would be the means of the exit from a social and identity crisis, the expression of a political and economic burst.Alas, everyone thought they belonged to the king’s entourage who, as in a court society, would facilitate their personnal and illicit enrichment. This conference, the longest in Africain countries, gave rise to a belligerent impulse and developed an agonal state. It was the start of the extroversion which led political opponents to arm resourceless out-of school youths.This action, tinged with confusion, was to give birth to state and private militia, then to three adventitions wars, driving thousands of people into savannahs and foreigh countries without any hope of retourning to their native country. The art of war became a policy which waged battles.Since the Congolese subsoil represented an obvious economic interest, multinationals financed all three wars. They compelled people to wander, to fear the other, the stranger the journey back home will prove hard for raped women and young people. Hower, those responsible for crimes regainned their legitimacy. The leader’s figurewas thus tarnished even desacralized.We have sought to understand how the institutions crumbled owing to the adventitions wars whether it be the economic sphere or public institutions like school or the church. Finally, our aim was to understand the emergence of a savage order : the order of murder and rape against a background of slanghters with, as target, the death of innoncents.Why has woman, the bearer of life in Africa become the trophy of the powerful and the strong ? If war has a tragic side, why does it arouse so much commitment? War has undoubtedly its grammar, but not its owen logic
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Le, Roux Elisabet. "The role of African Christian churches in dealing with sexual violence against women : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95826.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sexual violence against women (SVAW) has always been part of armed conflict. However, only recently has international law deemed it a crime against humanity and a genocidal crime, thus finally recognising that it is a strategy and weapon that is used extensively during conflict. SVAW and its consequences, however, also continue in the aftermath of conflict, with both ex-combatants and civilians perpetrating SVAW.
The effectiveness of SVAW as a weapon and strategy relies on the existence of gender identities and relations that subjugate women. This gender inequality is instated and perpetuated through hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy, and violence against women is one way in which the imbalance is enforced. Patriarchal beliefs and structures, combined with a form of militarised hypermasculinity, lead to SVAW being used during armed conflict, but also continuing in its aftermath. The consequences for survivors are that they are often stigmatised and discriminated against by their husbands, families and communities, and this contributes to their further marginalisation and exploitation.
As the state and international security and peacekeeping bodies fail to adequately address SVAW, civil society organisations (CSOs) tend to fill this void by providing mostly support to women affected. One sector of African civil society, namely African Christian churches, has a good record of effectively filling roles usually associated with the state. Furthermore, African Christian churches have increased tremendously in the last century, function at grassroots-level, and are of the few CSOs that continue functioning during armed conflict. As religious institutions they have authority and impact, for religion has the ability to influence behaviour, facilitate societal change, and provide societal solidarity and cohesion. Thus, for the marginalised in Africa, religion is a powerful resource. This leads one to assume that churches can be effective in addressing SVAW. This supposition was tested by studying how churches address SVAW in three different areas affected by armed conflict, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia, by using a qualitative, multiple-case case study approach. In two sites in each country, one urban and one rural, structured interview questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and nominal groups were done, focusing on the causes and consequences of SVAW and how it is being addressed, specifically by churches.
The findings showed that SVAW in areas affected by armed conflict are due to patriarchal structures and beliefs, and the military hypermasculinity that has infused civilian masculinities. Patriarchy is also the indirect cause of the most severe consequences of SVAW. These are physical, psychological, social and economic, but the impact of the stigmatisation and discrimination that survivors experience is what they find most debilitating. Unfortunately, neither government nor civil society is addressing SVAW to any great extent and where they do, their actions are reactive not proactive in terms of prevention. This was no different in terms of the role and influence of the churches. While people believe in the ability of churches to be important actors in addressing SVAW, churches are not doing so, for they, too, are patriarchal institutions. Their ability to address injustice is limited when the cause of the injustice are practices and beliefs that lie at the heart of the religion and the churches, especially if these practices and beliefs are upholding the power of those currently in power. By perpetuating patriarchy, churches are actually contributing to SVAW being used as a weapon and strategy of warfare.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seksuele geweld teen vroue (SGTV) was nog altyd deel van gewapende konflik. Dis egter eers onlangs wat internasionale wetgewing bepaal het dat dit ‘n misdaad teen die mensdom en van volksmoord is, en sodoende uiteindelik erken dat dit ‘n veelgebruikte konflikstrategie en -wapen is. SGTV en die gevolge daarvan hou egter aan ná konflik, met beide gewese vegters en burgerlikes wat SGTV pleeg.
