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1
Van der Enden, Mark. « Ian McPhee and Elizabeth G. Pemberton. Late Classical Pottery from Ancient Corinth, Drain 1971-1 in the Forum Southwest. Corinth VII.6. pp. 400, 80 ills, 4- plates, 18 charts. 2012. Princeton NJ : American School of Classical Studies at Athens. » Journal of Greek Archaeology 5 (1 janvier 2020) : 596–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v5i.457.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Volume VII.6, late Classical Pottery from Corinth, is another fine addition to the American School at Athens Corinth Excavation series. McPhee and Pemberton present in this volume the ceramic material (plus other artefacts) associated with Drain 1971-1 excavated in the southwestern area of Corinth’s Roman forum. The material attested in this deposit has been dated to the latter part of the 4th century BC and is expertly presented by the authors. Corinth VII.6, therefore, further enhances our understanding of ceramic developments at Corinth during the late Classical/early Hellenistic period, a timeframe of great geo-political change, not necessarily reflected as McPhee & Pemberton assert in the use of ceramic utensils by Corinth’s inhabitants.
2
Kaponis, Antonios S. « Intertemporal Memories of a Shifting Unity ». Classica et Mediaevalia, no 1 (23 mai 2024) : 221–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.vi1.145251.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In ancient Greece, a metropolis and its apoikiai constituted a form of kinship unity. In Thucydides’ view, at least in his era, particular bonds of kinship connected the Corinthian apoikiai on, or in the vicinity of, the Ambracian Gulf with Corinth itself, and literary tradition endowed Ambracia, Leucas and Anactorion with a special cultural unity. Modern research ranging over political institutions, foreign policy, ideology, economic factors, cults, myths, calendar and burial customs has shown that these poleis regarded themselves as members of a Corinthian colonial family. Initially highly dependent on Corinthian policy during the archaic period, by the end of this period the western apoikiai had admittedly begun to diverge from a Corinthian-centred economy and to move away from Corinthian traditions. Internal social diversification also caused these poleis to move away from Corinthian institutions and habits. Nevertheless, despite various political fluctuations, western Corinthian apoikiai remained within the Corinthian sphere of influence and after Timoleon’s campaign they revived old Corinthian traditions and institutions. Indeed, other Greeks of late classical times regarded the citizens of these poleis as if they were indeed Corinthians. The area remained under Corinthian economic influence throughout Hellenistic times and memories of affinities with and ties to Corinth survived in her apoikiai. Lastly, Hellenistic monarchs and even Augustus himself took advantage of the peculiar Corinthian identity of these apoikiai for their own ends.
3
Kloppenborg, John S. « Gaius the Roman Guest ». New Testament Studies 63, no 4 (12 septembre 2017) : 534–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688517000078.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The usual understanding of Gaius in Rom 16.23 as a ‘host’ of the Corinthian Christ group (or the host of travellers to Corinth) is fraught with several difficulties: it implausibly renders ξένος as ‘host’ rather than the much more common ‘guest’; it fails to explain why a ‘host’ would have been named so far down Paul's list of those sending greetings; and it fails to explain why Paul refers to this person by his praenomen instead of the more common cognomen. Gaius is not a Corinthian ‘host’, but a Roman ‘guest’ of the Christ group in Corinth. This also implies that Gaius is not a wealthy patron of the Christ group at Corinth.
4
Sharov, Konstantin. « Gender topic in the Corinthian sermons and epistles of the apostle Paul ». ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 14, no 1 (2020) : 267–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2020-14-1-267-277.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the paper, several well-known passages from the Epistles of the Apostle Paul are studied that raise the women’s issue in Corinth and still cause many discrepancies and contradictory assessments from masculine bias and chauvinism in early Christian preaching to St Paul’s personal misogyny. The author shows that these places should be interpreted as a continuation of the Corinthian sermons of the Apostle, deliberately composed by Paul in the context of non-Christian Greco-Roman culture of Corinth revived by Julius Cæsar. At the heart of this Corinthian culture, there was the famous temple of Aphrodite, sacred prostitution and the exquisitely hedonistic hetæras society.
5
Hendry, Michael. « Interpolating an isthmus : Juvenal 6.294–7 ». Classical Quarterly 47, no 1 (mai 1997) : 323–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.1.323.
Texte intégralRésumé :
R. J. Tarrant has remarked that ‘Latin poets from Ovid onward...felt an almost irresistible urge to mention the Isthmus of Corinth wherever possible’,2 and A. E. Housman admitted to a similar, though less urgent, inclination to introduce the city of Corinth into the passage quoted: ‘inter 295 et 296 excidisse uidetur uersus cuius clausula fuerit Corinthus’. Corinth would, of course, be very much at home in this list of depraved and wealthy (or formerly wealthy) Greek cities, and would suitably head the list.
6
König, Jason. « Favorinus' Corinthian Oration in its Corinthian context ». Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 47 (2001) : 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500000742.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At some time in the second quarter of the second century AD, the controversial sophist–philosopher Favorinus seems to have delivered a speech in Corinth, complaining about the removal of a statue which had previously been erected there in his honour. In doing so he was addressing the inhabitants of a city which occupied an unusual – in many ways unique – position between Greek and Roman identity: Corinth had been sacked by Roman forces in 146 BC, and then refounded as a Roman colony more than one hundred years later, and even in the second century AD it was still sometimes represented as a Roman intrusion within the Greek world, even though it had been strongly influenced by the Greek populations surrounding it in the intervening years. My aim in this article is to examine Favorinus' Corinthian Oration in the light of the cultural ambiguities of its setting. Despite increasing interest in Favorinus in recent years, and despite an increasing volume of archaeological evidence for Corinthian life in the second century, there have been very few detailed readings of the speech's complexities, and even fewer which have recognized the way in which it is crucially anchored within its Corinthian context.
7
Goodrich, John K. « Erastus of Corinth (Romans 16.23) : Responding to Recent Proposals on his Rank, Status, and Faith ». New Testament Studies 57, no 4 (5 septembre 2011) : 583–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688511000063.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Studies on Erastus, the Corinthian oikonomos (Rom 16.23), continue to dispute the fundamental make up of his identity, including his administrative rank, socio-economic standing, even his status as a believer. Ultimately seeking to defend the view that Erastus was a Christian who served as a Corinthian municipal quaestor, this article responds separately to two recent essays, replying initially to Weiss' charge that Corinth did not have the municipal quaestorship, then critiquing Friesen's claim that Erastus was an unbelieving public slave.
