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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Europe, Western – Politics and government – 1989 »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Blokker, Paul. "Dissidence, Republicanism, and Democratic Change." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 2 (2011): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410387642.

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The dramatic changes of 1989 have been widely understood as the confirmation of Western, liberal democracy as the ultimate model of the modern polity. The fact that 1989 was about a dual language that not only emphasized the rule of law and the implementation of rights, but also articulated ideas of democracy alternative to the mainstream liberal-constitutional idea, has not been at the forefront of interpretations of post-1989 trajectories. This does not mean, though, that 1989 has not had implications for the democratic imaginary and structures emerging in the new democracies. Dissidence has

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YANG, Joonseok. "Song Chin-woo’s Perception of the International Landscape and Thoughts on State Building." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 10 (2022): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.451.

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Song Chin-woo(宋鎭禹) learned the advanced ideas of the West while studying in Japan and laid the foundation for national self-reliance based on nationalism. During the March 1st Movement in 1919, Song Chin-woo adhered to Wilson’s principle of national self-determination, but independence from the United States and the West failed. Nevertheless, Song Chin-woo focused on self-reliance and independence in the 1920s and was wary of the American and Western order, simultaneously seizing that order’s legitimacy. Song Chin-woo maintained a confrontational stance toward the Soviet Union and communism bu

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Story, Jonathan. "Les politiques ouest-européennes et le dollar : Dépendance nationale ou autonomie régionale." Études internationales 14, no. 4 (2005): 683–744. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701579ar.

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The lack of autonomy of Western European states, that is, the limitations which they confront in terms of translating their policy preferences into authoritative actions, cannot be considered solely in terms of idiosyncratic domestic political institutions and cultures, or as the result of greater sensibility and vulnerability to interdependence through the flow of goods, capital and technology. The argument develops around the generalisation that during the period of "détente" from 1965 to 1979, the United States, as the world central bank, inflated the world political economy ; thereafter, t

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Schubert, Klaus. "Reviews : Delivering Public Services in Western Europe: Sharing Western European Experience of Para-Government Organisation Christopher Hood and Gunnar Folke Schupper (eds), (SAGE modem politics series, Vol. 16, London, Newbury Park, Beverly Hills, New Delhi, 1989)." Public Policy and Administration 6, no. 3 (1991): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679100600307.

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Abăseacă, Raluca. "Collective memory and social movements in times of crisis: the case of Romania." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (2018): 671–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1379007.

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Social movements are not completely spontaneous. On the contrary, they depend on past events and experiences and are rooted in specific contexts. By focusing on three case studies – the student mobilizations of 2011 and 2013, the anti-government mobilizations of 2012, and the protests against the Rosia Montana Gold Corporation project of 2013 – this article aims to investigate the role of collective memory in post-2011 movements in Romania. The legacy of the past is reflected not only in a return to the symbols and frames of the anti-Communist mobilizations of 1989 and 1990, but also in the di

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Stelmakh, S. "“The Past that doesn’t Pass”: National Socialism in the Memory Policy of the FRG and the Historical Policy of the GDR." Problems of World History, no. 24 (March 5, 2024): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2023-24-1.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the coverage of the legacy of National Socialism in the memory policy of the FRG and historical policy of the GDR and various commemorative practices. The author revealed the conceptual apparatus that is used in professional historiography and public discourse. Its various contents and features of use in different chronological periods were also determined in the article. The author considered numerous methodological approaches used by researchers of memory problems. The difference between the concepts of “memory policy” and “memory culture” in co

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Schemers, Henry G. "Human rights in Europe." Legal Studies 6, no. 2 (1986): 170–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1986.tb00542.x.

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Through the ages many common legal values have developed in western Europe. Notwithstanding the differences in legal systems there is a remarkable uniformity in the basic concepts of legal thinking. All western European states are democracies with constitutional restrictions to the power of the government. They all have similar defences against absolutism and one of these defences is the protection of fundamental human rights against government interference. The existence of such legal restrictions is a distinguishing feature of western European politico-legal development.

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Goddeeris, Idesbald. "Lobbying Allies? The NSZZ Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad, 1982–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (2011): 83–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00143.