Die doeltreffendheid van SGTV as 'n wapen en strategie berus op geslagsidentiteite en -verhoudings wat vroue onderwerp. Hierdie geslagsongelykheid word ingestel en voortgesit deur hegemoniese manlikheid en patriargie, en geweld teen vroue is een manier waarop die wanbalans afgedwing word. Patriargale oortuigings en strukture, gekombineer met 'n vorm van militêre hipermanlikheid, lei daartoe dat SGTV nie net tydens gewapende konflik plaasvind nie, maar ook daarna. Die oorlewendes word dikwels gestigmatiseer en teen gediskrimineer deur hulle mans, families en gemeenskappe, en dit dra by tot hulle verdere marginalisering en uitbuiting. Aangesien die staat en internasionale veiligheids- en vredesliggame versuim om SGTV voldoende aan te spreek, is burgerlike organisasies (BOs) geneig om hierdie leemte te vul deur die verskaffing van meesal steun aan vroue wat deur SGTV geaffekteer word. Een sektor van Afrika se burgerlike samelewing, naamlik Afrika Christelike kerke, het 'n goeie rekord as dit kom by die vervulling van rolle wat gewoonlik geassosieer word met die staat. Verder het Afrika Christelike kerke geweldig toegeneem in die laaste eeu, funksioneer hulle op voetsoolvlak, en is hulle van die min BOs wat aanhou funksioneer tydens gewapende konflik. As godsdienstige instellings het hulle gesag en invloed, aangesien godsdiens die vermoë het om gedrag te beïnvloed, gemeenskapsverandering te fasiliteer, en solidariteit en samehorigheid aan ‘n gemeenskap te verskaf. Dus, vir gemarginaliseerdes in Afrika, is godsdiens 'n kragtige hulpbron. Dus neem ‘n mens aan dat kerke effektief kan wees in die aanspreek van SGTV.
Hierdie veronderstelling is getoets deur te kyk na hoe kerke SGTV aanspreek in drie areas wat geraak word deur gewapende konflik, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Rwanda en Liberië, deur die gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe, meervoudige-geval gevallestudie benadering. In twee gemeenskappe in elke land, een stedelike en een landelike, is gestruktureerde onderhoudvraelyste, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, en nominale groepe gedoen, met ‘n fokus op die oorsake en gevolge van SGTV en hoe dit aangespreek word, spesifiek deur kerke. Die bevindinge het getoon dat SGTV in gebiede geraak deur gewapende konflik, te wyte is aan patriargale strukture en oortuigings, en die militêre hipermanlikheid wat verweef geraak het met burgerlike manlikheid. Patriargie is ook die indirekte oorsaak van die mees ernstige gevolge van SGTV. Hierdie gevolge is fisies, sielkundig, maatskaplik en ekonomies, maar die impak van die stigmatisering en diskriminasie wat oorlewendes ervaar affekteer hulle die ergste. Ongelukkig spreek nie die regering óf burgerlike samelewing werklik SGTV aan nie, en waar hulle dit doen is hulle optrede reaktief en nie proaktief in terme van voorkoming nie. Dit was dieselfde met die rol en invloed van kerke. Terwyl mense glo in die vermoë van kerke om ‘n kernrol te speel in die aanspreek van SGTV, doen kerke dit nie, want hulle is óók patriargale instellings. Hulle vermoë om onreg aan te spreek is beperk wanneer die oorsaak van die onreg praktyke en oortuigings is wat aan die hart lê van die godsdiens en die kerke, veral as hierdie praktyke en oortuigings verseker dat dié in beheer hulle mag behou. Deur hulle voortsetting van patriargie, dra kerke by daartoe dat SGTV gebruik word as 'n wapen en strategie van oorlogvoering.
