Thèses sur le sujet « Democracy. natural right. human rights »

Human rights and democracy are, today, indissoluble elements of the political reality. However, there are differences of origin and function between the two notions that they can, eventually, cause tensions and difficulties, especially when we try to attribute to the “majority principle” unlimited powers, including the determination and configuration, even pejorative, of the fundamental rights. this risk comes from adopting a purely “formal” or “procedural” conception of democracy, so it is necessary to affirm a “substantial” notion of it, in which fundamental rights are recognized. On the one hand, as a limit to the state power, whatever the source of legitimacy of it, and on the other hand, as indispensable ingredients for the free exercise of political rights on which democracy is based.<br>Derechos Humanos y democracia son, hoy, elementos inseparables de la realidad política. sin embargo, entre ambas nociones existen diferencias de origen y de función las que, eventualmente pueden plantear tensiones y dificultades, sobre todo cuando se pretende atribuir al “principio de la mayoría” potestades ilimitadas, que incluyen la determinación y configuración, incluso peyorativa, de los derechos fundamentales. Este riesgo proviene de adoptar una concepción meramente “formal” o “procedimental” de la democracia, por lo que se hace necesario afirmar una noción “sustancial” de esta, en la cual se reconozca a los derechos fundamentales. Por un lado, como un límite al poder estatal, cualquiera que sea la fuente de legitimación de este, y, por otro lado, como ingredientes indispensables para el ejercicio libre de los derechos políticos en los quese sustenta la democracia.

L'œuvre tardive d'Ernst Troeltsch (1865-1923) est sous-tendue de part en part par son projet d'élaborer une « synthèse culturelle de l'européanisme ». Si ce dernier est resté inachevé en raison de la mort soudaine de Troeltsch le 1er février 1923, de multiples écrits le décrivent toutefois, bien que de façon fragmentaire. Cette thèse se propose d'en reconstituer l'intention fondamentale, en l'analysant notamment dans la perspective de l'histoire des idées. Il s'agit, d'une part, d'examiner le contexte socio-politique, intellectuel et philosophique de « crise » dans lequel ce projet a émergé et a pu apparaître à son auteur comme une « solution » - les défis liés à la défaite, à la démocratisation de l'Allemagne, la crise de l'historisme, la nécessité de surmonter le mythe du Sonderweg, etc. -, et de le situer ce faisant par rapport à d'autres propositions concurrentes, comme le « déclin de l'Occident » d'Oswald Spengler et le « cosmopolitisme des cercles culturels » de Max Scheler. Il s'agit, d'autre part, de comprendre la nature de l'objet conceptuel qu'est la « synthèse culturelle de l'européanisme », en analysant plus spécifiquement la relation entre ses deux pôles constitutifs. Pour ce faire, nous examinons notamment la « synthèse culturelle », la méthode pour la construire, le sujet qui doit la mettre en œuvre, ainsi que ses contenus, en prenant pour fil conducteur le rôle qu'y jouent dans leur détermination l' « européanisme », et corrélativement, le christianisme, son Doppelgänger. Il ressort alors de notre réflexion globale que le projet tardif de Troeltsch s'apparente à une herméneutique critique et une « téléologie de la volonté », qui s'engage pour une éthique de l'européanisme fondée à la fois sur la métaphysique personnaliste du christianisme et la figure de la Complexio oppositorum, entendue comme unité des hétérogènes<br>The late work of Ernst Troeltsch (1865-1923) is underpinned by his project to develop a ‘cultural synthesis of Europeanism'. Although this project remains unfinished due to Troeltsch's sudden death on February 1st 1923, it is nevertheless described in numerous writings, albeit in fragmentary form. This dissertation sets out to reconstruct its fundamental intention, analysing it particularly from the perspective of the history of ideas. On the one hand, it examines the socio-political, intellectual and philosophical context of ‘crisis' in which this project emerged and in which it could be thought of by its author as a ‘solution': the challenges posed by the defeat, the democratization of Germany, the crisis of historism, the need to overcome the myth of the Sonderweg, etc. It then seeks to situate it in relation to other competing proposals, such as Oswald Spengler's ‘decline of the West' and Max Scheler's ‘cosmopolitanism of cultural circles'. On the other hand, it aims to understand the nature of the conceptual object that is the ‘cultural synthesis of Europeanism' by analysing more specifically the relationship between its two constituent poles. To achieve this, it examines the ‘cultural synthesis', the method used to construct it, the subject responsible for implementing it, as well as its content, taking as a guiding thread the role played in their determination by ‘Europeanism' and, correlatively, by Christianity, its Doppelgänger. It ensues from the overall reflection that Troeltsch's late project can be conceived as a critical hermeneutics and a ‘teleology of the will', which is committed to an ethic of Europeanism based on both the personalistic metaphysics of Christianity and the figure of the Complexio oppositorum, understood as the unity of heterogeneities

This work represents an attempt to see what measure of agreement exists on human values in the face of the radical disagreement in moral philosophy on fundamental human values, and a further attempt to see what would be the implications of these findings for bioethics. The thesis begins with looking firstly at the values that human beings appear to hold in the world community. Attention is paid to the range of human rights declarations, codes and statements of medical ethics, and beliefs of religious traditions. The methodology employed rejects an assessment of these documents in terms of dominant moral philosophies, seeking simply to identify the values held, their ubiquity in history, and the current attachment to those values. Those values are expressed in the twentieth century predominantly in terms of human rights. Chapter I discovers evidence of a consensus gentium on fundamental human values such as the right to life and the right to a reasonable standard of health care.<br>Thesis (PhD Doctorate)<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>School of Humanities<br>Arts, Education and Law<br>Full Text

"The references above are illustrative of the fact that an effective right to information is significant to democracy and has an unequivocal basis in international and comparative human rights law. Although international jurisprudence in this area has been ambivalent, in this essay, a mounting body of evidence is produced in support of the proposition that Zambia, as part of the global village is under an obligation to gaurantee citizens a right to access information. ... The work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces the subject and provides a general overview of the study. Chapter two addresses the theoretical framework and international standards in the area of access to information. Chapter three focuses on the South African context in detail and touches on the Ugandan freedom of information regime. The fourth chapter focuses on the situation in Zambia looking at the obvious gaps in relation to global trends as well as what Zambia could borrow from the South African experience and avoid from the Ugandan regime. The practice in terms of accessibility of public information is discussed, and chapter five is the concluding chapter with a summary of the findings in the foregoing chapters, as well as recommendations." -- Introduction.<br>Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Frederick Juuko at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM