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After the proclamation of martial law in Poland in December 1981, a Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad was set up. Led by Jerzy Milewski, the organization eliminated any internal opposition and succeeded in being recognized by most Western partners as the foreign representative of Solidarność. The Coordinating Office received most of its financial aid from trade union internationals and from the United States. Initially, the Coordinating Office was active mainly within international institutions such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the International Labor Organi

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Schofield, Norman. "Stability of coalition governments in Western Europe: 1945–1986." European Journal of Political Economy 3, no. 4 (1987): 555–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0176-2680(87)90012-7.

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De Groot, Michael. "Western Europe and the collapse of Bretton Woods." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (2019): 282–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019852698.

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This article contends that Western Europe played a crucial and overlooked role in the collapse of Bretton Woods. Most scholars highlight the role of the United States, focusing on the impact of US balance of payments deficits, Washington’s inability to manage inflation, the weakness of the US dollar, and American domestic politics. Drawing on archival research in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States, this article argues that Western European decisions to float their currencies at various points from 1969 to 1973 undermined the fixed exchange rate system. The British, Dutch,

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Croci-Angelini, Elisabetta. "M. Tracy, Government and Agriculture in Western Europe 1880-1988." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 8, no. 2 (1990): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907345153.

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Heywood, Paul. "Spain: 10 June 1987." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (1987): 390–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00063.x.

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ON 22 JUNE 1986, THE PARTIDO SOCIALISTA OBRERO ESPAÑOL (PSOE) achieved a remarkable triumph in the Spanish general elections. Hard on the heels of his success in the highly controversial and close-run referendum on Spain's NATO membership, the Prime Minister, Felipe González, managed to consolidate the PSOE's hold on political power by winning an absolute majority in both the Cortes and the Senate. At the age of 44, with his ability to confound the sceptics seemingly still intact, González appeared to be the most firmly ensconced head of government in Western Europe. Moreover, to underline the

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Patel, I. G. "On Taking India into the Twenty-First Century (New Economic Policy in India)." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013780.

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On one of his many visits to India Kingsley Martin was once asked how he saw the prospects for Western Europe. His reply was that he was very optimistic as most of the leaders of Western Europe then were very old. If the transition from age to youth in national leadership is a sufficient basis for hope, we certainly have much to be grateful for in India. And our young Prime Minister has already struck a very responsive chord among large sections of Indian society by his promise of change. His mother had won the 1980 election on the promise of a ‘Government that works’. Mr Gandhi promised in 19

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Minkenberg, Michael. "Leninist beneficiaries? Pre-1989 legacies and the radical right in post-1989 Central and Eastern Europe. Some introductory observations." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 4 (2009): 445–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.002.

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A central topos in the study of Central and Eastern European contemporary politics in general, and of its radical right politics in particular is the emphasis on the extraordinary relevance of history and geography. In fact, the entire transformation process after 1989 is often clothed in terms of historical and geographical categories, either as a “return of history” or a “return to Europe”, or both. In these various scenarios, the radical right claims a prominent place in this politics of return, and the study of this current echoes the more general concern, in the analyses of the region, wi

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PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.

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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse o

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Macrea-Toma, Ioana. "More than “Soul Catchers”: Understanding Eastern Europe through Audience and Opinion Surveys at Radio Free Europe during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 26, no. 3 (2024): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01230.

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Abstract In 1989, Radio Free Europe (RFE), an international anti-Communist shortwave radio broadcaster located in Munich and financed by the U.S. government, concluded after a vast survey operation that 53 percent of the adult population in East Europe listened to RFE programs. Based on such findings, historians from the region have argued that the collapse of Communist regimes was attributable in part to the importance of the diffusionist character of Western-inspired notions of freedom and democracy. Recent studies have raised questions about the methodology and findings of the RFE surveys.

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Selvage, Douglas. "From Helsinki to “Mars”." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 4 (2021): 34–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01039.