8
Ziskowski, Angela. « Cutting down the tallest ears of grain : archaeological evidence for tyranny and sumptuary law in ‘wealthy’ Corinth ». Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (1 janvier 2017) : 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v2i.577.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In one of his few references to the city of Ancient Corinth, Homer described it as wealthy, ‘aphneios.’ Yet archaeological investigation has exposed a city lacking great numbers of lavish offerings and monumental temples in the Greek periods. Explanations for this anomaly have included the Mummian destruction of the city in 146 BC, when Roman looting could have removed evidence for wealth, or the argument that the agora of Corinth has yet to be located. In a 1996 article Elizabeth Pemberton argued that the lack of opulent dedications in Corinth was because the early community made the choice to offer only goods made from that which they had. Local resources were primarily limited to wood, clay, and limestone. Since resources for marble, gold, and other metals are lacking in the Corinthia, she proposed that the city chose not to make offerings from such materials.
9
MacDonald, Brian R. « The Diolkos. » Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (novembre 1986) : 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629658.
Texte intégralRésumé :
R. M. Cook has recently pointed out that the transport of warships across the Isthmus of Corinth was not the normal use of thediolkossince there was no regular need for such transport. Rather, thediolkosfrom its inception served a commercial function and its use provided the Corinthian state with a source of revenue.
10
Klesner, Catherine, Jay A. Stephens, Emilio Rodriguez-Alvarez et Pamela B. Vandiver. « Reconstructing the Firing and Pigment Processing Technologies of Corinthian Polychrome Ceramics, 8-6th Centuries B.C.E. » MRS Advances 2, no 35-36 (2017) : 1889–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/adv.2017.257.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTDecorative, polychrome ceramics from Corinth, Greece, produced during the 8th-6th centuries B.C.E. were luxury goods widely traded throughout Greece and the Mediterranean. Corinthian pottery is the first 5-color polychrome ceramic technology, having slip-glazes in distinctive white, black, red, yellow, and purple colors, and in a variety of surface finishes from glossy, to semi-matte, to matte. The firing temperature range, 925-1075°C, was determined experimentally to be to be higher than previously reported, similar to the Corinthian amphorae and other ceramic products. This firing range is higher than that of the better known, more prestigious Athenian Black-figure and Red-figure ceramics. In this study three examples of Corinthian and one example of Athenian Black-figure ceramics from the Marie Farnsworth collection at the University of Arizona were tested and compared to thirteen clays from Corinth. Analytical techniques included Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), scanning-electron microscopy with energy-dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS), micro-Raman spectroscopy, and wavelength-dispersive electron microprobe (EPMA with BSE-SEM).Artisans in Corinthian workshops experimented to change the colors of the slips by varying the type and amount of iron-rich raw material, as well as the composition of the clay used as a binder and the amount of flux used as a sintering aid to promote glass formation. Corinthian artisans developed not only different recipes to produce the various colors, but also they were able to control raw-material particle size and composition to produce variations in surface luster (matte, semi-matte and glossy). This research suggests that Corinthian polychrome-slip technology was based on careful control of particle processing, of compositional control of raw materials and their admixtures, and of firing temperature. The behavior or practice of adding different ratios of pigments and glass-forming fluxes to form various optical effects implies a detailed knowledge of what happens when these are heated and fired. This is a process of experimentation focused on developing a distinctive craft practice, which produced a distinctive and highly valued material. The Corinthians developed a more complex, easily recognizable, and culturally distinctive ceramic technology that was intentionally established as a cultural brand, and probably as a luxury brand of high socio-economic value. This research deepens our understanding of the complex pigment processing and firing technologies employed in the production of Corinthian ceramics.
11
DeMaris, Richard. « Demeter in Roman Corinth : Local Development in a Mediterranean Religion ». Numen 42, no 2 (1995) : 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527952598701.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis study constructs a history of Demeter worship in Corinth and its environs based on archaeological finds from the Demeter and Kore sanctuary on Acrocorinth and elsewhere in the Corinthia. These finds document the changing character of Demeter devotion from the Greek to Roman period. Demeter worship survived the Roman sacking of Corinth in 146 BCE, but the reemerging cult changed: Demeter's chthonic aspect became dominant in the Roman period. The earlier Greek emphasis on fertility, substantiated by votive pottery finds from the Classical and Hellenistic periods, gave way to funerary and underwold emphases. Evidence both from the Demeter and Kore sanctuary on Acrocorinth and from Isthmia attests to the growing importance of Persephone and Pluto, the rulers of the dead, and of snake symbols, whose funerary and chthonic affinities were deeply rooted in ancient Mediterranean culture.
12
Daems, Dries. « Sarah James. Hellenistic Pottery : The Fine Wares. Corinth VII.7. pp. 360, with 45 ills, 44 plates, 3 plans, 3 tables. 2018. Princeton NJ : American School of Classical Studies at Athens. ISBN 978-0-87661-077-0, hardcover £150. » Journal of Greek Archaeology 5 (1 janvier 2020) : 607–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v5i.463.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The latest edition in the Corinth volumes, Hellenistic Pottery: The Fine Wares by Sarah James, is the seventh instalment of the pottery volumes, initiated by Saul Weinberg in 1943. It provides a much-needed extension and revision of the chronology of Hellenistic pottery posited in Roger Edwards’ book Corinthian Hellenistic Pottery, which was published as the third volume in this series in 1975.
13
Langdon, Susan. « Early Corinthian Jointed Dolls : Context, Meaning, and Diffusion ». Hesperia : The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 93, no 2 (avril 2024) : 251–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hes.2024.a929938.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT: Of the many innovations made by Corinthian coroplasts, the most distinctive may be the Classical-period jointed dolls. Scholarship connects the nude figures with the rituals of girls’ maturation and preparation for marriage. Largely overlooked are jointed dolls in chitoniskos and polos, presumed forerunners of the nudes. Over 40 specimens excavated at the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth offer an opportunity to understand the development of dolls within their Corinthian religious and social setting. This investigation reveals a dozen Archaizing types and tracks their dissemination across the Greek-speaking world. Far from a brief prelude to Classical dolls, the early figurines bear witness to cult developments and previously undetected rituals in Corinth.