"Elections form a key component of democratic governance. Democracy denotes a political system that, among other things, allows citizens to freely choose their government over time through credible, legitimate and acceptable elections; a system which accords them adequate participation in national affairs and a system in which the national affairs are run in a transparent and accountable manner. Democracy as a concept rests upon the consideration that a political leadership in a country must be chosen through an electon governed by fair rules under which social groups and political forces may compete on equal terms. Research has shown that HIV and AIDS may have adverse effects on democracy in Southern Africa. Electoral systems, voter participation, electoral management and administration and political institutions are among the areas of democratisation most affected by HIV/AIDS. ... Chapter one introduces the topic, the research questions to be answered by the research and the research methodology. It also contains a brief literature survey of the research on this topic so far. Chapter two sets out the legal framweork, it gives an analysis of states obligations to ensure political participation based on international and regional standards. The rights of HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons to participate in government and the meaning of [the] right to vote is discussed. The application of the international law obligations to promote and fulfill [uman rights] are discussed and the question 'Do governments have a duty to set up special mechanisms to address the HIV/AIDS pandemic within the electoral context?' is answered. Chapter three is an examination of the relationship between HIV/AIDS and political participation. A brief overview of current electoral statistics and statistics of the trend of the HIV/AIDS pandemic are given. The chapter examines the possible reasons for lack of participation by HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons. Chapter four is a critical analysis of some responses that can be adopted to address the situation. It focuses on mechanical and structural reforms to the electoral process: amending electoral laws and policies to include postal, proxy and other special voting mechanisms; providing for specific legal obligations, for example to have mobile registration and polling stations, to ensure that there is a polling station within a specific distance so that people do not have to walk far and stand in long queues in order to vote. The failure to meet such obligations must have specific legal consequences. Chapter five suggests a more controversial reform of lowering the voting age to address the impact of HIV/AIDS on democracy and children. Chapter six [includes the] conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005.<br>Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Naz K. Modirzadeh at the Department of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior<br>The right to a balanced environment, enshrined in CF88, is considered a fundamental right, in that it harnesses the dignity of the human person in order to protect the healthy quality of life of the human person. Although not conceptualise the environment, the CF88 (art. 225) gives the expression a comprehensive and systemic view, involving ecological, social, economic, spatial, cultural and political factors. Thus, the realization of this fundamental right presupposes Sustainable Development, adopted as a model for national development and condition for the exercise of human dignity. In this sense, derives from the right to a balanced environment a set of state and social duties of ensuring the quality of life, in a systemic perspective. Thus, the State has mechanisms and instruments that enable the promotion and execution of actions that search, among them, the establishment of protected areas (PAs), established in accordance with the methods and legal criteria of National System of Units Conservation of Nature (SNUG), to be mandatorily followed by the Government. As a system, the SNUG aims, ultimately, to safeguard the environment, therefore, set out to regulate article 225,  1, sections I, II, III and VII of CF88. However, it is commonly observed that the deployment of PAs, the natural factor (or ecological) prevails over the others. Thus, the research assumed that the deployment of PAs not adopt systemic constitutional model of sustainability, prevailing natural variable, which violates the fundamental human right to a balanced environment, which presupposes Sustainable Development. Through a holistic, interdisciplinary approach, the research aimed to examine whether the implementation of state protected areas in northeastern Brazil is effectively serving the purpose of ensuring the human right to a balanced environment. The study demonstrated dysregulation between legislation and environmental policy effectively held by public administration, so that the systemic constitutional model of sustainability is not adopted. The inefficiency of policy protection assumed does not follow the law, but the absence of coordinated actions in search of Sustainable Development.<br>O direito ao meio ambiente equilibrado, consagrado na CF88, à considerado um direito fundamental, na medida em que o atrela à dignidade da pessoa humana, visando a proteger a sadia qualidade de vida da pessoa humana. Embora nÃo conceitue meio ambiente, a CF88 (art. 225) atribui à expressÃo uma visÃo ampla e sistÃmica, que envolve fatores ecolÃgicos, sociais, econÃmicos, espaciais, culturais e polÃticos. Assim, a efetivaÃÃo desse direito fundamental tem como pressuposto o desenvolvimento sustentÃvel (DS), como modelo adotado para o desenvolvimento nacional e condiÃÃo para o exercÃcio da dignidade da pessoa humana. Com efeito, decorre do direito ao meio ambiente equilibrado um conjunto de deveres estatais e sociais de garantia da qualidade de vida, em uma perspectiva sistÃmica. Para tanto, o Estado conta com mecanismos e instrumentos que possibilitam a promoÃÃo e execuÃÃo de aÃÃes nessa busca, dentre os quais a implantaÃÃo de unidades de conservaÃÃo (UCs), instituÃdas de acordo com os mÃtodos e critÃrios legais estabelecidos no Sistema Nacional de Unidades de ConservaÃÃo da Natureza (SNUC), a serem imperativamente seguidos pelo Poder PÃblico. Como sistema, o SNUC visa, em Ãltima anÃlise, a salvaguardar o meio ambiente, porquanto se dispÃs a regulamentar o artigo 225,  1Â, incisos I, II, III e VII da CF88. Comumente se observa, todavia, que, na implantaÃÃo das UCs, o fator natural (ou ecolÃgico) prevalece em relaÃÃo aos demais. Desse modo, a pesquisa pressupÃs, desde a saÃda, que na implantaÃÃo das UCs nÃo se adota o modelo constitucional sistÃmico de sustentabilidade, prevalecendo a variÃvel natural, o que viola o direito fundamental da pessoa humana ao meio ambiente equilibrado, o qual tem como pressuposto o desenvolvimento sustentÃvel. Por meio de uma abordagem interdisciplinar e sistÃmica, a pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar se a implantaÃÃo de UCs estaduais na regiÃo Nordeste do Brasil està efetivamente atendendo ao propÃsito de assegurar o direito da pessoa humana ao meio ambiente equilibrado. O estudo demonstrou desregulaÃÃo entre a legislaÃÃo e a polÃtica ambiental efetivamente realizada pela AdministraÃÃo PÃblica, de modo que nÃo se perfilha o modelo constitucional sistÃmico de sustentabilidade. A ineficiÃncia da polÃtica de proteÃÃo assumida nÃo decorre da lei, mas da ausÃncia de aÃÃes coordenadas na busca do desenvolvimento sustentÃvel.