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Makaya, kiela Serge. "Le droit à réparation des victimes des crimes internationaux, condition de justice efficiente : l'exemple de la RDC." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Face aux préjudices irréparables engendrés par les crimes internationaux, le droit international, hormis les cas de poursuites devant la CPI et la pratique des commissions et fonds d'indemnisation des N.U, fait ponce-Pilate au droit interne pour la mise en oeuvre du droit à réparation des victimes de ces crimes. Une hypocrisie qui s'affirme notamment à travers des pratiques d'assistance humanitaire. Le droit interne des Etats quant à lui, fait un recours systématique à son système classique pour la mise en oeuvre de ce droit. Cet attrait pour le système classique tranche pourtant avec les facteurs matériels du droit en cette matière où le contexte des crimes, l'ampleur des préjudices, la vastitude des victimes et les fluctuations de la qualité des auteurs l'ont presque plongé dans la désuétude. C'est ce qui a fait émerger la quête d'un paradigme d'efficacité dont l'expérience de la justice transitionnelle et de la justice réparatrice constituent « l'essai ». La discussion sur l'efficacité des résultats de cet essai conduit l'observateur averti à la conclusion qu'il y a encore du chemin. Pour la RDC, contre l'aporie du droit classique face aux souffrances des victimes des crimes internationaux, cette étude propose la construction d'une politique criminelle basée sur une approche holistique de la réparation. L'approche holistique impliquant, ici, une réaction globaliste face aux préjudices subis par les victimes des crimes internationaux. Préjudices multiformes pour lesquels les réponses en termes de réparation doivent relever d'une appréhension globale du droit, reposant sur l'interdisciplinarité et l'ouverture à la « technologie sociale »<br>Faced with the irreparable prejudices arising from international crimes, except for the cases being prosecuted at the ICC and the processes of various Commissions and reparations funds of the UN, international law has been pontius-pilating when it comes implementing under domestic laws the rights of victims to reparations. This hypocrisy is particularly highlighted by the use of humanitarian aid. Domestic laws have systematically resorted to traditional practices to implement this right. This inclination towards traditional approaches is indeed at variance with the material elements of the law on reparations in as much as the context of the crimes, the scope of the damage, the vast number of victims and fluctuations in the types of perpetrators have simply made the traditional systems obsolete. Whence the quest for an efficiency paradigm hinged on «attempts» within transitional justice and reparations justice. Analyses of these attempts by experts reveal that a lot still has to be done. In the case of the DRC, and mindful of the shortcomings of the traditional legal system in mitigating the suffering of victims of international crimes, this study proposes a holistic approach to the development of a criminal reparations policy. This holistic approach requires a global response to the damage suffered by victims of international crimes. The reparations response to these multidimensional prejudices must reflect a global understanding of the law based on interdisciplinary and «social technology» considerations
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Duroch, Françoise. "Résistances et appropriations institutionnelles des Organisations Non Gouvernementales autour de la notion de victimes de violences sexuelles : le cas de Médecins Sans Frontières en République Démocratique du Congo." Lyon 2, 2008. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2008/duroch_f.
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Ce travail se propose d'analyser les processus d'apprentissage de l'organisation humanitaire Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) autour de la notion de victimes de violences sexuelles. Une première partie est consacrée à un essai conceptuel et critique des concepts de victimes de viols, notamment dans le champ des sciences sociales, ainsi qu'à une introduction à l'histoire de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC). La deuxième partie porte sur l'étude qualitative d'une des plus importantes interventions de l'organisation MSF à l’Est de la RDC en faveur des victimes de violences sexuelles. 2695 anamnèses médicales de patients reçus par l'organisation ont été étudiées afin de comprendre le phénomène des viols de masse dans cette région, des entretiens semi-directifs ont également été menés avec les volontaires et cadres de l'organisation participant à la mise en œuvre de ce type d'opération. Un dernier volet décrit les éléments qui ont conduit MSF à considérer le phénomène des violences sexuelles sur ses terrains d'interventions ainsi que les processus d'appropriation et de résistance de l'organisation vis à vis de ces problématiques. Les dynamiques d'apprentissage organisationnel semblent avoir été favorisées par un ensemble d'évènements clés : conflits, pandémie du SIDA, environnement institutionnel favorable, scandales médiatiques. Les résistances se construisent autour des représentations sociales de la victime et d'enjeux éthiques et techniques. Dans ces processus, devraient apparaître des formes de médiations, des passeurs de sens qui contribueraient à rendre signifiant la pose d’actes autour de phénomènes quelquefois situés dans les sphères de l'indicible<br>This work offers to analyse the learning process of the humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontière (Doctors without borders / MSF) around the notions of victims of sexual violence. The first part is dedicated to a conceptual and critical essay on the concepts of rape victims, in particular in the field of social sciences, as well as to an introduction to the history of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The second part of the study presents a qualitative study of one MSF's most important intervention in Eastern DRC in favour of victims of sexual violence. The medical anamnesis of 2695 patients received by the organisation were studied in order to understand the phenomenon of massive rapes in this region; semi-directive interviews have also been conducted with volunteers and managers of the organization participating to the development of this type of operations. The last section describes the elements which have led MSF to consider the phenomenon of sexual violence in its fields of interventions, as well as the organization's appropriation and resistance processes vis-à-vis these issues. The organisational learning dynamics seems to have been made possible by a set of key events: conflicts, HIV-Aids pandemics, favourable institutional environment, and scandals in the media. Resistances develop around social representations of the victim, as well as ethical and technical stakes. In these processes should appear some forms of mediation, some conveyors of meaning, pedagogues of the otherness, which could contribute to bringing significance to action-taking around phenomena sometimes located in the spheres of the unspeakable
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Silva, Ana Maria da C?mara. "Hemiparesia cong?nita e adquirida na crian?a: interrela??o entre presen?a de crises epil?pticas, os achados eletrencefalogr?ficos e de neuroimagem por resson?ncia nuclear magn?tica." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2007. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13186.
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Previous issue date: 2007-12-19<br>The purpose of this paper was to study patients with congenital and acquired hemiparesis, their clinical aspects, the presence or not of epileptic seizures, and electroencephalographic (EEG) and Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) findings. We analyzed the interrelation between etiology, the presence and seriousness of epileptic seizures (ES) and the possible causes of refractoriness.