14
Ziskowski, Angela. « CLUBFEET AND KYPSELIDS : CONTEXTUALISING CORINTHIAN PADDED DANCERS IN THE ARCHAIC PERIOD ». Annual of the British School at Athens 107 (2 octobre 2012) : 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245412000093.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The significance behind the imagery of the padded dancer, or komast, traditionally has been connected to early drama, Dionysos, or ritual practices. Most Archaic Corinthian vases that include these figures portray them dancing, and a percentage of those dancers also illustrate a deformity of the foot. This article attempts to contextualise the clubfooted padded dancer within its political, cultural and geographic boundaries by offering an explanation for the end of production of these figures in Corinth. The lame padded dancer may have been a localised symbol offering political commentary on historical traditions of lameness within the tyrannical family of Corinth. Its production and discontinuation may be connected to the rise and fall of this family.
15
Ippolito, Francesca. « Elizabeth R. Gebhard and Timothy E. Gregory (eds). Bridge of the Untiring Sea : The Corinthian Isthmus from Prehistory to Late Antiquity ». Journal of Greek Archaeology 3 (1 janvier 2018) : 512–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v3i.561.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This volume is a collection of papers delivered at a conference celebrating 55 years (1952-2007) of archaeological works at the Corinthian Isthmus.
After an Introduction, which includes Early Iron Age through 5th century AD written sources mentioning Corinth and the Isthmus and a brief geographical and topographical description of the region, the authors summarize the research history, from the first recordings by travelers in the 15th century.
16
Tomlinson, R. A. « Architectural pieces in stone in the collection of the British School at Athens ». Annual of the British School at Athens 95 (novembre 2000) : 473–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400004767.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 29 pieces are described and illustrated. Apart from the Ionic capital fragment excavated by the School at Kynosarges, they probably come from a collection made in the nineteenth century by George Finlay, as older Turkish buildings in Athens were demolished. Most are of minor importance, but parallels are adduced from Corinthian capitals in Athens and Corinth. Later capitals belonged to a Turkish house recorded by Danish architects in 1835 and 1851.
17
MCPHEE, IAN. « CLASSICAL POTTERY FROM ANCIENT CORINTH THE A. D. TRENDALL MEMORIAL LECTURE 2003 ». Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 47, no 1 (1 décembre 2004) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2004.tb00238.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This paper examines certain aspects of ceramic production in Corinth during the second half of the 5th and the 4th centuries BCE, mainly based upon the pottery found in a single deposit, Drain 1971–1. The introduction of the red-figure technique, and of shapes such as the stemless bell-krater and the krater of Falaieff type is considered; and the development of the Corinth oinochoe briefly outlined. The re-introduction of new decorative techniques and the development of new shapes show the continuing inventiveness of Corinthian potters in the Classical period, particularly with regard to utilitarian pottery. Changes in sympotic pottery and in drinking habits in the middle and third quarter of the 5th century, and again in the late 4th and early 3rd century, are suggested.
18
HORRELL, DAVID G. « Domestic Space and Christian Meetings at Corinth : Imagining New Contexts and the Buildings East of the Theatre ». New Testament Studies 50, no 3 (juillet 2004) : 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688504000207.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Most scholars who have tried to understand the divisions that arose at the Lord's Supper in Corinth in the light of their concrete domestic setting have done so with regard to the physical structure of the Roman villa, with its triclinium, atrium, etc., often following the work of Jerome Murphy-O'Connor. However, there are a number of reasons, related both to the nature of the archaeological evidence and to the likely socio-economic level of the Corinthian Christians, why such a setting is far less plausible than is generally thought. Certainly, other possible kinds of domestic space should also be carefully considered. The excavations east of the theatre at Corinth carried out during the 1980s provide just one case study of a different kind of domestic space, which, it is argued, offers a more plausible background.
19
Wenno, Vincent Kalvin. « Persoalan Pengudusan Pasangan dalam Pernikahan Beda Agama : Kritik Sosio-Historis 1 Korintus 7:12-16 ». DUNAMIS : Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristiani 5, no 2 (1 avril 2021) : 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30648/dun.v5i2.314.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract. This study describes the marriage legality between Christian and non-Christian in Corinth. The text that is used as a focus for interpretation is 1 Corinthians 7:12-16, by using the socio-historical criticism. The text was chosen because it talked about the marriage of different beliefs that took place in the City of Corinth. To interpret text by the socio-historical criticism, things to consider are: First, the background of the social and historical context and mixed marriage in Corinth. Second, the problem of holiness and divorce in marriage in Corinth. Based the study, it can be explained that Paul's understanding of the sanctity of Christian marriage is a way to make a border between holiness and unholiness in pluralistic Corinthian society.Abstrak. Tulisan ini menguraikan persoalan keabsahan pernikahan antara orang Kristen dan bukan Kristen di Kota Korintus. Fokus teks yang menjadi acuan penafsiran adalah 1 Korintus 7:12-16, dengan menggunakan pendekatan tafsir sosio-historis. Teks tersebut dipilih karena berbicara menyangkut pernikahan berbeda keyakinan yang terjadi di Kota Korintus. Untuk menafsirkan teks dengan sosio-historis, maka hal yang diperhatikan adalah latar belakang konteks sosial-historis dan pernikahan campuran di Korintus, serta masalah kekudusan dan perceraian dalam pernikahan di Korintus. Berdasarkan hasil studi, maka dapat dijelaskan bahwa pemahaman Paulus tentang kudusnya pernikahan Kristen adalah cara menarik batas antara kudus dan cemar dalam masyarakat Korintus yang majemuk.
20
Appeldoorn, Gijsbert van. « Group Formative Processes in 2 Cor 6:14–7:1 ». Religions 15, no 5 (26 avril 2024) : 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15050538.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article offers a fresh interpretation of the intended impact of 2 Cor 6:14–7:1 on the group formation of the Corinthian Christ community. To achieve this interpretation, it will first determine the most likely social reference of the term οἱ ἄπιστοι. Secondly, it will describe a methodological tool from the Social Identity Approach that will help to visualise how groups are formed and reformed when the context changes. Finally, it will apply this tool to determine how 2 Cor 6:14–7:1 affected the boundaries of the Christ community in Corinth.
