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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Europe, Western – Foreign relations – Yugoslavia »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Entina, E. G. "EEC and Yugoslav cooperation in the frames of modern international relations in Europe." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (2020): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-39-55.

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Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unf

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Gibianskii, Leonid Ia. "Interview. 17 September 2020. Moscow, Tverskoy Boulevard." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 1-2 (2021): 187–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.10.

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At the request of the editorial board of the journal Slavic World in the Third Millennium, the eldest researcher of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Leonid Ianovich Gibianskii (born 1936), recounts his life. Leonid Ianovich graduated from the Department of Southern and Western Slavs of the History Faculty of Moscow State University in 1960 and began working at the Institute in 1966, when he commenced a graduate course there. He is the prominent specialist in the history of Yugoslavia and in the problems of international relations in contemporary Central and S

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Entina, Ekaterina, and Alexander Pivovarenko. "Russia’s Foreign Policy Evolution in the New Balkan Landscape." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (2020): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.08.

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The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental diffe

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Romanenko, S. A. "Doctrinal foreign policy documents of the post-Yugoslav states 2014–2021." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.03.

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The article analyses the content of doctrinal documents on the development of post-socialist states in a special sub-region in Southeast Europe – the post-Yugoslav space. The author examines the concepts of foreign policy, national security and defence. Based on the consideration of internal political development of the post-Yugoslav states separately, the evolution of relations between them within the special subregion and the process of international relations in general, three stages can be distinguished in the development of relations between Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, North Ma

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Tahirović, Mehmedin. "The Main Security Challenges and Threats in the Western Balkans and Possible Model for Solving Them in the Process of European Integration." Studia Europejskie – Studies in European Affairs 28, no. 3 (2024): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2024.2.

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In a narrower sense, within the geo-political jargon of the European Union, the term “Western Balkans” is used alongside the term “Southeast Europe”. The Western Balkans encompasses the former Yugoslav countries of Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Kosovo, excluding Slovenia but including Albania. After the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia, objective reasons emerged that prompted the need for new forms of cooperation between the new and existing countries in order to promote reconciliation and stabilise the Western Balkans. NATO and the EU played a p

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Dobrokhotov, Leonid Nikolaevich. "The New Cold War as a Geopolitical and civilizational Reality." Социодинамика, no. 11 (November 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2022.11.38672.

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In contrast to the previous optimistic forecasts of the ruling elite in the late USSR and in the new Russia about how our country's relations with the West will develop positively after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in Eastern Europe, Russia's successful entry into the Western community; after the triumphalist sentiments in the West itself regarding the "collapse of communism", the after the victory in the cold war and the role of Russia, which has lost its role as a superpower, subordinate to the interests of the Western community, the real reality of international

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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.

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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The g

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Knezevic, Milos. "Regionalism and geopolitics." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 112-113 (2002): 207–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0213207k.

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Recognition of regional features, outlining of the contours of regions, tendency to regionalize ethnic, economic, cultural and state-administrative space, and strengthening the ideology of regionalism in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, that is Serbia and Montenegro, appear as a practical and political but also as a theoretical problem which includes and combines several scientific disciplines. The phenomenon of regionalism is not contradictory although it is primarily expressed through the numerous conflicts of interests rivalry and antagonisms of political subjects. The problematic side o

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Mrduljaš, Saša. "The Origins of the Conflict Dimension in Croatian-Serbian Relations." Migration and ethnic themes 41, no. 1 (2025): 63–95. https://doi.org/10.11567/met.2025.3.

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Prior to the Ottoman incursion and subsequent conquest of most of Southeastern Europe, the central South Slavic region – comprising present-day Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, and Kosovo – was marked by relatively clear political and religious boundaries. To the west, within the Catholic sphere, were the Kingdoms of Slavonia, Croatia, and Dalmatia, the Kingdom of Bosnia, and the Republic of Dubrovnik. To the east, within the Orthodox sphere, lay the Serbian Despotate and Zeta. The Ottomans swiftly conquered Serbia, Zeta, and a large part of Bosnia, where the majority of th

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Lifintsev, V. D., and T. V. Rastimeshina. "The soviet-yugoslav conflict of 1948-1953 as an episode of the cold war." Post–Soviet Continent, no. 4 (November 25, 2024): 148–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/23116412_2024_4_148.

