Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Cyprus Question/Problem »

The article is devoted to the Cyprus issue in the context of the European integration processes from the Republic’s independence till the accession of Cyprus to the European Union in 2004. Forms and stages of Cyprus` integration policy were revealed in the article. The European integration was the main idea of the Cyprus history in the late 20th century and at the early 21th century. Therefore, the mentioned aspect became the subject of this research. Two lead strategies of the Cyprus policy towards European Communities were identified. The first one was the association within the framework of the customs union as a lead Cyprus policy in 1970-1980th. The second strategy was based on the principles of full membership in the European Union. The latter was occurring in the post Cold war era and had been succeeded in 2004. The home and foreign problems, formed so called Cyprus question, were characterized in the paper. Ethnic conflict’s consequences, artificial territorial division, unfinished peacekeeping operation were obstructing the European goal of the Cyprus Republic. European Commission considered Cyprus to be adjusted to the European high standards. Due to Greek Cypriot’s hard work for the juridical implementations and social and economic adaptations Cyprus was accepted to the EU. In the 1990s the European Union proposed its own way to maintain the Cyprus problem by proceeding intercommunion negotiations and UN Resolutions. This EU`s activity was failed in many points that was reflected in the paper. The British, Greek and Turkish opinion about the Cyprus integration was analyzed. The politic reaction of Greece and Turkey was also in the focus of view. An attention was paid to the Turkish community of Cyprus as a separated problem. The change of Turks Cypriots` status during integration policy of Cyprus was a prominent feature in attempting to solve Cyprus dispute. The Cyprus question is affecting the Turkish European policy badly. Therefore, this problem remains actual for the European history.

The article is devoted to the policy of the 39th President of the USА from the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter, regarding the Cyprus problem. The foreign policy aspects of the Cyprus issue, such as negotiations with Greece, Turkey, Cyprus leaders, the development of peacekeeping projects and diplomatic maneuvers of US officials, are considered. Attention is also paid to less obvious details of the politics of the Democratic Party. The role of the Cyprus issue in the pre-election campaign of 1976 is analyzed, since the Cyprus problem remained unsolved as a result of the activities of the Republican Party. This argument was successfully used in election criticism of the opponents. An important aspect of the activities of the democratic party was the search for support from the ethnic communities of the United States, among which the American Greeks represented one of the most influential lobby. In connection with this, the connection of J. Carter with the American Greeks in the context of his policyaimed at resolving the Cyprus problem is traced. A gradual loss of popularity of the American president is shown, as one of the consequences of the unresolved Cyprus issue.

There is a vast literature on Europeanization but to date it has not concentrated on its impact on EU institutions. There is an emerging literature on the external relations of transnational parliaments (including the European Parliament’s external policies), some of it labelled ‘parliamentary diplomacy’, but it remains an under–studied area all the same. The original contribution of this article is to bring those trends together in a specific attempt to identify if there is a Europeanization of the European Parliament (EP) on a specific international issue: the Cyprus problem. That particular question is extremely important because the EU’s enlargement policy is considered to be its most effective Europeanization process. As the Republic of Cyprus has now joined the EU and Turkey has begun accession negotiations, the role of the EP is extremely relevant. After reviewing briefly the existing literature on Europeanization, and on the external relations of the EP, the article considers in more detail the EP’s empirical record on the Cyprus problem. It identifies three distinct stances and phases. It concludes by arguing that a shifting EP stance on the Cyprus problem shows signs not of a successful Europeanization, but rather of a superficial one, which depends largely on changing circumstances and national preferences.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) is an intergovernmental military alliance of unusual geographical membership that was signed on 4 April 1949 in Washington D.C. Twelve countries famously became founding members, but Turkey and Greece were surprisingly not included. In point of fact, these two Mediterranean countries were arguably victims that suffered from the ‘aggression’ of the Soviet Union in the early post-Second World War years and had some strong reasons for being included in NATO. The literature usually focuses on the geographical area of Turkey and Greece and a Mediterranean Pact in explaining why Britain refused to invite these countries to join NATO during its formation years. However, when placing more attention to the perspective of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office regarding this rejection issue, the ‘Cyprus question’, which refers to a major dispute between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus, also influenced them in tightening Britain’s decision to leave Turkey and Greece outside NATO. This study is using qualitative method like archieval data. The finding of this study shows that British documentary analysis illuminates the degree of influence of the problem of Cyprus on British considerations of western security. In particular, this paper offers analysis of British Foreign Office objections to the admission of Turkey and Greece to NATO before NATO was successfully established. Previous researchers have largely drawn attention to Britain’s general views on the structure and membership of NATO, and on Britain as a major instigator of the alliance. This paper, however, will discuss the ‘objection issue’ towards Turkey and Greece from the point of view of Britain, particularly from the perspective of the ‘Cyprus question’.