21
Widok, Norbert. « Droga dążenia do świętości według Klemensa Rzymskiego ». Vox Patrum 57 (15 juin 2012) : 727–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4168.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The third successor of St. Peter on the see of the Roman ecclesiastic community, Clement of Rome, is the author of a letter addressed to the believers in Corinth. The content of this letter offers an essential witness concerning the problems in the initial stage of the history of the Church, especially in relation to its small particle in Corinth. One of the issues discussed by Clement is encouragement for the effort of inner perfection, i.e. holiness. His offer directed to the Corinthian community contains several stages which a Christian should undergo. The ascent to holiness, according to the Bishop of Rome, starts with acknowledgement of one’s guilts. This is a condition and basis for the next stage, i.e. penance and conversion. The final stage is built on the theological virtues of faith and hope. The concept of achieving holiness, offered by Clement of Rome, is close to other witnesses of that epoch: Didache and the letters of Ignatius of Antioch.
22
Welborn, L. L. « How ‘Democratic’ Was the Pauline Ekklēsia ? An Assessment with Special Reference to the Christ Groups of Roman Corinth ». New Testament Studies 65, no 3 (2 mai 2019) : 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688519000092.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Several recent studies have argued for the importance of democratic practices and ideology for a proper understanding of the issues and debates reflected in Paul's Corinthian correspondence. This new perspective stands in tension with older scholarship which emphasised the role of patronage in the structure and dynamics of the house churches that made up the ekklēsia of Christ-believers at Corinth. This essay draws upon new research into the political sociology of Greek cities in the early Empire, which highlights evidence of the continuing vitality of democratic assemblies (ekklēsiai) in the first and second centuries, despite the limitations imposed upon local autonomy by Roman rule. Special attention is devoted to the epigraphic evidence of first-century Corinth, whose political institutions and social relations were those of a Roman colony. The essay seeks to ascertain whether the politics of the Christ groups mimicked those of the city in which they were located or represented an alternative.
23
Raulina, Raulina. « A Sociological-Ideological Approach to Interpreting 1 Corinthians 7:1-11 : The Perspective on Marriage in the Corinthian Church ». Theological Journal Kerugma 7, no 2 (3 octobre 2024) : 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33856/kerugma.v7i2.422.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article discusses the sociological-ideological interpretation of 1 Corinthians 7:1-11, where Paul responds to the Corinthians' questions regarding marriage and celibacy. In this analysis, the social and ideological context of Corinthian society serves as the basis for understanding Paul's views. By considering the moral conditions and social structure of Corinth, the article examines how the local worldview influenced the interpretation of the text, as well as how the biblical text impacts the social life of the church. The research findings indicate that Paul's decisions about marriage and celibacy were not based on absolute principles, but rather on the specific sociological circumstances in Corinth at the time. Paul's perspective on marriage is also closely related to the Christian teaching on the sacred relationship between Christ and His church. This article emphasizes the importance of considering the social context when interpreting biblical texts, particularly in understanding issues related to family and personal relationships within the church community.
24
PATRICK, JAMES E. « Living Rewards for Dead Apostles : ‘Baptised for the Dead’ in 1 Corinthians 15.29 ». New Testament Studies 52, no 1 (12 décembre 2005) : 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850600004x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Baptism in the Corinthian church was an expression of allegiance to honour not only Christ but also the ‘patron’ apostle in whose testimony the convert had believed (1 Cor 1.12–17). Some apostles known to the Corinthians had died (cf. 15.6), yet their testimony lived on and bore fruit in Corinth, resulting in baptism for the honouring of the dead apostles. In the context of 15.20–34 Paul uses this practice to expose the hypocrisy of those who deny the resurrection and yet seek to honour apostles who depend on the resurrection for receiving honour, as do Christ and God the Father.
25
MacDonald, David. « A Bacchid at Apollonia : a late survival of an ancient family ». KOINON : The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies 2 (1 janvier 2019) : 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/k.v2i.1140.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A drachm struck late in the 1st century BC at Apollonia in Illyria testifies to the survival there of a branch of the Bacchids, a family first prominent at Corinth over half a millennium earlier. The origins of the Corinthian Bacchids are mythic. They claimed descent from Herakles, whose family, the Heracleids, was supposedly exiled from Greece after his death and returned in force some generations later. Earlier classicists equated the return of the Heracleids with the invasion of speakers of the Dorian Greek dialect; today even the reality of the Dorian invasion is vigorously contested.
26
Lee, Kiwoon. « Peace and Harmony ». Novum Testamentum 67, no 1 (3 janvier 2025) : 79–98. https://doi.org/10.1163/15685365-bja10086.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In 1 Clement 20, addressing Corinthian Christians, Clement of Rome deliberately appealed to the Stoic topos of peace and harmony to navigate class conflicts. Viewed in the social and philosophical context of ancient Corinth, similarities in the conceptual background of this topos are observed. This study goes beyond the above assumption by recognizing recurrent echoes of the OT’s creation accounts and cosmic order in 1 Clement 20. Peace and harmony were likely associated with the attributes of—and believed to have emanated from—the biblical God. Thus, Clement advocated for unity by appealing to the cosmic order of God’s creation.
27
Ruprecht, Louis A. « Athenagoras the Christian, Pausanias the Travel Guide, and a Mysterious Corinthian Girl ». Harvard Theological Review 85, no 1 (janvier 1992) : 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000028753.
Texte intégralRésumé :
I say, then, that it was Orpheus and Homer and Hesiod who gave the genealogies and the names to those who are called gods. … And as for statuary (εἰκόνες), it did not exist until the plastic arts and painting and sculpture were invented, nor had it even been conceived.These arts came in later with Saurias the Samian, Krato the Sikyonian, Kleanthes the Corinthian, and a Corinthian girl. Line drawing (σκιαγραφία) was discovered by Saurias, who sketched a horse in the sun; and painting (γραφική) by Krato, who traced the outline (σκιά) of a man and a woman in oils on a white background. Relief sculpture (κοροπλαθική) was discovered by the girl (she traced the outline [σκιά] of her lover on a wall while he was asleep). Her father was so delighted by the resemblance that, since he worked in ceramics, he engraved the impression and fleshed it out with clay. That figure (τύπος) is still preserved in Corinth. After them Daidalos, Theodoros, and Smilis invented sculpture and the plastic arts.