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This article explores one of the episodes of diplomatic and foreign policy relations within the bloc of socialist countries of Eastern Europe, namely, the Soviet-Yugoslav conflict of 1948-1953. The course of this conflict, its causes and consequences are analyzed. The early history of Soviet-Yugoslav relations before and during World War II is considered as a necessary study of the possible causes of the conflict. An overview of the foreign policy and domestic political actions of the USSR and Yugoslavia in the period from 1948 to 1953 is made, attention is focused on the attitude of statesmen

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Kacarska, Simonida. "The foreign policies of post-Yugoslav states: from Yugoslavia to Europe." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 18, no. 1 (2017): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2017.1397971.

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Muskaj, Blerina. "NATO in Balkans and Crisis on BiH." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 5, no. 2 (2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/601nsi25e.

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The Balkan crisis is the result of a series of conflicts in various areas of political, economic and social life in the former Yugoslavia. Relations between the former republics show the complex character of European security. Without a sustainable development of the whole region, it is impossible to guarantee security throughout the European continent. Europe was shaken by the bloody events that marked the break-up of Yugoslavia. No one could have imagined that such violent military clashes could take place in a European country, 50 years after the end of World War II, and that hundreds of th

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Đorđević, Vladimir. "Book Review: Europe: The Hour of Europe: Western Powers and the Breakup of Yugoslavia." Political Studies Review 11, no. 2 (2013): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12016_110.

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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.

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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavi

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Saideman, Stephen M. "Explaining the International Relations of Secessionist Conflicts: Vulnerability Versus Ethnic Ties." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 721–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550500.

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With the end of the Cold War, many observers expected that international conflict would be less likely to occur and easier to manage. Given the successful resolution of the Gulf War and the European Community's (EC) efforts to develop a common foreign policy, observers expected international cooperation to manage the few conflicts that might break out. Instead, the disintegration of Yugoslavia contradicted these expectations. Rather than developing a common foreign policy, European states were divided over how to deal with Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Germany pushed for relatively quick recogn

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Dragišić, Petar. "Yugoslav neighborhooD PolicY in 1944-1945." Leskovački zbornik 64, no. 2 (2024): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-liv2.121d.

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At the end of World War II, the newly established communist regime in Yugoslavia sought to take full advantage of its power and extend its sphere of influence across this part of Europe. The strategy of the Yugoslav regime towards neighboring countries encompassed territorial claims as well as the idea of unification with Bulgaria and Albania. The Yugoslav regime often tried to legitimize such attempts by insisting on the inferior status of Yugoslav ethnic minorities in the neighboring countries.The struggle of the Yugoslav regime aiming to extend its influence over Southeastern Europe was met

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BEBLER, ANTON. "SECURITY CHALLENGES IN SOUTH EASTERN EUROPE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, me 2013/ ISSUE 15/3 (September 30, 2013): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.3.3.

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The purpose of this article is to identify the principal security challenges in South Eastern Europe. The mix of challenges has changed radically since the end of the Cold War and the wars in the former Yugoslavia, in favour of non-military threats. The era of wars of religion, ideology and redrawing of state borders in the Western Balkans seems to be over. The tranquillity in the region, imposed from the outside has been buttressed by two international protectorates. The suppression of armed violence did not add up to long-term stability as the underbrush of nationalism, in- tolerance and int

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Dedej, Arian, and Lorenzo Medici. "European Cultural Cooperation Projects in the Western Balkans." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 10, no. 1 S1 (2023): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv10n1s108.

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The EU and the Western Balkans are bound together by enduring cultural connections and a shared goal. In order to advance peace and good neighbourly relations, the European Commission decided in July 2019 to strengthen cultural cooperation in the Western Balkans. The Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA II) launched an explicit call based on the Creative Europe Programme, encouraging applicants to suggest a consortium with the majority of partners from the Western Balkans in order to strengthen regional ties and increase local impact. Out of 350 entries, the European Education and Cult

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Radinović, Radovan. "The role of the army in the destruction of Yugoslavia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-35004.

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Yugoslavia was destroyed through the concerted effort of domestic forces of the seceding republics and foreign factors, embodied by the entirety of the Western world. Although the USA undoubtedly supported the West, in the early stages of the process, they favored the preservation of Yugoslavia. The country with the leading role in the destruction of Yugoslavia was Germany. The causes of the disappearance of Yugoslavia from the political map of Europe and the world were numerous: economic, social, political, geopolitical, etc. In this article we focus on the military component, that is, the ro

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Lisanin, Mladen. "Regional position of Serbia in light of foreign policy relations with its “old neighbors”." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 4 (2017): 483–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704483l.