This is a prospective study using the clinical diagnosis of a child neurologist, who attested to the presence of unilateral motor lesions. We compared the electroencephalographic findings in patients with or without epileptic seizures, and investigated if among the former, these seizures were controlled or not, their likely etiology and risks of refractoriness. EEG background activity on the lesion and contralateral side was analyzed, in addition to the presence of concomitant epileptiform activity. Encephalon MRIs of all the patients were studied to correlate etiology and the control or not of epileptic seizures. The disorganization of bilateral EEG activity correlated with the difficult-to-control epileptic seizures. Suitably organized background activity contralateral to the lesion is a good prognosis in relation to epileptic seizures. Focal epileptogenic activity does not necessarily predispose to epileptic manifestation. The MRI is more important in determining etiology than in prognosing epileptic seizures. This study used a multidisciplinary approach involving child neurologists, a physical therapist and a neuroradiologist. This meets the criteria of multidisciplinarity of the Postgraduate Program in Health Sciences<br>O objetivo do nosso trabalho foi estudar pacientes com hemiparesia, cong?nitas e adquiridas, seus aspectos cl?nicos e epidemiol?gicos, a presen?a ou n?o de crises epil?pticas e os achados eletrencefalogr?ficos e de neuroimagem por Resson?ncia Nuclear Magn?tica. Tentando relacionar a etiologia ? presen?a e gravidade de crises epil?pticas e as poss?veis causas de refratariedade. Trata-se de um estudo prospectivo a partir do diagn?stico cl?nico por um neurologista infantil que atestou a presen?a de les?o motora unilateral. Compararam-se os achados eletrencefalogr?ficos em pacientes sem ou com crises epil?pticas, e dentre esses ?ltimos, se h? ou n?o controle das crises, sua prov?vel etiologia e riscos de refratariedade. Analisou-se a atividade de base do EEG do lado da les?o e contra lateral a esta, al?m da presen?a de atividade epileptiforme concomitante. Estudaram-se as RNM do enc?falo realizadas em todos os pacientes, tentando relacionar a etiologia e controle ou n?o de crises epil?pticas. A desorganiza??o da atividade de base bilateral no EEG correlacionou-se com crises epil?pticas de dif?cil controle. A atividade de base adequadamente organizada contra lateral a les?o ? de bom prognostico em rela??o ?s crises epil?pticas. A atividade epileptog?nica focal n?o necessariamente predisp?e a manifesta??o epil?ptica. A RNM ? mais importante na determina??o da etiologia do que no progn?stico das crises epil?pticas. A realiza??o deste estudo foi concretizada pela abordagem multidisciplinar, envolvendo neurologistas infantis, fisioterapeuta e neurorradiologista. Este aspecto preenche os requisitos de multidisciplinaridade do programa de p?s-gradua??o em Ci?ncias da Sa?de
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Kabeya, Kipana Crispin [Verfasser]. "Droit à la rémunération juste et à la protection sociale du clergé diocésain : Étude historico-canonique du can. 281, §§ 1-2. Dans la perspective de la prise en charge de l’Église particulière par elle-même en République Démocratique du Congo / Crispin Kabeya Kipana." Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1224831527/34.
Texte intégral
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Yav, Katshung Joseph. "Prosecution of grave violations of human rights in light of challenges of national courts and the International Criminal Court: the Congolese dilemma." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1122.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Although the United Nations (UN) has often been pivotal in forging the international response to serious human rights crimes in such settings, the justice gap in countries such as the Democratic Republic [of] Congo (DRC) (the focus of this study) underscores the need for more systematic UN efforts. The war in the DRC has resulted in one of the world's worst humanitarian crisis with over 3.4 million displaced persons scattered throughout the country. An estimated 3.5 million people have died as a result of the war. The armed conflict has been characterised by appalling widespread and systematic human rights violations, including mass killings, ethnic cleansing, rape and the destruction of property. The most pressing need to be addressed is the question of justice and accountability for these human rights atrocities in order to achieve a durable peace in the country and also in the Great Lakes region (Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Angola and the DRC, to name just a few). In this respect, this study will address the grave human rights violations committed in the DRC and the mechanisms for dealing with them. It is particularly true in post-conflict situations where justice systems have been either partially or completely destroyed, that national courts are not capapble of arriving at a uniform stance, or willing to provide justice for atrocities in the immediate future. As a result, international justice seems to be a crucial and last resort that must continue to be fortified against efforts to undermine it. ... Chapter one will set out the content of the research, identify the problem and outline the methodology. Chapter two will discuss the state obligations in international law to prosecute gross violations of human rights and gives a summary of the human rights violations situation during the Congolese war. Chapter three will discuss the available naitonal mechanisms for accountaiblity in the DRC. It will discuss if national courts and TRC are able to deal with these atrocities committed in the DRC. Chapter four will analyse the extent to which the ICC could deal with the Congolese case and challenges. Chapter five will discuss the trends towards accountability in the DRC and the way forward. Chapter six will draw a conclusion on how to break the cycle of impunity in the DRC." -- Introduction.