Natural resources and economic development in Africa take place within a set of external and internal factors. These factors range from issues that prevail in the international trading system, political factors and other issues that confront natural resource exploitation and development. Community participation in natural resource development in Africa should incorporate direct economic benefit to host communities, in appropriate cases, as part of equitable benefit and development. In advancing this argument, the research will answer the following question: Are there rights under international and regional human rights regimes that host or local communities in Africa can utilise in order to advance their claim for direct economic benefit from participation in natural resource exploitation?<br>Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of prof Tobias van Reeneen, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2009.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM

Increased immigrant movement from conflict stricken areas to the liberal west, has led to challenges involving increasing multicultural group claims on the liberal democratic state, leading to the destabilization of its foundation. The conflict lay in the opposing world views culturally, ethnically and religiously that the new citizens have, seeing the “group” first and foremost whereas the individual in western democracy has always been seen as the principal rights recipient. The purpose of this study has been to examine the challenges multicultural group claims from immigrants have had on the liberal democratic state on a theoretical level and what possible approaches that should be used to resolve this challenge from the standpoint of the liberal democratic state. To answer this on a theoretical level the study uses a qualitative text analysis of three acclaimed political philosophers on the subject, the communitarian Charles Taylor, the egalitarian liberal philosopher Brian Barry and the liberal philosopher Will Kymlicka whom takes a middle ground on the subject of multicultural group rights.   The results show us that though the three philosophers have different outlooks on the grounds of their opinion on group rights and claims, in the case of immigrants they agree to a large extent. They agree that, whilst the liberal democratic state and the immigrants both wish for complete integration as citizens, the liberal democratic state will treat immigrants the same as the majority, as individual rights recipients. All this whilst making required efforts for the simplification of the integration process. That is why acceptance of certain multicultural rights regarding food, culture, traditions and language in the “private” sphere as well as certain exceptions in the “official” sphere can be accepted, as long as they adhere to the liberal democratic framework of free association, whilst normative multicultural group claims cannot.  So we find that a communitarian philosophy which encourages multicultural group claims actually does agree that the liberal democratic state’s current approach in the case of immigrants is enough.

The access to technology, the effects of instant information and the emergence of an increasingly empowered global citizen have contributed to the fundamental shift of the global political and economic landscape over the last twenty years. In consequence, the soft-power resources are becoming more and more important components of nation's foreign policy. Foreign policy instruments of public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy can effectively utilize such soft-power resources in order to assert foreign policy goals by purposefully supporting wide range of cultural and artistic activities. It is the aim of the thesis to examine both the direct and indirect impacts of artistic production on societies with various degrees of democratic culture and in connection to elaborate on the relevance of the right to freedom of artistic expression and creativity. The essential aim of this thesis is to look at the role that art production plays in the development of a democratic society.

Esta dissertação de Mestrado se atem a uma discussão que tomou fôlego no debate constitucional da contemporaneidade, tendo como ponto fulcral o embate entre o princípio democrático da soberania popular e a jurisdição constitucional quando esta toma um rumo diverso daquele apontado pelos representantes eleitos pelo povo para o exercício da função criativa do direito. Para tanto, procuramos estabelecer, em primeira linha de raciocínio, a origem mais recente da forma democrática de governo, concluindo pela estruturação tricotômica do instituto, pautado tanto na soberania popular, quanto no controle de constitucionalidade e nos direitos humanos. Partindo do pressuposto de que os estados democráticos de direito da contemporaneidade estão sustentados nestes três pilares (soberania popular, controle de constitucionalidade e direitos humanos), apontamos para a necessidade premente de vislumbrar um exercício democrático que ultrapasse um critério meramente quantitativo, incluindo necessariamente os interesses das minorias na pauta de debates e escolhas de políticas públicas. Neste viés, o presente trabalho realoca a questão das minorias para o centro do debate que discute o aparente embate entre democracia e jurisdição constitucional, levantando a hipótese de que existe uma compatibilização entre institutos a partir do momento em que vislumbramos as minorias como parte integrante da engrenagem decisória. Defendemos ao longo deste escrito que o controle de constitucionalidade exercido pelas cortes constitucionais, ainda que sigam um caminho diverso do escolhido pelo legislador originário ou derivado e ser, por isso, classificado como contramajoritário , é legítimo nos casos em que tenham sido proferidas decisões sob o auspício de reconhecer direitos fundamentais às minorias sub-representadas democraticamente. Por oportuno, concluímos pela legitimidade das decisões contramajoritárias proferidas pela Suprema Corte na defesa de direitos de minorias, sustentado esta possibilidade sob os pilares teóricos da filosofia política do reconhecimento-redistribuição, mais detidamente a inspirada nos escritos de Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser, e do constitucionalismo democrático defendido por Robert Post e Reva Siegel.<br>This masters thesis focuses on a discussion that was raised in the constitutional debate of contemporaneity, having as the main point, the conflict between the democratic principle of popular sovereignty and the constitutional jurisdiction when it takes a different turn from the one indicated by the representatives, elected by the people, for the exercise of the creative function of law. Therefore, we seek to establish, in the first line of reasoning, the latest source of the democratic form of government, ending with the trichotomic structuring of the institute, based on popular sovereignty, and constitutionality review and human rights. Assuming that democratic states of the contemporary law are supported in these three pillars (popular sovereignty, constitutionality review and human rights), we point to the urgent need for envisioning a democratic exercise that goes beyond a purely quantitative criteria, including necessarily the interests of minorities on the agenda for debates and public policy choices. In this bias, the present study relocates the issue of minorities to the center of the debate discussing the apparent conflict between democracy and constitutional jurisdiction, raising the hypothesis that there is a compatibility between institutes from the moment you envision minorities as part of the operative gear. We defend throughout this writing that the constitutionality review exercised by constitutional courts, although they follow a different path chosen by the legislator derivative - and be therefore classified as majority against - is legitimate where decisions have been made under the auspices of recognizing fundamental rights to democratically underrepresented minorities. At last, we conclude with the legitimacy of majority against decisions taken by the Supreme Court in defense of minority rights, sustained this possibility under the theoretical pillars of the political philosophy of recognition-redistribution, the more closely inspired by the writings of Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser, and the democratic constitutionalism defended by Robert Post and RevaSiegel.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:20:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 1<br>Nenhuma<br>As presentes reflexões tiveram por objetivo descrever o cenário de um tempo efêmero, redimensionado espacialmente e de ampla interconectividade econômica e cultural, bem como definir os fenômenos contemporâneos que determinaram a narrada efemeridade, a qual foi identificada por um tempo descrito como pós-moderno; a transformação dos espaços e interconexão transfronteiriça, foi identificada por um fenômeno conhecido como globalização. Em seguida, se buscou problematizar as questões da pós-modernidade e da globalização confrontando-as com as atuais conformações do Estado e do Direito, no sentido de demonstrar suas deficiências para responder as questões deste novo tempo e as possibilidades de transformação para o atendimento das novas demandas sociais, jurídicas e políticas da sociedade pós-moderna e do mundo globalizado. A partir disso, com as algumas idéias de Höffe e Kant, empreendeu-se na democracia, como aspecto fundamental para o enfrentamento deste novo cenário de uma sociedade marcada pelas incertezas,