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Due to turbulent circumstances and controversial heritage in regard to the breakup of ex-Yugoslavia, regional position of Serbia is, within academic as well as the wider public, most often observed in the context of its relations with the ?new? neighbors - the states that have emerged from the breakup of the former common country. This is in part because of constant tensions in the relations with ex-Yugoslav states, but also due to the political agenda of Western actors, which sets the framework for regional integration processes through the concept of ?Western Balkans?. Foreign policy relatio

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Bieniek, Karol. "Thirty years of relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Republic of Serbia: Changing political and international dynamics." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (2021): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.9.

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Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relation

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Korner, Heiko. "International Labour Migration - Theoretical Considerations and Evidence from the Experience of the Mediterranean Sending Countries." Pakistan Development Review 26, no. 4 (1987): 723–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v26i4pp.723-734.

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Immediately after the end of the Second World War in 1945, most observers expected that under the pressure of thousands of displaced persons in Western Europe, traditional migration streams between Europe, on the one side, and the countries of North and South America and Oceania, on the other, would be revived. But soon this proved to be a misconception: not only were most of the refugees, but also a considerable part of the working population of southern Europe (mainly from Italy) and Algeria were absorbed by the rapidly expanding labour markets of the countries of North-Western Europe. When

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Druláková, Radka. "The Slovene Road into Europe." Czech Journal of International Relations 35, no. 4 (2000): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1098.

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Slovenia was established in 1991 by its secession from the Yugoslav Federation. This was preceded by various events which we can classify as economic, social, politico-economic and international policy causes. They determined the modus operandi of the new state in international policy and alongside traditions dating back to the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, the first and second Yugoslavia, they were the starting point of its foreign policy. The first foreign policy representation decided that a small state such as Slovenia needed to be anchored in international structures, above all, by its membe

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Guskova, Jelena. "The role of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Andrey Koziryev in the creation of the fates of Russia and Yugoslavia." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001057g.

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The paper considers the period of the formation of political structures and the establishment of foreign policy aims of the new state, the Russian Federation, in early 1992. The author attempts to reveal the role of the minister of foreign affairs of the Russian Federation Andrey Koziryev in the creation of the fates of Russia and Yugoslavia, what were the most prominent features of his diplomatic career and what factors guided his choices regarding certain questions that concerned the Balkans. His main task was to reform in more than just words the old Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs and t

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Qaderi, Khair Mohammad. "Strengthening Racism, Xenophobia and Islamophobia in Western Europe and its Impact on Türkiye-EU Relations." Diwan 6, no. 1 (2025): 297–322. https://doi.org/10.69892/diwan.2025.103.

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This study analyses the events in the international arena underlying the development of the phenomenon of racism, xenophobia, and Islamophobia, which have recently gained strength in Western Europe, and investigates the effects and role of the results obtained in the reflections of Turkey-European Union (EU) relations. In this context, the study consists of three parts. In the first part, the conceptual framework is discussed, and the historical background of the rising racism, xenophobia and Islamophobia in Europe is emphasized. In the second part, the reasons behind the rise of xenophobia an

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FILIPOVIĆ, LUKA. "YUGOSLAVIA AND EUROCOMMUNIST PARTIES DURING THE ‘LONG YEAR’ OF EUROPEAN DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM (1974–1976)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 35 (December 4, 2024): 236–54. https://doi.org/10.19090/i.2024.35.236-254.

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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Mediterranean communist parties’ political practices and party ideologies, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia’s (LCY) policies, and the socialist model of the Yugoslav state, underwent gradual changes according to similar principles. This allowed existing cooperation between the LCY and future Eurocommunist parties to expand. At this time, the countries of Western Europe were experiencing a period of unprecedented economic growth and a reduction in social inequalities. This period eventually ended in political turmoil and crisis caused by ideological and

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Tsygankov, Andrei P. "The final triumph of the Pax Americana? Western intervention in Yugoslavia and Russia's debate on the post-Cold War order." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 2 (2001): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(01)00008-3.