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Abstract After the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, the Soviet Union sought to compel the West to accept its vision for détente. This meant, on the one hand, the acceptance of the political and social status quo within the Soviet bloc and, on the other hand, the “completion” of the existing political détente with “military détente”—namely, East-West arms control agreements that preserved or augmented existing Warsaw Pact advantages. To this end, the KGB and its Soviet-bloc partners undertook two parallel campa

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Hamann, Kerstin, Alison Johnston, and John Kelly. "Striking Concessions from Governments: The Success of General Strikes in Western Europe, 1980–2009." Comparative Politics 46, no. 1 (2013): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041513807709356.

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Laczó, Ferenc. "Introduction to the Special Issue “Canonizing and Contesting Communist-Era Dissent in Eastern Europe: Actors, Representations, and Impacts since 1989”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 38, no. 3 (2024): 749–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08883254231218464.

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This special issue in historical and memory studies analyzes two interrelated processes. It explores how the dissident past has been negotiated, contested, or reclaimed since 1989 and how key post-dissident actors have employed their own pasts as a moral and political resource after 1989, with what consequences. The issue approaches post-dissident history and the memory of dissent after 1989 in a regional-comparative frame while paying ample attention to transnational dynamics, such as interactions between Western recognition and national contestation. The issue thus analyzes the varied meanin

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Michelmann, Hans. "Review: Western Europe: Politics and Government in the Federal Republic of Germany." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 40, no. 1 (1985): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208504000116.

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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 70, no. 6 (2022): 439–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.06.32.

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The article analyses the characteristics of the Polish constitution and government since 1989. This study empirically discusses the dynamics of the constitutional framework and Polish political system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections and the formation of the government in the Republic of Poland. The article describes Samuel P Huntington‘ s theoretical-speculative theory as the primary level of political development in Poland. According to Samuel P Huntington, between 1989 and 1990, several countries from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe moved from totalitarian ru

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Little, Douglas. "Pipeline Politics: America, TAPLINE, and the Arabs." Business History Review 64, no. 2 (1990): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115583.

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The Arabian American Oil Company's plan to build a pipe-line from eastern Saudi Arabia to the Mediterranean seemed to many an ideal project for business-government cooperation. A sound business project for the company would give American policymakers more and cheaper oil to aid plans to rebuild Western Europe, as well as a significant presence in the Middle East. Events in that tumultuous region, however, soon embroiled both the company and the U.S. government in a more complex relationship than had been envisioned.

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Harrison, R. J. "V. Bogdanor (ed), Coalition Government in Western Europe, (London, Heinemann, for Policy Studies Institute, 1983), 282 pages." Political Science 37, no. 1 (1985): 81a—84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878503700111.

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Wallace, Kyle. "Turkish Politics: Between Europe and Islam." Constellations 2, no. 2 (2011): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons10498.

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Since the inception of Turkey as an independent state, the country has based itself on Western modes of governance, with secularism being a hallmark of the nation. In recent years, Islamic parties have made inroads in government, causing consternation among the old guard and allies in Europe. Much of the modern arguments against Turkey's inclusion in the EU rely on psuedo-Orientalist ideas; Turkey is somehow so different and alien from "European" culture that they simply do not belong in the EU. Historical notions of Turkey and Islam as fundamentally different are then propagated to remove Tur

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C. Van Hook, James. "Translating Economics into Politics in Cold War Germany." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (2007): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250207.

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Economics and economic history have a fundamental role to play in our understanding of Cold War Germany. Yet, it is still difficult to establish concrete links between economic phenomena and the most important questions facing post 1945 historians. Obviously, one may evaluate West Germany's “economic miracle,” the success of western European integration, or the end of communism in 1989 from a purely economic point of view. To achieve a deeper understanding of Cold War Germany, however, one must evaluate whether the social market economy represented an adequate response to Nazism, if memory and

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Yungblud, V. T., and M. V. Bakshaev. "“We Will Not Change Our Attitude Towards You, Until You Change Your Attitude Towards Us”. How Washington Considered the Reaction of Western European Communist Parties to The Events in Afghanistan, 1978–1985." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 4 (2022): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-4-85-7-42.