28
Xanthopoulou, Vayia, et Ioannis Iliopoulos. « An Insight into the Suitability of Clayey Raw Materials : The Ceramic Provinces of the Northern Peloponnese and South Epirus, Greece ». Buildings 13, no 2 (9 février 2023) : 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/buildings13020473.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Corinth, Achaea in the northern Peloponnese, and Nicopolis in Epirus (Greece) have a strong archaeological record of ceramic production, from the Early Helladic to Late Roman periods. Important archaeological sites, such as Helike, Aigeira, the settlement of Derveni, and the cities of Patras and Nicopolis, offer data and findings of exceptional quality. One of the main pillars for the development of the ceramic production in these areas was the availability of local natural resources, among which are the clayey sedimentary deposits that outcrop in the area. This study investigates the physical-technological properties (plasticity and granulometry), the mineralogical composition of clayey raw materials, in order to test their suitability for ceramic production across the entire geographic area. Our aim was to differentiate the three main “ceramic” provinces, based upon the above-mentioned properties. New data from western Achaea and south Epirus are presented and compared with previous research conducted in Corinthia and eastern Achaea. The results obtained showed that the clays sampled from Corinthia and eastern Achaea are carbonatic materials of poor plasticity, whereas those from western Achaea and Epirus are either Ca-rich or Ca-poor materials, with the majority exhibiting a better plasticity. The results from this study are expected to constitute an important archaeometric tool for tackling archaeological issues by means of provenance and ceramic technology within the region and in the surrounding areas.
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Lofgren, Mackenzie R. « Corinthian Pyxis : A Relative Dating and Contextual Analysis of Origin ». COMPASS 3, no 1 (29 septembre 2023) : 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/comp61.
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Pyxide jars are not uncommon to excavate, as they were standard possessions of women throughout a significant portion of ancient Greece. However, the pyxis jar on display at the W.G. Hardy Classics Museum in Edmonton, Alberta, is suggested to be from a time period that is limited in terms of comparable pyxides. The W.G. Hardy Classics Museum gives no explanation as to where the pyxis jar was contextually found beyond originating from Corinth, and an estimation of being produced sometime within the seventh–sixth century BC. This article narrows the suggested time of production from the two-hundred-year period, as claimed by the museum, to specifically the Early Corinthian period, through a process of relative dating, as Corinth was becoming the production centre for pottery during the time within ancient Greece. Through an analysis of the physical condition, artistic motifs, and comparable pyxides, we are able to ascertain the particular context in which it would have been found, in addition to the timeframe of production, and the likely tools used through the manufacturing process.
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Rutter, Jeremy B. « Corinth and the Corinthia in the Second Millenium B.C. : Old Approaches, New Problems ». Corinth 20 (2003) : 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4390717.
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Kantarelis, Demetri. « Administrative Sciences and their Origin in Ancient Corinth (*) ». Archives of Business Research 11, no 2 (15 février 2023) : 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.112.13974.
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During Periander’s reign (c. 627–585 BCE), Corinth became the wealthiest city-state in pre-classical Ancient Greece. By relying on reviewing ancient and non-ancient writings about Ancient Corinth, I venture to claim that Periander invented the multi-divisional form of organization. Additionally, I claim that he deserves to be called the Father of Administrative Sciences because, in his attempt to manage the city-state (his organization) efficiently and effectively, he instituted adverse selection and moral hazard minimizing incentive mechanisms. Periander established a classless society and encouraged the creation of new products and services. He promoted competition, efficiency, and fairness. He was against free monopoly and opportunism of any short as well as against waste and luxury. He freed all slaves so that Corinthians focus less on inconsequential endeavors and more on how to sharpen skills and improve know-how to enrich their lives and their city-state. He enabled Corinthians to distribute their products all over the known world by relying on sea trade and trade centers (primary Corinthian colonies) and marketed his city-state products through effective marketing by relying, mainly, on diplomacy. He minted state-sponsored metal coin money which became the most popular medium of exchange in trade dealings across the Mediterranean Basin. Furthermore, he required sellers to issue receipts and pay taxes above a certain level of revenue. Undoubtedly, during Periander’s 40 years of reign, materially, culturally, and aesthetically, Ancient Corinth became the Shining City on a Hill.
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Anevlavi, Vasiliki, Walter Prochaska, Anna Sophie Ruhland et Chiara Cenati. « Tracing Material Origins : Provenance Studies of White Marble in Roman Temple E of Ancient Corinth Using Archaeometric and Geoarchaeological Methods ». Minerals 15, no 1 (30 décembre 2024) : 37. https://doi.org/10.3390/min15010037.
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In 44 BC, Julius Caesar established Colonia Laus Iulia Corinthiensis, strategically reviving Corinth to dominate Isthmian trade routes and extend Rome’s commercial influence eastwards. At the centre of the colony lies Temple E, an enigmatic structure with an unidentified associated cult. This study investigates the architectural characteristics of Temple E, focusing on the use of marble as the primary building material. Petrographic analysis, elemental chemical profiling (Mn, Mg, Fe, Sr, Y, V, Cd, La, Ce, Yb, U), and isotopic measurements (δ18O ‰, δ13C ‰) are employed to analyse marble samples from the surrounding region, exploring sourcing and construction practices. Statistical comparisons with ancient quarry databases indicate a strong reliance on locally sourced Doliana marble, underscoring the economic significance of regional quarries and suggesting the existence of a local workshop dedicated to architectural production in Roman Corinth. By integrating geological and archaeometric approaches, this study highlights Corinth’s pivotal role in the regional marble trade and its broader economic importance during the Roman Imperial period. The findings emphasise the use of local resources, illustrating a flourishing marble-working industry and enhancing our understanding of the relationship between local materials and Roman architectural practices.
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Komatina, Predrag. « The establishment of the Metropolis of Patras and of Athens and the Slavs of the Peloponnesus ». Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no 46 (2009) : 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946027k.