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This paper addresses the question of world order by considering how Western military actions in Yugoslavia were perceived from a different cultural perspective. It traces how the NATO-led bombing campaign during March–June of 1999 affected various visions of world order that had existed in Russia before the campaign and describes the discursive change this campaign produced. The argument is made that Russia's foreign policy elites, from Westernizers to Neo-Communists and Expansionists, perceived Western goals in Yugoslavia differently from their counterparts in the West. However, they differed

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Drapac, Vesna. "The End of Yugoslavia." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (2001): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002089.

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Francine Friedman, The Bosnian Muslims: Denial of a Nation (Colorado: Westview Press, 1996), 288 pp., $35.00, ISBN 0-8133-2096-8. Eric D. Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), 230 pp., $17.95, ISBN 0-271-01958-1. Lorraine M. Lees, Keeping Tito Afloat: The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997), 246 pp., $40, ISBN 0-271-01629-9. Reneo Lukic and Allen Lynch, Europe from the Balkans to the Urals: The Disintegration

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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.

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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria

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Jokay, Charles Z. "Introduction: Nationality/Ethnic Settlement Patterns and Political Behavior in East Central Europe." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (1996): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408454.

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Western experts claim that the end of the Warsaw Pact and the artificial stability it provided, together with what are routinely called “traditional ethnic animosities,” are the causes of continual and inevitable clashes between states in East Central Europe. This area, a triangle formed by the Adriatic, Baltic, and Black Seas, covers the Western border area of the former Soviet Union, and all of Poland, ex-Yugoslavia, Hungary, Romania, ex-Czechoslovakia and the eastern territories of Germany. This issue of Nationalities Papers is dedicated to the Hungarian ethnic minorities of East Central Eu

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Minesashvili, Salome. "Europe in Georgia’s Identity Discourse." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (2021): 128–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.128.

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Georgia’s European identity, often regarded as the basis of its pro-Western foreign policy, has been contested in the domestic arena by alternative agendas. While government changes are usually deemed instigators of change in this contestation, no systematic analysis has been conducted on the effect of external developments. Considering that Georgia’s relations with the West and Russia have been evolving and that the debates on European identity inherently relate to foreign policy, this article asks to what extent and how contestation within the European identity discourse changes in response

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Novoseltsev, Boris. "Review of the monograph by Lyubodrag Dimić “Between East and West. Yugoslavia, Superpowers and the issue of security in Europe (1945–1975)”." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2024): 472–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2024.1-2.24.

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Using mainly Serbian archival materials, L. Dimić fits the history of Yugoslav foreign policy into the broader context of international relations during the Cold War, the politics of superpowers, the emergence and development of the Non-Aligned Movement and the discussion of security in Europe. The book shows how a small country achieved serious diplomatic and international political success, which was not protected by pacts or guarantees of superpowers.

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Blank, Stephen. "The Return of the Repressed? Post-1989 Nationalism in the “New” Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408336.

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The intractable war in Yugoslavia, the breakup of Czechslovakia, the nationalist rumblings in Hungary and Romania, and manifestations of imperial and nationalist longings in Russian politics signify nationalism's enduring potency in Central and Eastern Europe. While some foreign observers worried about this potency, the new elites largely believed that liberalism in power could overcome those forces. Liberal democracy's triumph supposedly meant the end of History,inter alia,aggressive nationalism in Eastern Europe. They believed that these national liberation movements had cooperative, mutuall

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Yang, Joonseok. "Why Did Kim Il Sung Visit the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in 1984?" East European and Balkan Institute 48, no. 1 (2024): 283–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2024.48.1.283.

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Kim Il Sung’s 1984 tour of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was driven by the need to acquire modern weapons, secure recognition of the hereditary regime, and obtain support for tripartite talks between the ROK, North Korea, and the US in the face of North Korea’s economic downturn. In early 1984, after verifying the trip’s authenticity, the ROK government began to seek information about Kim Il Sung’s itinerary through its diplomatic missions. Despite domestic and international assessments that Kim Il Sung’s visit to the Soviet Union was a failure, the ROK government saw gains in the acquis

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Yzeiraj, Emirjola. "King Zog’s Foreign Policy with Neighboring Countries." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 12, no. 5 (2021): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2021-0049.