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2015-02-05T09:49:44Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marcelo Guimaraes Coutinho - 2014.pdf: 1262060 bytes, checksum: b413c35361c11676ba1d5e2e49836f18 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-02-05T11:05:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marcelo Guimaraes Coutinho - 2014.pdf: 1262060 bytes, checksum: b413c35361c11676ba1d5e2e49836f18 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-05T11:05:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marcelo Guimaraes Coutinho - 2014.pdf: 1262060 bytes, checksum: b413c35361c11676ba1d5e2e49836f18 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-29<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>This dissertation analyzes the judicial protection of collective and diffuse rights in Brazil. The contemporary social pluralism is seen as a set of perspectives from that derive the collective interests, marked by the multiplicity of subjects with identity demands, and as an expression, many times, of human rights categories. The repeated disregard of collective interests, massified in the context of the welfare state, led to the creation of legal instruments for collective protection. The research highlights the public civil action. The breadth of claims that may be conveyed by the public civil action makes possible the protection of goods and interests of more immediate utility for social groups and the community as a whole, compared to the traditional object of popular action. The public civil action is not seen as just a quirky Brazilian legal-procedural instrument, but as a space of representation of social interests in the current stage of democracy. In order to better understand the historical and cultural arrangements of structure formation of the Brazilian judicial protection of collective and diffuse rights, is traced a brief global overview of the development of instruments for the defense of these rights. The management of the public civil action supposed a transformative potential, suitable for reflections of philosophical and hermeneutic perspectives on the new constitutionalism‘s milestones, since there is little research on the effectiveness and the efficiency of the management of this instrument in Brazil, especially with respect to the conjugated achievement of fundamental rights treated as a inseparable complex in current constitutional order. The instruments of collective protection, that were born in the context of mass society, hardly been consolidated in Brazil and already have its foundations - the Social State of Law and the positivistic hermeneutics - in check. In this monograph, are exposed and analyzed specific cases of public civil actions in Goiás. Statistical data related of these collective actions in Goiânia are considered in evaluating the overall effectiveness and efficiency of the public civil action in defense of collective interests and in assessing the role played by civil society associations and Ministério Público. This is a study that brought together the theoretical and empirical perspectives, and with it, tried to make a realistic diagnosis about the efficiency and effectiveness of the public civil action as an instrument of collective protection of representative social interests of human rights, in an effort to interdisciplinary approach of the subject.<br>A presente dissertação faz uma análise da proteção jurisdicional de direitos coletivos e difusos no Brasil. O pluralismo social contemporâneo é encarado como um conjunto de perspectivas das quais derivam os interesses coletivos, marcados pela multiplicidade de sujeitos com identidade de demandas, e como expressão, muitas vezes, de categorias de direitos humanos. A reiterada desconsideração de interesses coletivos, massificados no contexto do Estado Social, ensejou a criação de instrumentos judiciais para a tutela coletiva. A pesquisa destaca a ação civil pública. A amplitude de pretensões que podem ser veiculadas por meio da ação civil pública torna possível a defesa de bens e interesses de utilidade mais imediata para grupos sociais e a coletividade como um todo, em comparação ao tradicional objeto da ação popular. A ação civil pública não é vista apenas como um peculiar instrumento jurídicoprocessual brasileiro, mas como um espaço de representação de interesses sociais no atual estágio da democracia. A fim de melhor compreender os arranjos histórico-culturais da formação da estrutura brasileira de proteção jurisdicional de direitos coletivos e difusos, é traçado um breve panorama mundial do desenvolvimento de instrumentos para a defesa desses direitos. O manejo da ação civil pública supõe um potencial transformador de relações sociais, propício para reflexões de cunho hermenêutico-filosófico nos marcos do novo constitucionalismo, visto que pouco se pesquisa sobre a efetividade e a eficiência da utilização desse instrumento no Brasil, principalmente no que tange à consecução conjugada dos direitos fundamentais tratados como um complexo indissociável na ordem constitucional vigente. Os instrumentos de proteção de interesses coletivos, nascidos no contexto da sociedade de massas, mal se consolidaram no Brasil e já encontram seus fundamentos — o Estado Social de Direito e a hermenêutica positivista — em xeque. Neste trabalho, são expostos e analisados casos concretos de ações civis públicas ajuizadas em Goiás. Dados estatísticos referentes à propositura dessas ações coletivas na Comarca de Goiânia são considerados na aferição global da efetividade e eficiência da ação civil pública na defesa de interesses coletivos, bem como na avaliação do papel desempenhado pelas associações da sociedade civil e do Ministério Público. Trata-se de um estudo que reuniu as perspectivas teórica e empírica e, com isso, procurou fazer um diagnóstico realista acerca da eficiência e efetividade da ação civil pública como instrumento de tutela coletiva de interesses sociais representativos de direitos humanos, num esforço de abordagem interdisciplinar do tema.

La démocratie représentative reste un régime essentiellement représentatif qui a été conçu précisément pour exclure la participation directe de l’universalité des citoyens à la prise de décisions politiques. L’introduction d’instruments de la participation directe, en forme de l’e-démocratie, crée un conflit au sein de ce régime, conflit qui ne sera résolu que par un aménagement de la notion de démocratie représentative, voire sa substitution par une autre notion, ayant vocation à concilier les exigences de la participation et de la représentation. Cette thèse se propose de réfléchir à un modèle de régime politique-type susceptible de permettre l'intégration de l'e-démocratie.Une telle intégration met en lumière l’interdépendance entre la démocratie et les droits fondamentaux qui sont menacés de manière inédite à l’ère numérique. La possibilité d’introduire l’e-démocratie est donc conditionnée à la protection renforcée des droits essentiels : la liberté d’expression, le droit au respect de la vie privée, ainsi qu’à la reconnaissance de nouveaux droits fondés sur l’autodétermination personnelle. L’introduction de l’e-démocratie peut également remettre en cause certains concepts bien établis, tels que le principe majoritaire, ou exiger leur reconsidération, comme dans le cas de la bonne gouvernance<br>Representative democracy remains essentially a representative government that was created precisely to avoid all the citizens to participate directly in political decision-making. Implementation of direct participation’s instruments in form of e-democracy creates a conflict within this government, a conflict which can be solved only by a renewal of representative democracy concept, even its substitution by another idea committed to reconciling representation and participation. This thesis aims a reflection on a concept of government capable of integrating e-democracy.Such an integration highlights the interdependent character of the link between democracy and human rights that are exposed to totally new threats in the digital era. The possibility to introduce e-democracy is conditional upon the reinforced protection of such essential rights and freedoms: as freedom of expression and right to respect for private and family life in the digital environment, as well as recognition of new rights based on personal self-determination. Implementation of e-democracy can also challenge well-established concepts such as majority principle or require their reconsideration, as in the case of good governance