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By the end of the 8th century, after the expedition of 783 led by Staurakios the imperial forces began the reestablishing of the imperial control over those parts of the Peloponnesus which had previously been in the hands of independent Slavs for about 200 years. The result was the administrative reorganization of the whole of the peninsula. The administrative reorganization was followed by the ecclesiastical one. Thus, in the so-called Notitia 2, written after 805/806 and before the end of 814, we find an entirely new image of the ecclesiastical organization of that part of the Empire. Alongside the old Metropolis of Corinth, there are now two new metropolitan sees - that of Patras and that of Athens. The Metropolis of Patras was founded by the charter of the emperor Nikephoros I, between 1st november 805 and 25th february 806. But, the Church of Patras already existed even before that moment, as an autocephalous archbishopric, subordinated directly to the patriarchical throne of Constantinople, and its existence in that rank was attested as early as 787. The Metropolis of Athens was established sometime during that same period, in the reign of patriarch Tarasios, but after the Council of 787, so the date of its establishment could be placed between 787 and 806. Like the Church of Patras, the Church of Athens also had the rank of autocephalous archbishopric, subordinated directly to Constantinople, before it was elevated to the rank of metropolis. It is not certain when the Church of Athens received the rank of autocephalous archbishopric. What were reasons for the creation of these new metropolitan sees within the old province of the Metropolis of Corinth? The ancient Metropolis of Corinth was the ecclesiastical center of the ancient province of Achaia, which in the later Roman times covered all of the Peloponnesus and Central Greece. But, the province of Achaia existed no more and so the rights and claims of the See of Corinth lost their value. For during the two-century-long rule of the pagan Slavs in vast regions of the Peloponnesus, the ecclesiastical organization in these regions vanished, and the jurisdiction of the See of Corinth was limited only to those parts of the former province of Achaia which remained under imperial control (that is the lands east of the Corinth-Malea line). When the Slavs of the Peloponnesus were defeated and subdued, after 783, the process of their christianization began, but the territory once controlled by them was not placed under the jurisdiction of the See of Corinth. In that territory, the autocephalous archbishopric of Patras was established and subjugated directly to Constantinople. Later, after the emperor Nikephoros crushed the Slavic rebellion, he established an independent Metropolis of Patras, in 805/806 which jurisdiction exclusively covered all of the former Slav-controlled territory of the peninsula. The new theme of the Peloponnesus was created out of the old imperial possessions in the peninsula, cut off from the old theme of Hellas, joined by the newly gained territories of the former Slavic parts of the peninsula. The theme of Hellas was thus limited to the territory that lay north of the Corinthian Isthmus. As a result of the separation of the new theme of Peloponnesus from the old theme of Hellas, which left Corinth in the territory of the new theme, the new ecclesiastical authority was established for the territory which was left to the theme of Hellas, i.e. for the territory north of the Corinthian Isthmus - the Metropolis of Athens. That event occurred after the Ecumenical Council of 787 and before the death of patriarche Tarasios in 806. Thus, as a result of all these changes in the administrative and ecclesiastical framework, the entirely new image of the Peloponnesus and Central Greece appeared at the beginning of the 9th century. Old, now smaller, theme of Hellas got its new Metropolis of Athens. The old Metropolis of Corinth remained head of the new theme of Peloponnesus, and the new Metropolis of Patras was created for the Slavic part of the theme of Peloponnesus. New administrative division caused new ecclesiastical organization. It was not based on patterns of old, late Roman principles, nor they were revived, but it was that new conditions demanded new responses. The Empire found them, in the finest manner of Byzantine oikonomia.
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Morgan, Catherine. « Corinth, The Corinthian Gulf and Western Greece During the Eighth Century BC ». Annual of the British School at Athens 83 (novembre 1988) : 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020785.
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The nature of 8th century Corinthian contact with sites in Phokis, Ithaka and Epirus is discussed, and archaeological evidence from these areas re-examined. It is suggested that early exchange activity is more complex than has hitherto been recognised, and should be regarded as independent of subsequent colonisation. A change in the pattern of contacts is distinguished from c. 725, and it is argued that Corinthian western trade was redirected in the wake of colonisation. Possible motivation for contact is assessed, and it is suggested that metal, especially copper, may have been the main commodity exchanged. The nature and mechanisms of early exchange are discussed, and their implications for Corinthian state formation outlined. Evidence for Corinthian contacts elsewhere in the gulf region is assessed with particular reference to Achaia.
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Rusmanto, Ayub, Kerin Rajagukguk et Sriwahyuni Sriwahyuni. « Persepsi Mengucap Syukur Atas Kasih Karunia Allah Berdasarkan Teks 1 Korintus 1:4-9 ». Veritas Lux Mea (Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristen) 5, no 1 (15 février 2023) : 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.59177/veritas.v5i1.197.
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Giving thanks is a positive attitude of believers who have received God's grace. This study explores the perception of giving thanks for God's grace based on the text of 1 Corinthians 1:4-9. In Paul's letter this helps strengthen, and evaluate the way of life of Christians in Corinth. Paul gave thanks based on the fact that he knew salvation came entirely from God. It is God who calls His people from spiritual death into His salvation. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative method to explain how the text of 1 Corinthians 1:4-9 is aimed at helping to strengthen and evaluate the way of life of Corinthian Christians and Christians today. The result of the research is that Corinthian Christians have been called by God and can have confidence and know that it is God who calls for the grace that He has bestowed in Christ Jesus. Besides that, giving thanks for God's grace The congregation in Corinth is still relevant in the lives of today's believers.AbstrakMengucap syukur adalah sikap positif orang percaya yang telah menerima kasih karunia Tuhan. Penelitian ini menelusuri persepsi mengucap syukur atas kasih karunia Allah berdasarkan teks 1 Korintus 1:4-9.Dalam surat Paulus ini membantu menguatkan, dan mengevaluasi cara hidup orang Kristen di Korintus. Paulus mengucap syukur didasarkan pada fakta bahwa dia tahu keselamatan sepenuhnya berasal dari Allah. Allahlah yang memanggil umat-Nya dari kematian rohani kedalam keselamatan-Nya. Metode yang digunakan penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif deskreptif untuk memaparkan bagaimana teks 1 Korintus 1:4-9 di tujukan membantu menguatkan dan mengevaluasi cara hidup orang Kristen Korintus dan orang Kristen masa kini. Hasil penelitian bahwa orang Kristen Korintus telah dipanggil oleh Allah dan dapat memiliki keyakinan dan mengetahui bahwa Allahlah yang memanggil atas kasih karunia yang telah dianugerahkan-Nya dalam Kristus Yesus. Selain itu, mengucap syukur atas kasih karunia Allah Jemaat di Korintus masih relevan dalam kehidupan orang percaya masa kini.