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.<br>Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Boukongou Jean Didier and Dr. Atangcho Akonumbo at the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaounde, Cameroon<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Wane, Bameme Bienvenu. "La responsabilité pénale pour crime de guerre : étude comparée des droits français et congolais." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1070.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Depuis un peu plus de dix ans, les règles de la responsabilité pénale en matière de crime de guerre ont connu d'importants changements en droits français et congolais. Les États affichent une certaine frilosité face à la réglementation internationale du crime de guerre. En effet, la mise en conformité des règles nationales aux instruments internationaux a entraîné dans les législations de ces Etats, comme dans certaines d'autres d'ailleurs, deux démarches successives : l'internalisation des notions du crime et du criminel de guerre ainsi que l'externalisation des structures et mécanismes d'établissement de la responsabilité. D'abord, le crime international de guerre est redéfini selon l'entendement et dans les concepts usuels internes des législations des Etats. Il est de ce fait, tantôt partiellement correctionnalisé et en conséquence soumis au régime juridique de tout autre crime ou délit interne, en l'occurrence les règles de la prescription. Tantôt, bien que conservant sa nature d'infraction internationale, ce crime se trouve consacré dans une législation militaire sans en préciser les faits constitutifs et sanctions applicables à l'auteur avéré. Ensuite, le criminel de guerre n'est plus que la personne physique. Lorsqu'il est établi qu'une personne physique a agi pour le compte de l'être moral, peu importe que celle-là soit le préposé de jure ou de facto de celui-ci, la législation française en vigueur punit aussi bien l'exécutant capable de discernement que le bénéficiaire, à l'exception de l'Etat. C'est vers cette solution que tend le droit pénal congolais dans son processus de réforme<br>For a little over a decade, the rules of criminal responsibility for war crimes have been major changes under French and Congolese. States show a certain reluctance to face the international regulation of war crime. Indeed, the compliance of national rules with international instruments resulted in the legislation of these states, as in some others besides, two successive steps: the internalization of notions of crime and war criminal and outsourcing structures and mechanisms for establishing accountability. First, the international crime of war is redefined according to the understanding and the usual concepts of internal laws of the States. It is therefore sometimes partially correctionnalisé and therefore subject to the law of any other crime or misdemeanor domestic, namely the rules of prescription. Sometimes, though retaining its character as an international offense, this crime is enshrined in legislation military without specifying the facts constituting and penalties proved to the author
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Goulart, Clarice de Mattos. "A quem cabe a última palavra? O lugar social do escritor e do crítico em Rubens Figueiredo." Niterói, 2017. https://app.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/3605.
Texte intégralRésumé :
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Dissertação - Clarice Goulart - final.pdf: 681792 bytes, checksum: c405eb14f771b9a868e3146d5b87c11a (MD5)<br>Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro<br>Este trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar a representação do escritor e do crítico de arte
tematizada por Rubens Figueiredo nos contos “A última palavra” (Contos de Pedro, 2006) e
“Os biógrafos de Albernaz” (O livro dos lobos, 1994, 1ª ed.), bem como no romance Barco a
seco (2001). Ao apresentar a trajetória desses personagens e sua relação com as diversas esferas
de consagração do campo literário ou artístico, as narrativas possibilitam uma rica discussão
sobre a inserção e a manutenção do escritor no mercado editorial brasileiro contemporâneo, na
medida em que o reconhecimento desses personagens passa pela chancela do editor e da crítica.
A partir dessa investigação, é possível ampliar a discussão para temas como autoridade do
escritor e distinção social. Além disso, uma vez que a atividade profissional dos personagens
analisados está ligada a um sistema de visibilidade e de garantia de privilégios, desenvolve-se
uma discussão sobre a ética do escritor, sobre sistemas de valoração, e, também, sobre o lugar
social não só do crítico, do escritor e do editor, mas do livro e do leitor – sobretudo no que se
refere ao valor do livro. A orientação teórica deste trabalho articula-se com as ideias
apresentadas por Eneida Maria de Souza, Néstor Garcia Canclini, Pierre Bourdieu, Regina
Dalcastagnè e Beatriz Sarlo<br>This work aims to analyse the representation of writers and the art critic presented by Rubens
Figueiredo in the short stories “A última palavra” (Contos de Pedro, 2006), and “Os biógrafos
de Albernaz” (O livro dos lobos, 1994, 1ª ed.), as well as in the novel Barco a seco (2001).