At present there appears to be general agreement that Cyprus entered the Persian Empire some time between c. 545 and 539. It will be argued here that this event did not occur until 526 or 525. The point involves other, much broader issues. Any power wishing to control Cyprus must possess a substantial navy. When, then, did Persia acquire sufficient naval strength to control the eastern Mediterranean? This last problem in turn raises the question of when the Persians annexed the countries of the Levant and Asia Minor from which they drew the whole of their fleet. Finally, because elaborate theories concerning the development of sixth century Cypriote sculpture have been built upon the conclusion that Cyprus submitted to Persia c. 545, a revision of that date will have important repercussions upon the history of Cypriote art.

In this study, the aim is to evaluate the problem-solving processes in the understanding of problems and to determine and provide strategies, demonstration, expression and problem-writing dimensions in a numerical analysis course for engineering students. The quantitative data and qualitative data were interpreted using exploratory sequential method. The study group consisted of 20 students who took numerical analysis courses in the engineering faculty in a private university in Northern Cyprus. The data of the study were collected by means of an interview form consisting of common question problem solutions and open-ended questions that were asked to these students. The problem-solving processes of the students participating in the research were evaluated along with the solutions they derived for common problems and were analysed on the basis of the four different dimensions mentioned above. As a result of these analyses, it was concluded that the students understood the problems at an intermediate level and did not have sufficient infrastructure in the strategy determination, provision, demonstration and expression dimensions, and the majority could not write problems. In addition, in the light of the findings obtained from the interview form, it was emphasised that the numerical analysis course should be supported in the laboratory. Keywords: Numerical analysis, mathematics, problem-solving process, engineering students.

Ceramic assemblage from Borysthenes (excavations conducted by V. Lapin, 1960-1980) contains a number of unusual and rare imports – fragments of trading amphoras fabricated at Cyprus and at the numerous cites at Levantine coast. Import from Cyprus is attributed by fragments of two massive and high rounded handles and one rounded base attributed with so called basket-handle amphoras. The parts of some similar amphoras were excavated in Borysthenes in the later times. Import from Levantine coast is represented by four upper parts of jars with small twisted handles and carinated shoulders. This specific type of trading amphoras (Phoenician amphoras) in Borythenes’ ceramic collection is attested for the first time. Their common dating covers the second half of 7th – the very beginning of 6th c. BCE. Studying of these unusual imports for the entire Pontic region provokes a number of questions connected with general problem of Mediterranean sea trade in the archaic period. For Borysthenes it’s an actual question about the presence of direct trading connections with the South-Eastern part of Mediterranean or the use of middle traders and middle ports of trade. The role of Levantine production in the trade via Aegean is not clear yet. Borysthenes emporion opens a new topic for discussion about its role in the Mediterranean and Aegean sea trade, common organisation of this trade and the final customers of wine production, distributed in trading amphoras.