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Watts Henderson, Suzanne. « Mending What Is Broken : The Logic of the Cross in 1 Corinthians ». Interpretation : A Journal of Bible and Theology 76, no 1 (janvier 2022) : 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00209643211051130.
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In recent decades, scholars have come to see 1 Corinthians as a rhetorically unified response to the problem of divisions among Corinthian believers. This essay explores the ways in which Paul presents the cross as the organizing principle that can bind together three different forms of community division: the cult of the personality (1:10–4:21); the freedom to eat idol meat (8:1–11:1); and economic disparities when gathered for a meal (11:17–34). In each case, Paul appeals implicitly or explicitly to the cross as a remedy for the all-too-familiar strains on the fractured community. In the end, Paul’s countercultural message about the cross offers a word of exhortation for the American church today, as it navigates a society that shares much in common with first-century Corinth.
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Segou, M., et S. Lozios. « Seismogenic sources and related active faults in the gulf of Corinth ; a combined approach ». Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 40, no 3 (5 juin 2018) : 1267. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.16879.
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The neotectonic graben of Corinth gulf forms an interesting case study from the geodynamical and seismological point of view, since specific characteristics met on the fault zones around the gulf and the adjacent seismological data pose several questions related with the overall modern activity across a number of neotectonic faults. Indexing active fault zones with structural, seismological and sedimentological criteria leads to thorough understanding of the evolution and modern activity and provide researchers useful tools in order to evaluate the degree of present day activity of the broader area. The combined approach proposed here, with joint use of both, seismogenic sources and structural evidence, contributes to the re-evaluation of the earthquake potential by assessing the role of active features in the already complex geodynamic environment of the Corinthian gulf
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Hadjis, Catherine. « Corinthiens, Lyciens, Doriens et Cariens : Aoreis à Corinthe, Aor, fils de Chrysaôr et Alétès fils d'Hippotès ». Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 121, no 1 (1997) : 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bch.1997.1624.
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Barbette Stanley Spaeth. « Greek Gods or Roman ? The Corinthian Archaistic Blocks and Religion in Roman Corinth ». American Journal of Archaeology 121, no 3 (2017) : 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.121.3.0397.
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Morgan, Catherine. « Corinthia ». Archaeological Reports 54 (novembre 2008) : 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400000569.
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Morgan, Catherine. « Corinthia ». Archaeological Reports 55 (novembre 2009) : 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400001071.
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Morgan, Catherine. « Corinthia ». Archaeological Reports 56 (novembre 2010) : 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608410000098.
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Константин, Панферов,. « Historical Context of Behaviour of Men and Women During Public Worship and Prayer According to St. Paul’s Doctrine (1 Cor. 11, 2-6) ». Библейские схолии, no 1(2) (15 juin 2022) : 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/bsch.2022.2.1.003.
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На основании археологических свидетельств и анализа литературы установлены особенности, связанные с положением женщины в Древней Греции, Древнем Риме и Иудее, а также выяснено, каковы были традиции покрытия голов мужчинами и женщинами в упомянутых культурах. Также дана краткая характеристика Коринфу времён ап. Павла и рассмотрена специфика основанной им Церкви в этом городе. Проведённый анализ исторического контекста может служить фундаментом для дальнейшей экзегезы отрывка 1 Кор. 11, 2-16. Basing on archaeological evidences and analysis of literature, peculiarities connected with women status in Ancient Rome, Ancient Greek and Judaea, are determined. Traditions of head covering by men and women in the mentioned cultures are also clarified. Short characteristic of Corinth at I A. C. done and specific character of founded by St. Paul Corinthian Church is considered. The performed historical context analysis can be used as a base for further exegesis of 1 Cor. 11, 2-16.
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White, Adam G. « Paul’s Absence from Corinth as Voluntary Exile : Reading 2 Corinthians 1.1–2.13 and 7.5-16 as a Letter from Exile ». Journal for the Study of the New Testament 43, no 1 (septembre 2020) : 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x20949382.
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At some point between the writing of 1 and 2 Corinthians, there has been a significant falling out between Paul and some in the Corinthian Christian community. As a result, Paul leaves Corinth with the intention of returning to deal with it at a later date. He then changes his mind, instead writing a letter known to us as the ‘painful letter’. This letter was effective in bringing about reconciliation, but questions still lingered as to why he did not return in person, instead staying away and sending a harsh letter. The section of letter found in 2 Cor. 1.1–2.13 and 7.5-16 seeks to address these concerns. It is the contention of this article, however, that Paul does more than simply recount recent events. Instead, he reframes his behaviour as something akin to voluntary exile. By comparing the letter to exilic writings from Cicero, Ovid, Seneca and Demosthenes, it will be proposed that 1.1–2.13 and 7.5-16 resembles a letter from exile.
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King, Fergus J. « Mission-Shaped or Paul-Shaped ? Apostolic Challenges to theMission-Shaped Church ». Journal of Anglican Studies 9, no 2 (15 novembre 2010) : 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355310000264.
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AbstractJohn M. Hull has raised a number of criticisms about the understanding of worship found inMission-Shaped Church: Church Planting and Fresh Expressions of Church in a Changing Context. In this article, some of these criticisms are explored further. Analysis of Paul’s proposed reforms to the Lord’s Supper in Corinth show that worship must address social concerns and not focus exclusively on a God-ward aspect. Paul does this by describing the Lord’s Supper as a paradigm for behaviour and world-view using the Greek symposium tradition. Paul’s response to the Corinthian situation raises questions about the suitability of the Homogeneous Unit Principle and its role in mission, as do aspects of the controversy with Peter documented in Galatians 2. His wider exploration of the sacramental dimension of ritual meals (1 Cor. 10–11) further shows that worship cannot be divorced from ethics and behaviour if it is to be truly effective and based on Pauline principles
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Mitchell, Alan C. « Rich and Poor in the Courts of Corinth : Litigiousness and Status in 1 Corinthians 6.1–11 ». New Testament Studies 39, no 4 (octobre 1993) : 562–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500011966.