Presenting characters in their relation with the possibilities of consecration in the literary field,
the three narratives provide varied themes of discussion concerning contemporary insertion and
maintenance of writers into Brazilian literary field, considering the fact that their appreciation
is directly connected to editors’ and critics’ approval. The examination includes a wide
discussion about writers’ authority and social distinction. Furthermore, regarding the characters
professional activities and their association with a system which guarantees visibility and
privileges, this work develops a discussion about ethics, value systems, and, also, about the
place which critics and writers, readers and, mainly, books, occupy in Brazilian contemporary
society. This work’s theoretical orientation articulated with ideas presented by Eneida Maria de
Souza, Néstor Garcia Canclini, Pierre Bourdieu, Regina Dalcastagnè, and Beatriz Sarlo
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Mumwi, Simon Marco. "The conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the persistance of the crisis in the Kivus." Thesis, 2014.
Trouver le texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.M. (Security))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2012.<br>This study sets out to examine the causes for the continued conflicts in the Kivu particularly after
the establishment of a transitional government in the DRC in 2004 and the elections in 2006.
Three factors appear to account for the continued conflicts. First is the ethnic divide between the
local population and the Kinyarwanda speakers that have settled in the region overtime. This
conflict is mostly centered on the land issues which were not addressed in the final agreements
for the establishment of the transitional government in Kinshasa, at Sun City in 2002. It should
not be surprising that this sparked new fighting in 2006 after the elections. Second is the
continued existence of a central power vacuum. This is mainly because the national army is
neither strong nor disciplined enough to establish its hegemony in the area. Its task was made
more difficult by the continued Rwandan interests in the area, which went beyond security
concerns. Thus the Nkunda rebellion was only successful because of Rwandan support. Third is
the continuation of the war economy centered on the exploitation of natural resources that are
abundant in the area. This has helped to fund the war in the Kivus, and as long as there are
profits to be made from natural resources exploitation, conflicts and violence in the area will
continue.
The conclusion from this study is that peace in the Kivus needs the establishment of a central
administration with both military power to secure the area, in particular the mining areas and
judicial authority to prosecute the warlords and armed groups that continue to benefit from the
continuation of conflicts and violence in the area.
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Burimaso, Alfred. "Political leadership crisis in the post-colonial African states: the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)." Thesis, 2014.
Trouver le texte intégralRésumé :
Using the Democratic Republic of Congo as a case study, this research report examines factors that best explain the widely agreed upon fact that most post-colonial African States have poor leadership. These states experience severe leadership crisis. The leadership crisis must be brought to an end if post-colonial Africa is to successfully advance its socio-political and economic agenda. To that end, uncovering exactly why these states lack good leadership is the first logical step if one seriously applies one’s cognitive faculties. The report makes a modest contribution in that regard. It suggests that two systemic practices remain key factors that best explain the phenomenon of leadership crisis in post-colonial African states. These are the neocolonial and the neo-patrimonial systems.
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Mikysková, Jitka. "Československo jako prostředník sovětského bloku v konžské krizi 1960-1963." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350754.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The presented dissertation analyses the role of Communist Czechoslovakia in a period of so called "Congo Crisis" in the years 1960-1963, which began after the independence of the Belgian Congo had been declared. Czechoslovakia was the only Eastern Bloc country which had a representative office in the capital city of Leopoldville over a long period of time and had maintained business and diplomatic relations with the former Belgian Congo since the First Republic; therefore it was an irreplaceable mediator between the newly declared Republic of the Congo and Eastern Bloc countries. The individual chapters rely especially on archival documents and analyse the roles of Patrice Lumumba, UN, separatist government of Antoine Gizenga in the Eastern province, namely in the context of Czechoslovakian foreign policy toward African continent in the observed period. The dissertation is grounded especially on documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and archives of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. In order to set the dissertation to the international context, it was mainly French, Belgian and Soviet literature, which was used as it offers a very different perspective on the topic in question.
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Kotrman, Václav. "Kubánské zahraniční mise v Africe v 60. letech 20. století a Československo." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-389823.
Texte intégralRésumé :
1 Abstract A Group of revolutionaries led by Fidel Castro has been struggling to overthrow the Cuban President Fulgencio Batista since the half of 1950s. After they succeeded on New Year's Eve 1959 the Revolutionary Cuban Government changed strategy in all aspects of the state administration. One of the most visible change happened in the sector of foreign policy. Cuba began to act not only as a sovereign country in relation to the neighbouring states which led to the conflict with the United States, but also began to actively export her model of revolution. The main initiators in this turn were Ernesto "Che" Guevara and Fidel Castro. The first region where Havana attempted to export the revolution was Latin America. Nevertheless, all attempts failed during 1960s. At the same time, the process of decolonisation in Africa visited by Guevara in the middle of 1959 was in progress. In Egypt, he established his first contacts with revolutionary leaders and subsequently informed Havana about the situation. The socialist character of a number of revolutionary movements was close to Cubans, so they started to widen relationship with them. First aid to Africa was sent by Cuban government at the end of 1961 to Algeria which fought for independence on France since 1954. Strengthening of relations between Havana and...