No marco do direito internacional dos direitos humanos, a presente dissertação de mestrado analisa o desaparecimento forçado de pessoas, que, em razão de constituir grave violação de direitos humanos, foi tipificado crime contra a humanidade. Desse modo, tem por fim verificar o surgimento desse fenômeno nos regimes ditatoriais da América Latina, e o tratamento dispensado a ele pela comunidade internacional, observando-se a interdependência de ramos do direito internacional face ao desaparecimento. Ademais, visa a fazer uma aproximação entre memória e direitos humanos, temática intrinsecamente relacionada com o desaparecimento forçado de pessoas. Nessa perspectiva, apresenta uma análise dos casos de desaparecimento julgados pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos com vistas à sua compreensão acerca do direito à verdade, extraindo-se a afinidade desse direito com a construção de memórias. Dessa maneira, este estudo considera a relação direta entre a manipulação de memórias do passado, pelo ocultamento dos fatos relativos a crimes da natureza do desaparecimento forçado, e as violações de direitos humanos que ocorrem no presente.<br>Within the framework of international human rights, this thesis analyzes the enforced disappearance of persons, which was typified as a crime against humanity due the fact of being a serious violation of human rights. Thus, it aims to determine the emergence of this phenomenon during dictatorial regimes in Latin America, and its treatment by the international community, emphasizing the interdependence between different international law branches to the disappearance. Moreover, it aims to make a connection between memory and human rights, a theme closely linked to enforced disappearance of persons. Through this perspective, it presents an analysis of disappearance cases judged by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in order to depict its understanding about the right to the truth, extracting the affinity of this right with the construction of memory. Accordingly, this study considers the relationship between the manipulation of memories about the past through the concealment of facts related to enforced disappearance crimes, and ongoing human rights violations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Gomes Franco Grillo.pdf: 466176 bytes, checksum: 4d5836ceec2d439d4dd792128bf73752 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-05<br>Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie<br>The present search has as object the right in the slovenian philosopher Slajov i ek´s work. The philosophy of the right is looked for in that author, considering its proximity as the legal marxism and with the critical philosophies. Therefore will be possible two verifications of the right in Zizek: one related to the legal Marxism and other, without being it, but still yes, in general, critical. For the first slope, the Marxist, there is the possibility of a subdivision. i ek has two apprehensions of the legal Marxism. One is more literal to Marx's work, in the comparison with the legal Marxism of Pachukanis, and other, without being similar to the first one, composed by a Marxist critical reading of the democracy, of the capitalism, of the citizenship and of the themes of the minorities and of the environment, as well as a theorise of the psychoanalysis, as it was already done before by the authors of the school of Frankfurt, however being used of Lacan and not of Freud. Specifically for the subjects of the democracy and of the i ek´s citizenship, sometimes, implicitly enters into contradiction with the vision most radical of pachukanis. In order to reinterpret the Marxist theory, the Slovenian author proceeds an analysis of the contemporary society, based in their current problems and with examples of the politics. There is still the possibility of an approach of the theory of pachukanis´s right with the social psychoanalysis starting from the Slovenian author's writings, basing on the previous propositions of Lacan. Regarding to the second slope, the critic Non Marxist, to clarify it, has the development by the author of Lubliana of the themes of the human rights, of the citizenship (the critic of the neoliberalism) and of the possible historical readings of the legal positivism and of the philosophy of right´s Hegel, as well as of the critic of the right being used of a critical assimilation of the "philosophy of right of the exception", of Carl Schmitt, among others, what approximates i ek of the philosophy of the power. On the other hand, the acceptable approach of the exception as the rupture bearing for the revolution will place i ek as an author Post-Marxist.<br>A presente pesquisa tem como objeto o direito na obra do filósofo esloveno Slavoj i ek. Busca-se a filosofia do direito nesse autor, considerando a sua proximidade como o marxismo jurídico e com as filosofias críticas. Por isso, serão possíveis duas constatações do direito em i ek: uma, relacionada ao marxismo jurídico e outra, sem o sê-lo, mas ainda assim, de um modo geral, crítica. Para a primeira vertente, a marxista, há a possibilidade de uma subdivisão. i ek tem duas apreensões do marxismo jurídico. Uma mais literal à obra de Marx, na comparação com o marxismo jurídico de Pachukanis, e outra, sem ser similar à pachukaniana, composta por uma leitura crítica marxista da democracia, do capitalismo, da cidadania e dos temas das minorias e do meio ambiente, assim como uma teorização da psicanálise, conforme já foi feita antes pelos autores da Escola de Frankfurt, porém utilizando-se de Lacan e não de Freud. Especificamente para as questões da democracia e da cidadania i ek, por vezes, implicitamente entra em uma contradição com a visão mais radical pachukaniana. A fim de reinterpretar a teoria marxista, o autor esloveno procede a uma análise da sociedade contemporânea, com base em seus problemas atuais e com exemplos da política. Há ainda a possibilidade de uma aproximação da teoria do direito pachukaniana com a psicanálise social a partir dos escritos do autor esloveno, baseando-se nas teses anteriores de Lacan. Referente à segunda vertente, a crítica não-marxista, a esclarecê-la, tem-se o desenvolvimento pelo autor de Lubliana das temáticas dos direitos humanos, da cidadania (a crítica ao neoliberalismo) e das possíveis leituras históricas do positivismo jurídico e da filosofia do direito de Hegel, bem como da crítica do direito utilizando-se de uma assimilação crítica da filosofia do direito da exceção , de Carl Schmitt, dentre outros, o que aproxima i ek da filosofia do poder. Por outro lado, a admissível abordagem da exceção como a ruptura rumo à revolução situará i ek como um autor pós-marxista.