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The invasion of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan at the end of 1979 caused a mixed reaction among the Communist parties in Europe. Some of them subject the actions of the USSR leadership to sharp criticism. The article reveals to what extent the US administration was aware of the critical attacks against the USSR and the CPSU by the most powerful Western European Communist parties to determine how the factor of Eurocommunism influenced the Afghan vector of the US policy in 1979-1982 and how the American course turned out for the Communist parties themselves. The study is

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Magnusson, Warren. "Marxist Local Governments in Western Europe and JapanBogdan Szajkowski ed. London: Frances Pinter, 1986, pp. xvii, 216." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (1988): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900055931.

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Heringa, Aalt Willem. "Book Reviews: Government and Politics in Western Europe – Britain, France, Italy, West Germany." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (1994): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x9400100206.

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Pisani, J. A. du, M. Broodryk, and P. W. Coetzer. "Protest Marches in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 4 (1990): 573–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054744.

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The year 1989 will in future generations be known as the annus mirabilis, not only as far as developments in Eastern Europe are concerned, but also within the context of South African politics. The September general elections for the tricameral Parliament marked a turning point in the direction of governmental policies. Nowhere has the changing mood been more clearly demonstrated than in the streets of the cities and towns. A countrywide spate of protest marches has occurred since the historic first government-approved peaceful anti-apartheid march in Cape Town on 13 September 1989, and these

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Anikin, Daniil A., and Andrey A. Linchenko. "Memory Wars in the East European Frontier: In Search of Research Methodology." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 466 (2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/466/6.

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Within the framework of this article, the theoretical and methodological framework of the philosophical interpretation of the concept “memory wars” was analyzed. In the context of criticism of allochronism and the project of the politics of time by B. Bevernage, as well as the concept of the frontier by F. Turner, the space-time aspects of the content of memory wars were comprehended. The use of Bevernage's ideas made it possible to explain the nature of modern memory wars in Europe. The origins of these wars are associated with an attempt to transfer the Western European project of “cosmopoli

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Scharpf, Fritz W. "A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 3 (1987): 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.

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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination

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Keating, M. "The Invention of Regions: Political Restructuring and Territorial Government in Western Europe." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 4 (1997): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150383.

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Regionalism has come back to prominence, as the political, economic, cultural, and social meaning of space is changing in contemporary Europe. In some ways, politics, economics, and public policies are deterritorializing; but at the same time and in other ways, there is a reterritorialization of economic, political, and governmental activity. The ‘new regionalism’ is the product of this decomposition and recomposition of the territorial framework of public life, consequent on changes in the state, the market, and the international context. Functional needs, institutional restructuring, and pol

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Richardson-Little, Ned, Hella Dietz, and James Mark. "New Perspectives on Socialism and Human Rights in East Central Europe since 1945." East Central Europe 46, no. 2-3 (2019): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602004.

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In recent years, the study of human rights history has expanded beyond Western-centered narratives, though the role of Eastern European state socialism and socialists in the evolution of human rights concepts and politics has not received sufficient attention. This introductory essay synthesizes recent research of the role of Eastern Bloc socialist states in shaping the emergence of the post-war human rights system and the implications of this new research for the history of the Cold War, dissent as well as the collapse of state socialism in 1989/91. Ultimately, state socialist actors were not

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Dunn, James A. "Coalition Government in Western Europe. Edited by Vernon Bogdanor. (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemen Educational Books, 1984. Pp. vi + 282. $42.00.)." American Political Science Review 79, no. 3 (1985): 863–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956884.

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Skrobacki, Waldemar A. "The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (2008): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080384.

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The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe, Anthony M. Messina, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. xv, 290.One of the most contentious and politically sensitive issues in Europe is immigration. The demographic trends indicate that the Old Continent is indeed getting older. To maintain their living standards, Europeans have to either increase birth rates or open the gates to immigrants in an orderly and welcoming way. Yet despite the practicality and, sooner rather than later, the necessity for an open, comprehensive and pro-active immigration policy, European

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Costăchescu, Adriana. "Les soviétismes en roumain et dans les langues romanes." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 1 (2018): 219–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0009.