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Hayter, Martin Robert. "A metaphor for disaster : a multiple case study of the leaky condo crisis." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10643.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigated the effects of a process of metaphor creation on the
meaningful understanding of a significant past experience - that of owning and living in a
condominium that had been damaged because of excessive rain and poor building
practises and/or materials. This natural disaster has affected the Lower Mainland of
British Columbia predominantly, and the media have called it "The Leaky Condo Crisis."
Theory states that metaphors can be helpful in changing how people feel toward,
think about, and deal with their experiences. In this way metaphors can help people
toward a more meaningful understanding of those experiences. In order to explore these
ideas, a structured intervention was developed and called the MetaForm. It involves the
creation of metaphors for an experience in order to explore the similarities and
differences between the metaphor and the experience to derive meaning from or add
meaning to the experience.
To this end, each of four co-researchers was interviewed twice. The Intervention
Interview introduced the MetaForm. The participants related their condominium stories,
then they created metaphors for various parts of those stories. These parts were named
after the elements of drama: setting, mood, props, cast, plot and theme. When a coresearcher
suggested a metaphor, it was elaborated into a full story or drama by that coresearcher
and myself. The Inquiry Interview explored the MetaForm for evidence of
meaningful understanding.
Participants reported that the MetaForm intervention helped them, to varying
degrees and in different ways, to develop a more meaningful understanding of their
experiences of owning and living in water-damaged condominiums.
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Ntamulenga, Christian Kabati. "The ICC's jurisdictional limitations and the impunity for war crimes in the DRC : a plea for the establishment of a special criminal tribunal." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/9822.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The cruelty and scope of the widespread criminality of humans in the world, which was a feature of the past century, was fuelled by scientific progress, egoism and humanity's power of destruction. The criminal consequences of the many imperialistic, hegemonic and barbarous wars in that century were immeasurable in terms of violations of human rights.
Notwithstanding the emergence of international criminal justice through the experience of the International Criminal Military Tribunal of Nuremberg and Tokyo and later the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, globally, impunity for egregious crimes continues.
The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the end of the 20th century was saluted as a major step forward in the evolution of international criminal justice. While previous tribunals were ad hoc, the ICC is permanent and has large territorial jurisdiction. This raises hope among the many Congolese victims of the first African World War, who view the ICC as a paradigm change that will put a stop to impunity for crimes against humanity and the crimes of genocide and war.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the past decades have been marked by instability and horrible armed conflicts (1996-97 and 1998-2003) which left several million people dead, and which were marked by gross war crimes. The negative consequences of those atrocities persist until today. While the ICC initiated the prosecution of some war criminals in 2004, most crimes committed before 2002 remain unpunished, because the ICC's jurisdiction is limited to after that time.
It is therefore imperative to examine other mechanisms to deal with impunity for various grave crimes, including war crimes, perpetrated between 1996 and 2002. Thus the aim of this research is to contribute to the fight against impunity for crimes in the DRC by examining how other modes of jurisdiction such as the principle of universality can be applied, and to assess the need for the establishment of a specific tribunal for the DRC.
Considering the inability and incapacity of the Congolese judicial apparatus, this study concludes by recommending the establishment of a Special Criminal Tribunal which can put an end to impunity for serious crimes committed in the DRC.<br>Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.
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Martins, Pedro Alexandre Nobre Santos. "A crise do Congo vista pela imprensa portuguesa (1960-1965)." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/9041.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Em 30 de Junho de 1960, através de uma cerimónia em Léopoldville em que discursou
Balduíno, o rei dos Belgas, a Bélgica concedeu a independência ao Congo. Este
acontecimento foi marcante na história de África, não só porque seguia a lógica dos
movimentos para a auto-determinação dos povos do pós-guerra, mas também pelo que
se iria suceder nos dias que se seguiram à independência. A cerimónia de independência
do Congo recebeu uma atenção mediática importante, que aumentou ainda mais quando
se as Force Publique se amotinaram, fazendo com que o interesse mediático pelo Congo
tenha uma importância acrescida. O caos político e social que se seguiu, em que se
assistiu à anarquia e à violência e em que o Estado central se viu incapaz de poder
controlar, irá ter impacto na opinião pública mundial.
De 1960 até 1965, o Congo ex-belga, vai viver um período de instabilidade política e
social, caracterizado por um primeiro-ministro assassinado, duas secessões internas,
uma revolta comunista e um governo de influência comunista. A chamada “Crise do
Congo” terminará quando o general Mobutu tomar o poder através de um golpe de
estado, a 25 de Novembro de 1965.