The question of Palestine issue began when Jewish immigrants settled in Palestine from the 1880s and formed large colonies on the land they purchased, and it evolved into a chronic problem with the establishment of the State of Israel. The recognition of Israel's independence by Türkiye induced intense reactions in the Arab Middle East and sabotaged the development process of Turkish-Arab relations. Following this act of recognition, Türkiye quickly became distanced to the region and despite all the moves attempted afterwards, Türkiye failed to erase its scars and the desired level of relations could not be achieved. Moreover, the impact of Türkiye's recognition of Israel was deeply felt in the Cyprus issue that emerged in the 1960s, and Türkiye was deprived of the support of the Arab States in this vital question. Considering this recognition and the question of Palestine as a whole, it is understood that Türkiye's abandonment of its stance in support of the Arabs is a concrete indicator of its inconsistency in its foreign policy. In this article, the author aims to examine and clarify the question of Palestine and the impact of the foundation of Israel State on Turkish-Arab relations.

« Le passé qui n'est pas réglé, à moitié vivant, mal enterré, est un passé vampire » (Papastephanou, 2005, p.153) Les mots de Marianna Papastephanou, écrits à l’aube d’un nouveau millénaire, semblent plus que jamais d’actualité. L’année 2024 marque en effet un demi-siècle de conflit gelé sur l’île de Chypre. Communément appelé le « Problème Chypriote », ce statu quo continue d’exister dans la vie des Chypriotes et des habitants de l’île à travers les nombreuses traces et mémoires de ce passé belliqueux récent. L’ubiquité de ce conflit endormi pèse sur un hypothétique règlement de la « Question Chypriote ». Il envahit le quotidien des acteurs concernés par ce statu quo, adoptant des discours et pratiques liés à l’omniprésence de ce « passé vampire ». Différentes dynamiques mémorielles sont à l’œuvre dans ce paysage post-conflit armé. Si les canons et les chars sont à l’arrêt désormais, restent les vestiges des artéfacts de guerre comme en témoignent les impacts des balles sur les murs près de l’ancienne ligne de front. Dans le vide et le silence assourdissant formé par la Ligne Verte séparant Chypre en deux rives, l’écho d’un désir de réunification et de réconciliation se fait entendre, pour qui voudra bien écouter ces voix irénistes. Tout au long de ce manuscrit de thèse, je souhaite illustrer le conflit chypriote gelé comme un carcan enfermant les populations, les territorialités et les mémoires. Une partie des acteurs à l’œuvre tente de se libérer de cet emprisonnement, tandis qu’une autre le cristallise et solidifie l’inertie du statu quo. Telle une cicatrice, le conflit chypriote s’apparente à une entaille dans les spatialités physiques avec la présence de la Ligne Verte déchirant l’île en deux entités. Cette blessure se manifeste également dans les espaces privés et intangibles avec la présence permanente de traces, discours, objets et pratiques associés à ce conflit (rendu) perpétuel. L’omniprésence de ce « passé qui n’est pas réglé, à moitié vivant », comme l’évoque Marianna Papastephanou, est le fil conducteur de mon raisonnement. Si ce conflit gelé peut parfois apparaitre endormi, non visible, il est constamment réchauffé, réveillé, par des mouvements traditionnalisés enracinés dans la société et/ou par des bouleversements sociétaux récents. Résolument ancrée dans une démarche géographique qui mobilise diverses approches des sciences sociales (politiques, géopolitiques, culturelles, historiques…) cette thèse questionne l’ubiquité mémorielle du conflit gelé chypriote à travers un travail conjuguant plusieurs méthodologies. Observation participante, entretiens, questionnaire et analyse d’un corpus documentaires varié (presse ; œuvres cinématographiques, musicales, artistiques…) sont ainsi convoqués pour comprendre comment les dimensions spatiales et sociales de la société chypriote reposent en grande partie sur des apprentissages méthodiques de valeurs, de normes, de rôles construisant le fonctionnement d’une société marquée par le conflit
‘A past that is not settled, half-alive, badly buried, is a vampire past’ (Papastephanou, 2005, p.153)Marianna Papastephanou's words, written at the dawn of a new millennium, seem more relevant than ever. The year 2024 marks half a century of frozen conflict on the island of Cyprus. Commonly referred to as the ‘Cyprus Problem’, this status quo continues to exist in the lives of Cypriots and the island's inhabitants through the many traces and memories of this recent bellicose past. The ubiquity of this dormant conflict weighs heavily on any hypothetical settlement of the ‘Cyprus Question’. It invades the daily lives of those involved in the status quo, adopting discourses and practices linked to the omnipresence of this ‘vampire past’.Different memory dynamics are at work in this post-armed conflict landscape. The cannons andtanks may have come to a halt, but the remnants of war artefacts remain, as evidenced by thebullet holes in the walls near the old front line. In the emptiness and deafening silence formedby the Green Line separating Cyprus into two shores, the echo of a desire for reunification and reconciliation can be heard by anyone willing to listen to these irenic voices. Throughout this thesis manuscript, I hope to illustrate the frozen Cypriot conflict as a carcanthat imprisons populations, territorialities and memories. Some of the actors involved are tryingto free themselves from this imprisonment, while others are crystallising it and solidifying theinertia of the status quo. Like a scar, the Cypriot conflict is like a gash in physical space, withthe Green Line tearing the island into two entities. This wound also manifests itself in private and intangible spaces, with the permanent presence of traces, discourses, objects and practices linked to this perpetual conflict. The omnipresence of this ‘unresolved, half-living past’, asMarianna Papastephanou puts it, is the common thread running through my reasoning. Whilethis frozen conflict may sometimes appear dormant, invisible, it is constantly being rekindled,reawakened, by traditional movements rooted in society and/or by recent societal upheavals.Firmly rooted in a geographical approach that mobilises various social science approaches(political, geopolitical, cultural, historical, etc.), this thesis questions the ubiquitous nature ofthe memory of the frozen conflict in Cyprus by combining several methodologies. Participatory observation, interviews, questionnaires and the analysis of a varied corpus of documents (press; cinematographic, musical and artistic works, etc.) are used to understand how the spatial and social dimensions of Cypriot society are largely based on the methodical learning of values,norms and roles that shape the functioning of a society marked by conflict