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Zogu has resolutely defended the freedom and independence of his country. Zogu consolidated diplomatic relations with neighboring countries and the political strategy followed by him brought not only economic stability, but also protection of the territory. Seen from that prespective, the purpose of this paper is to show that the policy pursued by King Zog, influenced the establishment of peace in the country and protected the entire Balkans by not further complicating the situation and neutralizing the greedy interests and intentions of Yugoslavia for the territory of Albania, especially St.

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Anikeev, Anatoly S. "The Kremlin and the Politics of Yugoslavia during the Years of the Soviet-Yugoslav Conflict, 1948–1953." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 3-4 (2020): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.3-4.05.

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Using extensive material from Russian archives, this article analyzes the problem of the Soviet leadership’s perception of the domestic and foreign policy of Yugoslavia during the years of the Soviet-Yugoslav conflict that arose in 1948. The article shows how relations developed between the two countries in the first post-war years, and what requirements were made of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) in the Kremlin: loyalty to Marxist theory, the idea of internationalism, and comprehensive support for the slogan of unity of all countries of “people’s democracy” led by the USSR. The artic

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Thumann, Michael. "Between Ambition and Paralysis—Germany's Policy toward Yugoslavia 1991–1993." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (1997): 575–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408525.

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The decay of Yugoslavia since 1990 has put an end to the experiment of a state of Southern Slavs. At the same time it has destroyed the myth of a peaceful and strong Western Europe. The continent that had displayed an impressive performance of cooperation and skillful diplomatic maneuvering during the last years of the Cold War proved to be incapable of coping with the problems in its southeastern backyard. In the beginning of the conflict, the European Community assumed responsibility for negotiating cease-fires and a peace settlement for the embattled Yugoslav states. But all efforts were fr

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Poulon, Christine, and Dimitris Bourantonis. "Western Europe and the Gulf Crisis: Towards a European Foreign Policy?" Politics 12, no. 2 (1992): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1992.tb00211.x.

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If European union means anything, it means having a common foreign policy that amounts to more than expressions of pious platitudes. Europe cannot expect anyone to take it seriously if it leaves the United States to defend its interests in the Middle East. ( Independent, 3 August 1990)

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Seyidova, Sevinj. "From the history of the formation of trade and economic relations between Azerbaijan and foreign countries in the 1920s – 1930s." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 1-2 (2023): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202301statyi50.

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The article is devoted to the history of the formation of trade and economic relations between Azerbaijan and foreign countries in the 20-30s of the 20th century. In the 1920s the Republic of Azerbaijan invited specialists from foreign countries to restore various sectors of the economy. With the strengthening of trade and economic relations between the USSR, the USA and Western Europe, interest in Azerbaijan increased on the part of representatives of firms and business circles from various countries.

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Bazerkoska, Julija Brsakoska, and Mišo Dokmanović. "Learning by Doing: The EU’s Transformative Power and Conflicts in the Western Balkans." Croatian International Relations Review 23, no. 79 (2017): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0016.

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Abstract The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU’s involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argu

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Critchlow, James. "Western Cold War Broadcasting." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (1999): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976841.

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In the 1940s and 1950s, Western governments turned to radio as the most effective means of countering the Soviet information monopoly. U.S. and West European radio stations attempted to provide listeners with the kind of programs they might expect from their own radio stations if the latter were free of censorship. For most of these listeners in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the broadcasts were their only contact with the outside world. The importance of the foreign radio programs was confirmed not only by audience estimates, but also by the considerable efforts the Communist regimes ma

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Vorotnikov, Vladislav, and Andrzej Habarta. "Western Balkan States in the Era of Transformations: European Choice and Russian Foreign Economic Interests." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (2021): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope120216273.

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The article addresses the process of European integration of 5 Western Balkan states: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. After the demise of the socialism system and the collapse of Yugoslavia, all countries in the region began to more or less associate their future with the participation in the European integration project. The philosophy of "Yugoslavism" was replaced by the idea of European integration. However, achieving this goal was not easy. The region is a complex (from the perspective of ethno-confessional and territorial conflicts) space where

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Allen, David, and Michael Smith. "Western Europe's presence in the contemporary international arena." Review of International Studies 16, no. 1 (1990): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112628.

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Western Europe's status and impact within the contemporary international arena is a matter of contention and debate, reflecting its often elusive and intangible nature. On the one hand, enthusiasm for the notion of a ‘European foreign policy’ and for the idea that Western Europe can play a constructive role in the world is evident both in academic analysis and in the pronouncements of West European political leaders. On the other, there is often a yawning gap between the promise or the prescription and the reality of European disunity and pluralism. One possible reason for this gap between ent

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Popov, Aleksei. "Strategies of European Socialist Regimes’ in Relations with the West in the 1970s: in Search of a History of Pan-European Integration." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013429-0.