Este trabalho, que se integra no domínio científico das Relações Internacionais, tem
como tema a visão que a imprensa portuguesa tinha deste acontecimento. Os três jornais
em estudo são o Diário de Lisboa, o Diário da Manhã e o Diário de Notícias. As
principais fontes utilizadas foram os artigos de opinião dos jornais em estudo, que
deram uma visão mais pessoal ao conflito.<br>On the 30th of June 1960, Baldwin, King of Belgium, made a speech in Leopoldville
during a Ceremony in which Belgium conceded Congo’s Independence. This event
constituted a landmark on Africa’s history, not only because if followed the general
movement towards self determination of the people, in the aftermath of the Second
World War, but also because of what would happen in the days following the
independence. Congo’s Independence Ceremony received the spotlight of the media,
and this interest and attention got even bigger after the Force Publique mutiny. The
press interest regarding the Congo will grow henceforth. The political and social chaos
that ensued, in which anarchy and violence irrupted and resulted in a central State that
was incapable of control, a situation which had tremendous impact on public opinion.
From 1960 to 1965, the former Belgian Congo will go through a period of political and
social instability, characterized by the murder of a prime-minister, two internal
secessions, a communist rebellion and a Government with a communist tendency. The
so called “Congo Crisis” will end only when General Mobutu takes over the power,
through a coup d’état on the 25th of November of 1965.
This paper, which inserts itself in the scientific field of International relations, has as its
goal to depict the way in which the Portuguese Press described these events. The three
newspapers transcribed are the Diário de Lisboa, the Diário da Manhã and the Diário
de Notícias. The main sources used for this paper are articles by opinion makers of the
referred newspapers, which gave the conflict a more personal point of view.
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Kilimani, Lambo II. "Mass rape in north and south Kivu provinces from 1996-2001: understanding the reasons for ongoing sexual violence against women in the Democratic Republic of Congo conflicts." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/2353.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigates the factors behind the mass rape of women from 1996-2001 in North and
South Kivu provinces during the 1996-2003 armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of
Congo.
Atrocities against women have always been a significant concern in feminist agendas and
discourses. In time of peace as in time of war, women remain at the center stage of male
violence. The Democratic Republic of Congo conflicts are reported to have killed more people
than in Iraq, Afghanistan and Darfur combined. Sexual violence against women in North and
South Kivu, DRC is believed to be the worst in the world. Women in these two provinces were
raped, forced into prostitution, mutilated, and to some extent, subjected to further inhumane acts
such as shooting and the introduction of objects into their private parts. HIV and AIDS, and other
sexual transmitted diseases constitute some of the extra diagnosis associated with the victims.
Yet, to date, no one understands why these women continue to be raped on a daily basis.
The 1996-2003 Congo conflict has witnessed the involvement of several countries such as
Angola, Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. Yet, none of these interventionist countries
have ever condemned sexual atrocities committed against women in DRC, in general and in
North and South Kivu, in particular. Despite having a democratically elected government
and legitimate institutions such as courts of law and tribunals, crimes of this kind committed
against women continue unabated.
The policies of militarism and wars either intended for regime change or in the pursuit of the
world's resources have increased the threat of armed conflicts which expose women to rape. The
continuation of sexual violence in these two provinces has led to the view by many media groups
and humanitarian organizations that rape is used as a weapon of war. The Constitution of the
DRC prior to the conflict was biased towards women. The post conflict Constitution approved in
February 2006 is theoretically accommodating of gender-based discrimination. Nationally,
impunity for rape perpetrators has become a norm. Internationally, rape has long been
mischaracterized and diminished by military and political leaders which lead to the belief that
there is a strong undercurrent of patriarchal phenomenon involving many global institutions of
power.
The implication of discriminating, gender-based provisions in the constitution and the failure to
implement policies that empower women has most of the time strengthened the social
construction of masculinity and its idolization which are perceived as the social roots of violence
against women during wartime.
In many armed conflicts similar to that of the North and South Kivu, women have always been
the victims. Yet, men involved in combat have often negotiated peace between themselves rather
than justice for the victims. Justice for women in this part of the world remains elusive.<br>Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009.
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Zihindula, Theo G. "Consequences of gender based violence on reproductive health : a case study of female patients in Lemera Hospital." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3048.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study was conducted in order to explore the experiences of survivors of gender based violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The aim was to determine the impact of gender based violence on the reproductive health of women. The study was carried out at a hospital in the eastern province of the country. In-depth interviews were conducted with women survivors of rape and informant interviews with staff at the hospital. A total of twenty one participants participated in the study. The findings show that women suffered humiliation, physical and psychological torture during their rape. Some women were raped by a number of men. The rape also had serious consequences for their sexual and reproductive health. Some of the effects of their rape were long-term: it resulted in an unwanted pregnancy or HIV/AIDS. Many of the women expressed their fears for the future. They were particularly worried about their children, especially those who were divorced following their rape and those who lived with HIV/AIDS.<br>Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2010.