Abstract In January 1968 Archbishop Makarios issued a statement to the ‘people’ of Cyprus and in this he stated the following: The Cyprus problem had entered a critical stage. The two main factors which had contributed to this development were the failure of the direct Graeco-Turkish dialogue and the withdrawal from Cyprus of the Greek military forces. These two factors had created circumstances and conditions ‘dictating a realistic reappraisal of the handling of the Cyprus problem’. A solution had to be sought ‘within the limits of what was .feasible’, which did not always coincide with the limits of what was desirable.

Abstract In his reports to the Security Council about his m1ss1on of good offices, the UN Secretary-General has many times expressed the conviction that the intercommunal talks present the best available means for achieving an agreed, just, and lasting settlement of the Cyprus problem. However, the inter communal talks have encountered a number of difficulties and stumbling blocks. All through the process of the intercommunal talks conducted under the auspices of the United Nations since 1975, the Greek Cypriot side assumed that a unitary ‘Government of Cyprus’ still existed and that the Greek Cypriot administration was that ‘Government’.

Abstract After the failure of the summit the Turkish Cypriot side proceeded towards consolidation of the independent Republic. The Constitution was adopted by the Assembly on 12 March 1985. A referendum was held on 5 May 1985. The Constitution was published in the Official Gazette on 7 May 1985. On the other side of the ‘Green Line’, Mr Kyprianou faced strong opposition. The communist AKEL party of Mr Ezekias Papaioannou and the Democratic Rally (DISI) of Mr Glafcos Clerides accused him of being responsible for the failure of the summit. On 22 February 1985, AKEL and DISI parties joined forces in the Greek Cypriot House of Representatives in securing a resolution that censured Mr Kyprianou for his handling of the Cyprus problem and called on him to abide by the views of the majority or else proclaim early presidential elections.