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Compared with that of classic Pauline texts, the history of exegesis of 1 Cor 6.1–11 is modest. Still, the fact that this text has not been studied much does not render it problem-free. On the contrary, it continues to elude an easy interpretation. The standard treatment discusses the integrity of these eleven verses, looks at their placement within the context of chapters 5 and 6, and attempts to explain whether and how Paul envisioned Christians settling their legal disputes. Little attention, however, has been given to the social situation of the community that may have occasioned Paul's remarks about lawsuits in Corinth. This study examines that social situation on the premise that Paul sees the problem of lawsuits on two levels. One looks to the community's relationship to the outside world. The other looks to the community's internal life, where Paul understands the litigiousness of some Christians to be part of the larger problem of social division in the Corinthian churches.
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Weaver, William P. « A More Excellent Way : Philip Melanchthon’s Corinthians Lectures of 1521–22 ». Renaissance and Reformation 37, no 1 (16 mai 2014) : 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i1.21281.
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Through a critical study of Philip Melanchthon’s 1521–22 lectures on 1 and 2 Corinthians, this essay evaluates his rhetorical method of reading and annotating Scripture. Building on a conventional analogy between ad fontes and sola scriptura, it investigates an equally operative analogy between consuetudo (linguistic usage) and what Melanchthon called the sermo or mos Scripturae, the “speech” or “usage of Scripture.” As a guide to the mos Scripturae, the early Corinthians lectures are an indispensable complement to his contemporary annotations on Romans. They reveal his attempt to integrate Luther’s “theology of the cross” into a theory of learned reading and shed light on the composition of the first systematic theology of the Lutheran faith, the Loci Communes, also published in 1521. Taken together as speeches, Paul’s letters to the Corinthians are unique enunciations of law and gospel, and unique examples of the “discourse of the cross.”
Cet essai évalue la méthode rhétorique de lecture et d’annotation des Écritures saintes, à travers une analyse critique des leçons de Philip Melanchthon de 1521-2 sur la première et seconde épitre aux Corinthiens. Partant d’une analogie conventionnelle entre ad fontes et sola scriptura, l’essai examine une analogie tout aussi opératoire entre consuetudo (usage linguistique) et ce que Melanchthon appelait le sermo ou mos Scripturae, le « discours » ou « l’usage des Saintes Écritures ». Les premières leçons de Mélanchton ur les Corinthiens, en tant que guide aux mos Scripturae, sont un complément indispensable à ses annotations contemporaines sur les Romains. Elles révèlent la volonté d’intégrer la « théologie de la croix » de Luther à une théorie de lecture savante mais aussi la volonté de clarifier la composition des Loci Communes, première théologie systématique de la foi luthérienne, elle aussi publiée en en 1521. Prises comme discours, les lettres de Paul aux Corinthien ssont des énonciations uniques de la loi et de l’évangile, exemples uniques du « discours de la croix ».
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Zimi, Eleni, K. Göransson et K. Swift. « Pottery and trade at Euesperides in Cyrenaica : an overview ». Libyan Studies 50 (22 octobre 2019) : 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2019.27.
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AbstractThe excavations conducted at Euesperides between 1999 and 2007 under the auspices of the Society for Libyan Studies, London, and the Department of Antiquities, Libya, and jointly directed by Paul Bennet and Andrew Wilson, brought to light private houses and a building complex, industrial areas related to purple dye production and part of the city's fortification wall. Among the finds was a highly significant body of local, regional and imported pottery (from the Greek and Punic world, Cyprus, Italy and elsewhere), dated between the last quarter of the seventh and the middle of the third century BC, when the city was abandoned.This archaeological project adopted an innovative approach to the study of pottery from the site, based on the total quantification of the coarse, fine wares and transport amphorae. This was supplemented by a targeted programme of petrographic analysis to shed light on production centres and thus questions about the trade and the economy of ancient Euesperides. The pottery study by K. Göransson, K. Swift and E. Zimi demonstrated that although the city gradually developed a significant industry of ceramics, it relied heavily on imports to cover its needs and that imported pottery reached Euesperides’ sheltered harbour either directly from the supplying regions or most often through complex maritime networks in the Mediterranean which changed over time.Cooking pots from Aegina and the Punic world, mortaria, bowls, jugs and table amphorae from Corinth as well as transport amphorae from various centres containing olive oil, wine, processed meat and fish were transported to the city from Greece, Italy/Sicily, Cyprus and elsewhere. The so-called amphorae B formed the majority, while Corinthian, Aegean (Thasian, Mendean, Knidian, etc.), Greco-Italic and Punic were adequatly represented. Regarding fine wares, East Greek, Laconian and Corinthian are common until the end of the sixth century; Attic black-glazed, and to a lesser extend, black-figure and red-figure pots dominate the assemblages between the fifth and the mid-third centuries BC, while Corinthian, Italian/Sicilian and Punic seem to have been following the commodities flow at Euesperides from the fourth century BC onwards. Finally, Cyrenaican pottery and transport amphorae have been also identified at Euesperides implying a considerable volume of inter-regional trade.
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Hasiholan, Anggi Maringan, et Andreas Budi. « Implikasi Hikmat Menurut Paulus Dalam Menentang Pengaruh Ajaran Kaum Sofis Di Korintus ». Manna Rafflesia 8, no 1 (31 octobre 2021) : 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.38091/man_raf.v8i1.194.
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Paul, Apostle relates the Good News to the wisdom of God that is understood by humans who give themselves to believe in Jesus. However, the presence of the powerful Sophists with the teaching of worldly wisdom and relying on the power of the word of wisdom (sophia logou), has obscured the true meaning of God's wisdom. This study aims to explore the influence of the Sophists in the life of the Corinthian church which caused Paul to explain the true meaning of wisdom. Knowing the background of the wisdom problem in Corinth will give you a complete picture of the wisdom of God that Paul preached. This study applies historical research methods to find out the origin and influence of the Sophists' teachings. The results show that the sophia logou owned by the Sophists has obscured the meaning of the cross of Christ which is the wisdom of God. The wisdom that Paul means in the letter to the Corinthians is the openness of one's mind to believe in the sacrifice of Jesus on the cross which has implications for congregational unity and survival in the face of problems or struggles.
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Foster, Paul. « Book Review : Stoic Philosophy in Corinth ? : Timothy A. Brookins, Corinthian Wisdom, Stoic Philosophy, and the Ancient Economy ». Expository Times 127, no 1 (21 septembre 2015) : 37–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524615593479.
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