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AbstractThe article focusses on the fate of Sovietisms in modern Romanian, i.e. the situation of words or phrases borrowed from Russian in the period of Soviet control over Eastern Europe (1945–1989). The borrowings reflect relevant concepts of Soviet-Communist economics, culture, politics and propaganda. Romanian received the largest number of Sovietisms of all Romance languages, mainly because of its close political relationship with the URSS. The use of terms which implicated a critical attitude towards the Soviet-Communist dictatorship (samizdat ‘samizdat’, aparatcic ‘apparatchik’, gulag ‘

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عبد الرزاق, احمد ابهاء. "Fascist Organizations and Their Infiltration into French Politics 1934-1936." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 32 (2017): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2017/v1.i32.6049.

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The emergence of fascism in Europe coincided chronologically with the phase of severe economic and social crises that afflicted the Western world in the twenties of the twentieth century. Thanks to social and historical conditions, fascism emerged on the political scene as the only force qualified to get out of the crisis and save the existing social system, not change it. This is an important point, because fascist regimes did not eliminate the economic foundations of the existing system. Rather, most of what it did is that it changed the form of government from a Western democracy to a tyran

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عبد الرزاق, احمد ابهاء. "Fascist Organizations and Their Infiltration into French Politics 1934-1936." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 32 (2017): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2017/v1.i32.6049.

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The emergence of fascism in Europe coincided chronologically with the phase of severe economic and social crises that afflicted the Western world in the twenties of the twentieth century. Thanks to social and historical conditions, fascism emerged on the political scene as the only force qualified to get out of the crisis and save the existing social system, not change it. This is an important point, because fascist regimes did not eliminate the economic foundations of the existing system. Rather, most of what it did is that it changed the form of government from a Western democracy to a tyran

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Goodwin-Hawkins, Bryonny, and Rhys Dafydd Jones. "1997 and 2016: Referenda, Brexit, and (Re-)bordering at the European Periphery." New Global Studies 13, no. 3 (2019): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2019-0031.

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Abstract2016 is likely to be recalled – in Europe, at least – as a temporal bordering, after a majority in the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. The “Brexit” referendum result has been pinned on the rise of populist politics and the revenge of so-called “left behind” places. Regardless of reasons, the referendum left the UK with fraught politics and protracted negotiations, especially over how to re-border with a Europe that has held the dismantling of borders at the heart of its philosophical project. While Brexit has already become a byword, an earlier referendum on British b

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Kaase, Max. "A New Government – A New Democracy? The Red–Green Coalition in Germany." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (2000): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900000165.

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With the 1989 eclipse of communist ideology and power in Central and Eastern Europe, the political order of democracy has, on the one hand, proved to be the superior way of organizing a society where in politics the pluralist interests of the people can be articulated and represented freely without fear of repression through competitive elections and otherwise, and where particularly through the operation of market mechanisms citizens are furnished with reasonably satisfactory economic circumstances to conduct their everyday lives. On the other hand, quite different from what many contemporary

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Diego, Garzia. "The Italian election of 2018 and the first populist government of Western Europe." West European Politics 42, no. 3 (2018): 670–80. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2018.1535381.

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The 2013 election had heralded an unprecedented tripolar era for Italian politics, with the two traditional forces of the Second Italian Republic (Silvio Berlusconi’s centre-right and variously assorted centre-left alliances) eventually matched, in terms of size, by the <em>Movimento 5 Stelle</em> (M5S) – to date, the most successful rookie of Italian politics with 25% of valid votes at its first national election (Garzia 2013). Such an impressive result, although insufficient to grant it the majority bonus in the Lower Chamber, had nonetheless been enough to complic

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Weisskircher, Manès. "The Electoral Success of the Radical Left: Explaining the Least Likely Case of the Communist Party in Graz." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (2017): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.14.

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Recently, scholars have shown a growing interest in radical left parties (RLPs). In terms of electoral success, the rise of the KPÖ Graz, the Communist Party in Austria’s second biggest city, represents perhaps the most counterintuitive case in Western Europe. Adding to previous studies, the rise of the KPÖ Graz contradicts many of the claims made and patterns found about the conditions for the electoral success of RLPs. While the national KPÖ was voted out of parliament in 1959, the Graz branch has been a member of local government since 1998. Since then, the party has managed to gain 20 per

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Wojnicki, Jacek. "The constitutionalization of political parties in Poland – evolution or change?" Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 57 (2020): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.57.4.