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Review of the collective monograph “European Socialist Regimes&apos; Fateful Engagement with the West: National Strategies in the long 1970s”, summarizing the results of the work of the international research project “PanEur1970s”. The monograph is devoted to the process of forming national strategies of relations between the countries of the socialist camp (Bulgaria, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia) with Western Europe in the 1970s. The monograph makes a significant contribution to the development of the discussion about the common European integration processes,

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Cope, Kevin L., Pierre-Hugues Verdier, and Mila Versteeg. "The Global Evolution of Foreign Relations Law." American Journal of International Law 116, no. 1 (2021): 1–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2021.58.

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AbstractThe constitutional rules that govern how states engage with international law have profound implications for foreign affairs, yet we lack comprehensive data on the choices countries make and their motivations. We draw on an original dataset that covers 108 countries over a nearly two-hundred-year period to map countries’ foreign relations law choices and trace their evolution. We find that legal origins and colonial legacies continue to account for most foreign relations law choices. A small number of models emerged in the nineteenth and early twentieth century in Western Europe, subse

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Young, John. "Talking to Tito: the Eden visit to Yugoslavia, September 1952." Review of International Studies 12, no. 1 (1986): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114111.

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Josip Tito first met a leading British statesman, in August 1944, when he had discussions in Naples with Winston Churchill about the future of the Yugoslav resistance movements.1 After the war however the Yugoslav communist leader did not meet another leading statesman from the West until September 1952. The visitor on that occasion was Churchill's Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Between the two dates there had been remarkable changes in Anglo-Yugoslav relations. In the years 1944–1948, as the world slipped towards Cold War, the British aid given to Tito's guerillas in wartime seemed to have

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Fedorovskaya, I. "Armenia’s Foreign Policy in the New International Realities." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2024): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-2-92-100.

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Tension continues to persist in the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The signing of a peace treaty between the two countries is postponed indefinitely. In these circumstances, feeling the insufficiency of Russia's efforts to ensure the country's security, Armenia is looking for new partners. These are the countries of Western Europe and the EU, the USA, and India. France and India are becoming the largest arms suppliers to Armenia. Russia is moving from Armenia's allies to the status of partners, but there is no talk of any break in relations, since Armenia is economically heavily dep

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Vuletic, Dean. "Generation Number One: Politics and Popular Music in Yugoslavia in the 1950s." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 5 (2008): 861–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373579.

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Popular music is one of the cultural phenomena that has been most shared among the peoples inhabiting the territory of the former Yugoslavia; indeed, considering the persistence of a common popular music culture there even after the break up of the Yugoslav federation in 1991, there is perhaps little in cultural life that unites them more. It was in the 1950s that a Yugoslav popular music culture emerged through the development of local festivals, radio programs and a recording industry, at a time when popular music was also referred to as “dance,” “entertainment” or “light” music, and when ja

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Rajak, Svetozar. "No Bargaining Chips, No Spheres of Interest: The Yugoslav Origins of Cold War Non-Alignment." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (2014): 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00434.

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This article reevaluates the origins of Yugoslavia's instrumental role in the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and elucidates the roots and conceptualization of Tito's strategic reorientation toward nonalignment. Yugoslav foreign policy became truly independent only after Yugoslavia was expelled from the Soviet fold. The article shows that Belgrade began searching for a “third way” earlier than is acknowledged in the relevant historiography. The search began when, faced with the distinct threat of a Soviet invasion in the early 1950s, Yugoslavia became all but formally incorporated

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Zhukova, Ekatherina. "Foreign aid and identity after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster: How Belarus shapes relations with Germany, Europe, Russia, and Japan." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 4 (2017): 485–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717710529.

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This article looks at how Belarus, the most affected state by the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, discursively constructs cooperation with foreign countries that provide help in combating the consequences of the tragedy. It shows that different representations of foreign actors handling the prolonged consequences of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster contribute to developing new friendships (with Japan), questioning existing cooperation (with Russia), and softening old (with Germany) and current (with Europe) conflicts in Belarus. The article makes a contribution to three debates in identity literatur

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