L’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne, paraphé à Bruxelles le 19 décembre 2001 et entré en vigueur le 1er septembre 2005, fonde un partenariat en matière des droits de l’homme. Déclenché par la Déclaration de Barcelone du 27 et 28 novembre 1995, il fournit aujourd’hui le modèle le plus complet pour une meilleure mise en œuvre réelle et effective des droits de l’homme dans le cadre des accords d’associations. Inspiré, d’une politique euro-méditerranéenne qui a pour objectif la promotion et la protection des droits de l’homme, tel qu’énoncée dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, inspire les politiques internes et internationales des parties et constitue un élément essentiel pour la mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-UE. Y’a-t-il une réelle mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l’homme ? Et quels sont les moyens mis en place?<br>The Algerian-European association, signed on 19 December 2001 in Brussels and enforced on 1 September 2005, represents a partnership in terms of human rights. Sett off by the Barcelona Declaration of 27 &amp; 28 November 1995, it nowadays serves as the best model for a genuine implementation of human rights in the field of assocation agreements. Inspired by Euro-Mediterranean policy whose objective is the promotion as well as protection of human rights, as stated in the universal declaration of human rights, it affects the parties, domestic and international policies and represents and essential element in the implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement. Is there a genuine implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement in the perspective of the respect of human rights? And what are the means used for that propose?

A tension arises whenever the South African private law fails to meet constitutional right norms. To remedy a deficiency, two law-making options are available. The first is for the judiciary to develop or change private law principles and rules in order to provide protection for the implicated constitutional norm. The second is for the judiciary to enforce an obligation upon Parliament to enact legislation to amend or replace existing private law rights and obligations so as to safeguard the norm against interference from a private individual or entity. The former is the more conventional option, but, in recent years, the law reports record an increasing reliance on the legislative duty to protect constitutional right norms in private legal relationships. The thesis investigates the extent to which the latter phenomenon - which will be described as a 'pivot towards legislative remedies' - exists, and the circumstances in which the courts pivot towards legislative remedies rather than developing private law of their own accord. The thesis finds that legislative schemes that give effect to constitutional rights are likely to contain an array of benefits that are absent from or reduced in the judicial law-making process. The judicial pivot towards legislative remedies is thus a strategy to enhance the process through which conflicting rights are resolved, as it allows for the constitutional rebuilding of private law in a way that the judiciary is unable to do on its own. Importantly, however, theories of judicial deference do not explain the pivot. On the contrary, the courts have exercised a strict level of control over the legislative law-making pathway. Through either statutory interpretation or the review of legislation, the courts require legislation to contain the essentials of the judicial law-making framework. From this perspective, the judicial law-making process produces the floor of the rebuilding project and the legislative law-making process enhances that framework.

This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

La première partie de l’étude est consacrée à l’invocation, intra et extra muros, du droit à un procès équitable. Sont analysés ainsi, dans un premier temps, l’applicabilité directe de l’article 6 et la subsidiarité de la Convention par rapport au droit national et de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme par rapport aux juridictions nationales. Le droit à un procès équitable étant un droit jurisprudentiel, l’étude se focalise, dans un second temps, sur l’invocabilité des arrêts de la Cour Européenne et plus précisément sur l’invocabilité directe de l’arrêt qui constate une violation du droit à un procès équitable dans une affaire mettant en cause l’Etat et l’invocabilité de l’interprétation conforme à l’arrêt qui interprète l’article 6 dans une affaire mettant en cause un Etat tiers. L’introduction dans l’ordre juridique français et hellénique de la possibilité de réexamen de la décision pénale définitive rendue en violation de la Convention a fait naitre un nouveau droit d’accès à la Cour de cassation lequel trouve son terrain de prédilection aux violations de l’article 6 et constitue peut-être le pas le plus important pour le respect du droit à un procès équitable après l’acceptation (par la France et la Grèce) du droit de recours individuel. Quant au faible fondement de l’autorité de la chose interprétée par la Cour Européenne, qui est d’ailleurs un concept d’origine communautaire, cela explique pourquoi un dialogue indirect entre la Cour Européenne et la Cour de cassation est possible sans pour autant changer en rien l’invocabilité de l’interprétation conforme et le fait que l’existence d’un précédent oblige la Cour de cassation à motiver l’interprétation divergente qu’elle a adoptée.La seconde partie de l’étude, qui est plus volumineuse, est consacrée aux garanties de bonne administration de la justice (article 6§1), à la présomption d’innocence (article 6§2), aux droits qui trouvent leur fondement conventionnel dans l’article 6§1 mais leur fondement logique dans la présomption d’innocence et aux droits de la défense (article 6§3). Sont ainsi analysés le droit à un tribunal indépendant, impartial et établi par la loi, le délai raisonnable, le principe de l’égalité des armes, le droit à une procédure contradictoire, le droit de la défense d’avoir la parole en dernier, la publicité de l’audience et du prononcé des jugements et arrêts, l’obligation de motivation des décisions, la présomption d’innocence, dans sa dimension procédurale et personnelle, le « droit au mensonge », le droit de l’accusé de se taire et de ne pas contribuer à son auto-incrimination, son droit d’être informé de la nature et de la cause de l’accusation et de la requalification envisagée des faits, son droit au temps et aux facilités nécessaires à la préparation de la défense, y compris notamment la confidentialité de ses communications avec son avocat et le droit d’accès au dossier, son droit de comparaître en personne au procès, le droit de la défense avec ou sans l’assistance d’un avocat, le droit de l’accusé d’être représenté en son absence par son avocat, le droit à l’assistance gratuite d’un avocat lorsque la situation économique de l’accusé ne permet pas le recours à l’assistance d’un avocat mais les intérêts de la justice l’exigent, le droit d’interroger ou faire interroger les témoins à charge et d’obtenir la convocation et l’interrogation des témoins à décharge dans les mêmes conditions que les témoins à charge et le droit à l’interprétation et à la traduction des pièces essentielles du dossier. L’analyse est basée sur la jurisprudence strasbourgeoise et centrée sur la position qu’adoptent la Cour de cassation française et l’Aréopage<br>The first party of the study is dedicated to the invocation of the right to a fair trial intra and extra muros and, on this basis, it focuses on the direct applicability of Article 6 and the subsidiarity of the Convention and of the European Court of Human Rights. Because of the fact that the right to a fair trial is a ‘‘judge-made law’’, the study also focuses on the invocability of the judgments of the European Court and more precisely on the direct invocability of the European Court’s judgment finding that there has been a violation of the Convention and on the request for an interpretation in accordance with the European Court’s decisions. The possibility of reviewing the criminal judgment made in violation of the Convention has generated a new right of access to the Court of cassation which particularly concerns the violations of the right to a fair trial and is probably the most important step for the respect of the right to a fair trial after enabling the right of individual petition. As for the weak conventional basis of the authority of res interpretata (“autorité de la chose interprétée”), this fact explains why an indirect dialogue between the ECHR and the Court of cassation is possible but doesn’t affect the applicant’s right to request an interpretation in accordance with the Court’s decisions and the duty of the Court of cassation to explain why it has decided to depart from the (non-binding) precedent.The second party of the study is bigger than the first one and is dedicated to the guarantees of the proper administration of justice (Article 6§1), the presumption of innocence (Article 6§2), the rights which find their conventional basis on the Article 6§1 but their logical explanation to the presumption of innocence and the rights of defence (Article 6§3). More precisely, the second party of the study is analyzing the right to an independent and impartial tribunal established by law, the right to a hearing within a reasonable time, the principle of equality of arms, the right to adversarial proceedings, the right of the defence to the last word, the right to a public hearing and a public pronouncement of the judgement, the judge’s duty to state the reasons for his decision, the presumption of innocence, in both its procedural and personal dimensions, the accused’s right to lie, his right to remain silent, his right against self-incrimination, his right to be informed of the nature and the cause of the accusation and the potential re-characterisation of the facts, his right to have adequate time and facilities for the preparation of the defence, including in particular the access to the case-file and the free and confidential communication with his lawyer, his right to appear in person at the trial, his right to defend either in person or through legal assistance, his right to be represented by his counsel, his right to free legal aid if he hasn’t sufficient means to pay for legal assistance but the interests of justice so require, his right to examine or have examined witnesses against him and to obtain the attendance and examination of witnesses on his behalf under the same conditions as witnesses against him and his right to the free assistance of an interpreter and to the translation of the key documents. The analysis is based on the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and focuses on the position taken by the French and the Greek Court of Cassation (Areopagus) on each one of the above mentioned rights

Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe „zakat“, „Waqf“ oder im Plural auch „awqaf-“ oder „Sadaqa“ verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet „tithes“ oder „ushour“. Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-„waqf“, innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der „waqf“ berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der „waqf“ als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt.<br>This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, ‘ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or ‘ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public’s perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples’ civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study’s results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.

This thesis examines why contemporary transgender populations in democratic states fail to see the benefits of social rights legislation. I use Giorgio Agamben’s Homo Sacer to explain how transgender people have become encamped in the margins of the contemporary biopolitical world in such a way as the rule of law does not apply to them. This encampment is especially severe for those who defy our current way of understanding transgender identity. I trace transgender back to its inter-war origins in order to establish how medicalized discourses have created the narrow contemporary definition. I use Djuna Barnes’s Nightwood, which details the lives of non-passing inverts in the “night-world” of interwar Europe, to trace an alternate history of transgender subjects who have been excluded from such discourses. Linking Barnes’s characterization of inverted figures to contemporary trans people who do not pass allows for the creation of alternate transgender epistemologies that undermine states of encampment.<br>Graduate<br>0615<br>0298<br>0733<br>agruenew@uvic.ca

Dissertação de mestrado em Direitos Humanos<br>O presente trabalho busca fazer um estudo de caso sobre o processo julgado pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal do Brasil (STF) da pertinência da cláusula 14.9.4 presente no edital do Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio (ENEM), a mais popular forma de acesso dos estudantes brasileiros ao ensino superior. Esta cláusula, aqui chamada de “cláusula dos direitos humanos”, previa que o candidato que de alguma forma desrespeitasse os direitos humanos na redação do ENEM automaticamente receberia nota zero. Um movimento chamado Movimento Escola sem Partido, que defendia a “não doutrinação” em sala de aula, entrou com uma ação, em 2016, para anular a validade desta cláusula no edital e, depois dos trâmites legais, saiu vencedora após decisão da Ministra Cármen Lúcia, do STF. Neste trabalho, buscar-se-á entender o contexto existente por trás desta decisão, tanto de um ponto de vista da história constitucional e legislativa do Brasil, com foco no direito à educação, bem como analisando os tratados internacionais tanto no âmbito das Nações Unidas, quanto no plano do sistema interamericano, para entender como o direito à educação e a educação para os direitos humanos estão inseridos na política mundial de direitos humanos instaurada a partir da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Busca-se também demonstrar a relação indissociável que possuem o direito à educação, a democracia e os direitos humanos e como, desde 2017, o Brasil vem tornando esta relação cada vez mais fraca, de um ponto de vista institucional e de política de governo, o que é bem exemplificado pelos movimentos históricos recentes no país, incluindo a exclusão da cláusula dos direitos humanos do edital do ENEM.<br>This paper seeks to make a case study on the process judged by the Supreme Federal Court of Brazil (STF) of the relevance of clause 14.9.4 present in the edict of the National High School Examination (ENEM), the most popular access form of Brazilian students to higher education. This clause, hereinafter referred to as the “human rights clause”, provided that a candidate who in any way disrespected human rights in the ENEM's essay would automatically receive a zero score in it. A movement called the Movimento Escola sem Partido (MESP), which advocated “non-indoctrination” in the classroom, filed a lawsuit in 2016 to annul the validity of this clause in the public notice and, after legal proceedings, won after a decision by Justice Cármen Lúcia from STF. In this paper we will try to understand the existing context behind this decision, from a point of view of the constitutional and legislative history of Brazil, focusing on the right to education, as well as analyzing the international treaties both within the United Nations, as for the inter-American system, to understand how the right to education and human rights education are embedded in the world human rights policy established since the Second World War. It also seeks to demonstrate the inseparable relationship of the right to education, democracy and human rights and how, since 2017, Brazil has been making this relationship increasingly weak, from an institutional and government policy point of view. This is well exemplified by recent historical movements in the country, including the exclusion of the human rights clause from the ENEM edict.

In this dissertation I am analysing certain aspects of labour, especially the ones that are of significant interest to moral philosophy within the church and its catholic doctrine. In the same time I identify the foundation for freedom and dignity of labouring human being that are being degraded especially in the present time economisation process. Further, I outline the issues associated with the changes within the division of labour from industrial revolution to present day and in the same time I present issues connected with labouring human being vs. human capital. Because freedom is the foundation of humanity I also describe issues connected with human rights in the context of universal and natural law. In this way I analyse Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its defence in an intercultural environment. Lastly, besides those theoretical concepts, I evaluate an Amnesty International CR project called "Business That is Worth It" which aims at supporting companies to a responsible management of employees rights protection especially in developing countries.