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The article discusses the evolution of constitutional solutions concerning the, issue of political groups. The subject of the analysis includes successive Polish constitutions, beginning with the March Constitution1. At the same time the development of statutory, regulations referring to the functioning of political parties is shown. These Polish regulations, are aligned with the European tendency to constitutionalize political parties. Although, Poland experienced a delay compared to the countries of Western Europe, as a result of the, nondemocratic system of the Polish People’s Republic, the

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Farquharson, J. "Marshall Aid and British policy on reparations from Germany, 1947–1949." Review of International Studies 22, no. 4 (1996): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118625.

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The object of this article is to examine the impact of the Marshall Plan (ERP) on the strategy of reparations from Germany that was pursued by the British government in the postwar era. In order to put this into some kind of context it will first be necessary to provide a brief survey of the mechanism of reparations and then of the rationale behind the system of financial assistance afforded by the USA to Western Europe known as Marshall Aid (its title derived from the US Secretary of State, George Marshall, who pioneered the scheme). The idea of extracting some form of compensation from Germa

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Deets, Stephen. "Reimagining the Boundaries of the Nation: Politics and the Development of Ideas on Minority Rights." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 3 (2006): 419–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406290305.

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The collapse of communism reshaped European debates on minority rights. By the 1980s, the different institutionalizations of turn-of-the-century perspectives created an ideational divide between East and West. Since 1989, Western norms have not simply transferred East, as intellectuals and politicians in the region challenged and reinterpreted the norms in novel ways. Fifteen years later, European minority norms are elaborated in much greater detail than ever before, but consensus on core issues remains elusive. The article first explores the roots of this ideational divide and how recent traf

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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Introduction to Special Issue: Japan as Studied in Japan's Neighbors and Japan Itself." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (2010): 271–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000101.

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This special issue highlights one of the important subjects of this journal, Japanese politics and international relations, as studied in Japan's neighbors, Korea and China, and Japan itself. The aim is to elucidate the angles taken by these three countries when examining Japan. Before going into the similar and different angles taken, it may be helpful to note two noteworthy features of their interactions and transactions. They are, first, the steady integration of these economies and societies; second, the tenacity of ill-feelings held toward Japan. First, if the lifting in 1991 of the embar

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Chubb, Judith. "Marxist Local Governments in Western Europe and Japan. Edited by Bogdan Szajkowski (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1986. xvii, 216p. $25.00 cloth; $10.00 paper)." American Political Science Review 82, no. 1 (1988): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958125.

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Naumenko, Olena. "Politics of the British government for the repatriation of soviet DPs from Western Europe in 1944-1948." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.101-113.

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The article describes the legal aspect of repatriation of displaced people in British government; The article describes the legal aspect of British politics on repatriation of displaced people; briefly outlines and analyzes the decisions of international meetings of senior officials, that were called upon maintain the organization and operation of this process; discloses the essence and significance of the Yalta agreements for the return of displaced people. In particular, after the Yalta conference, we can clearly see the formation of two separate approaches to repatriation. Thus, we can make

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Gołota, Łukasz. "The reconstruction and new role of the defense industry in Central Europe - experiences from the war in Ukraine." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 4 (December 7, 2024): 17. https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17860.1.

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This paper presents two major issues. Firstly, the impact of Russian aggression on how security is perceived in Central Europe, and secondly, the importance of changing security policies, with a special focus on the defense industry. Our findings in these areas will permit us to answer the main question of the research - on the reconstruction and new role of the defense industry in Central Europe since Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022. The arms industry was one of the pillars of the Cold War economic and political system, and was a crucial asset in the blocks’ rivalry. The collapse of the Soviet

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Gamir, Jordi Palafox. "M. Tracy: Government and Agriculture in Western Europe, 1880–1980, 3.a ed., Herfordshire, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, 382 pp." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 8, no. 2 (1990): 486–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900008260.

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