In recent years, ‘nationalism’ has been increasing especially among the European countries. This rise of nationalism has been accompanied with the increasing political strength of far-right parties. Some of these far-right and nationalist political movements found their place in power. The effects of the global economic crisis, the increasing refugee problem, and islamophobia are some of the factors that trigger both the extreme right and the idea of nationalism. As a result of several events, Europeans began to support far-right parties and their populist-nationalist policies. Some of these events are; fragility in economy, distrust towards political structures, increasing immigration waves from the Middle East, the terrorist attacks in EU capitals, and the September 11 attacks. Along with those European countries, Cyprus is one of the cases that have seen increase in support for far-right political parties and far-right ideas. Far-right and nationalist political formations such as ELAM have greatly increased its strength and influence on Cypriot political arena. In general, this study will analyse the history of Greek nationalism in Cyprus, as well as the roots of nationalism that have evolved with the rise of ELAM. The first part of the study depicts general information and presents a literature review on nationalism and ethnic conflict. On the next section, the foundations of Greek Cypriot Nationalism will be described where the reader will be informed about the political environment of the Republic of Cyprus. Overall, the article tries to answer the question of how the ELAM has affected and changed the understanding of classical nationalism today.

Abstract The ‘peculiarity’ of Cyprus as a British colonial territory has previously been explored in Chapter 7. That distinctiveness, however, was most powerfully revealed in the trajectory of its eventual decolonization from British sovereignty. The creation, after a bitter late colonial struggle, of an independent island republic in August 1960 eventually marked Cyprus off in Hellenic experience from that of the Ionian Islands, Crete, and, indeed, the Dodecanese archipelago. Equally, it was the legislative and international limitations of Cypriot statehood—or, as we shall see, ‘quasi-statehood’—which distinguished that process within the rather different historical category represented by the ending of the British Empire. Considered, then, either as a largely Hellenic society, or as a colonial polity, something funny happened to Cyprus on the way to self-rule. This chapter will attempt to draw together the threads of a uniqueness which made the Cyprus Problem one of the most intractable questions in contemporary international relations.

Abstract The Introduction addresses problems of motet definition and classification, and surveys the seven Parts of the book. The chapters of Part I deal with theoretical issues; those of Part II deal with motets interpolated in the Roman deFauvel and some by Philippe de Vitry. Part III is devoted to Machaut, Part IV to a group of fourteenth-century musician motets, Part V deals with English motets, Part VI with Italian, and then the final Part VII with motets for Popes, motets listed in Trém, and finally Cyprus. The Introduction then summarises some of the new ways of understanding motets that the author has explored over many years and which are a common concern through the individual studies brought together here. Particular stress is laid throughout on the relationship between words and music as equal partners in the construction of these highly individual compositions, and the different ways in which their union explores meaning, including pictorially, symbolically, with onomatopoeia, alliteration or assonance, citation and allusion, and with structural and local puns. The borrowed chant tenors may be chosen for their symbolism as well as their musical properties, which may also permeate the upper parts. Finally, it addresses the question of audience: who were motets for? The primary audience was the performers themselves, who were better placed to appreciate the subtleties from inside than an unprepared listener.

Abstract In 1957, Harold Macmillan became Prime Minister. He managed to secure an uneasy public confidence in the government as well as a reconciliation with President Eisenhower and John Foster Dulles. He broke decisively with his predecessor on two critical points: Britain needed American backing on major problems of war and peace, and the colonial empire had become an albatross. Essential parts of the old Empire would be held together by military bases, as in Malta, Cyprus, and Aden, and by defence agreements. Also in 1957, the US President issued the Eisenhower Doctrine, which guaranteed military and economic assistance to Middle Eastern countries threatened by Communism. The president of Lebanon was among the first to invoke it, calling for US military aid in putting down an insurrection. Gamal Abdel Nasser formed the United Arab Republic by yoking Egypt with Syria, a brief triumph of pan-Arabism. Alarmed, Iraq and Jordan responded with a union of their two Hashemite monarchies. Saudi Arabia too shifted into the anti-Nasserist camp. Nuri Pasha Said, the Prime Minister of Iraq, hoped to add Kuwait to the Arab Union, mainly to help prop up economically fragile Jordan, but the Emir had other ideas, and anti-Iraq sentiment in Kuwait was widespread. In Jordan, King Hussein thwarted a plot to depose him and combated extremist sentiment fuelled by the Palestinian question. In 1958 he asked Britain for troops to help stabilize his regime after unrest spurred by the Iraqi Revolution threaten to get out of control.