The thesis is about environmental values that we encounter in our everyday life. The thesis also talks about environmental justice dialogues and tensions that play in Bangladesh. The thesis, in the first place, explores how an environmental planning and resource management approach causes a particular type of environmental injustice; i.e., non-recognition of access to the decision making process of local ethnic communities, which identifies them as adivasi meaning indigenous, poses a threat to their livelihood and culture, and obstructs the process of environmental protection in Bangladesh.<br>The existing theories of environmental justice and four case studies conducted in Bangladesh have been used to interrogate the research findings. I argue, along with Low and Gleeson (1998) that for environmental justice, recognition of environmental needs for every entity as an ingredient of human dignity should be basis of the planning process. The research findings also suggest that , at all levels of decisions, fair access to decision, information and justice for all entities should be an integral part of environmental planning and resource management.<br>The thesis explores avenues for fair access to justice, meaning redress and remedy of environmental injustice, in the context of Bangladesh. I argue that capillaries of justice such as Salish, a process and institution for public interest negotiation (PIN) embedded in Bangladesh culture, can be reinvented. In addition, access to information should be a prerequisite for meaningful deliberation at all levels of decision making and dispute resolving processes.

Background: After independence education was declared one of the inviolable fundamental human rights of all persons entrenched in the Supreme Law of the country, the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia. It is an irrefutable fact proven by a number of research findings and confirmed by educational theorists and decided cases that appropriate and quality early childhood education is a foundation of all levels of education. In Namibia currently, public early childhood development and education is provided by community members in Early Childhood Development Community Centres in both rural and urban areas. It is against this background that the purpose of the study on which this research report is based was to determine, through stakeholder participants’ eyes, how the presumed right to education of the pre- grade one learners in rural early childhood development and education community centres (ECDECCs) in Northern Namibia is adhered to. Research Design and Methodology: The study was based on a qualitative interpretive hybrid case study of four (including pilot study) rural ECDECCs, review of early childhood development and education literature, legal literature, relevant legislation, case law, regulations, policies and International Human Right Instruments conducted before and after conducting research in the field. Empirical data were collected through semi-structured individual (one on one) face to face interviews with various stakeholder participants (such as heads of/teachers at ECDECCs, parents/guardians, community leaders/members, officials from the Ministry of Gender Equality, Ministry of Education and Human Rights Activists. The findings of the study were inter alia that all participants had knowledge of and understood the fact that five to six years old children indeed have the right to education, and most of them also understood the significance of pre- grade one learners’ education. As such, the communities were doing everything in their power to provide early childhood education. However, early childhood development and education community centres were ill-equipped in terms of physical facilities, human resources, and learning-teaching aids. In addition, heads of centres/teachers were not properly trained. There was no tap water, no electricity, and no toilet facilities. Most children did not fully or not at all attend community centres for early childhood education, because of inability on the part of their parents/guardians to pay the prescribed fees. Buildings (structures) in which pre-grade one education was practised were not completed and therefore not suitable for human occupation, as community members who initiated them did not have sufficient funds to finance such undertakings. Literature studies of selected relevant legal literature, Constitutions, legislation, decided cases and international human right instruments confirm the fact that pre-grade one education is indeed a legally enforceable fundamental human right to basic education. To this end, there are legal determinants of the provision of pregrade one learners early childhood development and education. Recommendations were that the State (government) had to take over early childhood education, and that teachers have to be academically and professionally trained and accordingly paid salaries by the Ministry of Education. Because of the above obstacles experienced in rural ECDECCs, pre-grade one learners’ right to education leaves much to be desired. Consequently, it is recommended that the Ministry of Education must, as of necessity, legally take over education of all pre-grade one learners (preprimary learners) in entirety in order to comply with the provisions of International Human Rights Instruments in general, and Article 20 (1) of the Constitution of Namibia in particular. In addition, in order to ensure promotion, advancement, realisation and fulfilment of the pre-grade one learners’ right to education, the current Namibian Education Act needs to be amended like the South African Schools Act, or a new Early Childhood Development and Education Act has to be promulgated altogether, to specifically and particularly cater for the pre-grade one learners’ right to basic education. This is indispensable because, in the words of Smith (2011: 305): “The value and necessity of education is beyond dispute because education is both a human right in itself and a crucial means of realising other human rights.” The study concluded that early childhood education provision and practice in ECDECCs in rural areas in their current nature and status at the time of conducting this study in Northern Namibia leaves much to be desired. As such, it is not the best possible vehicle for the early childhood development and education provision of pregrade one education for the five to six years old children in light of their human right to education.<br>PhD (Education Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

This creative thesis is written in two parts: Volume 1 is a novel and Volume 2 is the accompanying exegesis which explains the process of contextualising a school of philosophy’s politics within the novel. These volumes combine to build a new window onto contemporary theoretical debate regarding the sustainability of so-called liberal democracy. Volume 1, the novel, provides a fictionalised account of federal government involvement with the popular music industry in Australia during the 1990s. The story is told from the point of view of a newcomer to a music industry organisation funded by the federal government called the ‘Oz Rock Foundation’. This organisation is run by a former federal politician who maintains close links with his political colleagues still in government. When the newcomer discovers a young Aboriginal prisoner with exceptional musical talents, the former politician seizes this opportunity to help launch the Oz Rock Foundation in the ‘Year of the Indigenous Person’. This venture, however, has unexpected consequences which emerge as the story develops. Volume 2, the exegesis, employs a narrative framework to explain the process by which an analysis of philosopher Richard Rorty’s version of neopragmatism fed into the creation of the novel. Political issues raised by neopragmatism are thematically linked to fictional contexts informed by the history of government experimentation with the Australian music industry. The process is guided by questions designed to assess whether a neopragmatic version of liberal democracy is sustainable in this form. The novel is further shaped by its attempt to extend a particular tradition, within the genre of the political novel, that contextualises themes related to ‘natural rights’ as the foundation of liberal democracy. The exegesis, in its discussion of issues raised by the completed novel, then draws on existing research into the sustainability of democracy in order to synthesise an overall perspective. NOTE: Due to copyright arrangements with the publisher of Making Noises, the text of the novel (Volume 1) is not available as part of the digital version of this thesis. The novel was published in November 2006 by OverDog Press (Melbourne, Australia). The ISBN is: 9780975797921

Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right which is important not only for the intellectual integrity of an individual but also for the healthy development of the whole society. The work represents both general arguments for freedom of expression and codification of freedom in two different legal cultures. In the United States the freedom of expression is protected by the First Amendment of the Constitution, which complements the rich jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of the United States. In Mexico, the right is regulated in Article 6 of the Constitution. The work shows how both countries reached the current legislation on the basis of examination of legal developments and cultural values. The values of the societies are presented on the basis of Hofstede's cultural dimensions. The core of the thesis is to compare the legal limits, which is made primarily on the basis of judicial practice of the Supreme Courts of both countries. Emphasis is placed on four main areas which are related to freedom of speech: (i) fighting words including hate speech, (ii) symbolic speech, (iii) obscenity, and (iv) defamation. In addition to the legal limits the work interprets also the most significant actual limits in both countries. Finally, the author examines the relationship between freedom of expression and...