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1
Harbo, Tor-Inge. « Legitimising a European constitution : a limited, pluralistic and efficient democratic model for the European Union / ». Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015743013&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Proksch, Sven-Oliver. « Drafting constitutions a comparative institutional analysis of constitutional conventions in the European Union and Germany / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1693063591&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Richey, Mason. « The retroactive constitution of the political domain from Hegel to the European Union constitution / ». Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
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4
Fee, Emma. « 'A Europe without dividing lines' : the normative framework of the European neighbourhood policy - emergent jus gentium or consolidation of jus civile ? » Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83952.
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The primary focus of this work is Article 57 of the Draft European Constitution, concerning the constitutionalisation of a new aspect in EU external relations law, 'the European Neighbourhood Policy'. No comprehensive study of this constitutional article has yet been undertaken in EU legal research. Through the medium of the title of my thesis I wish to examine whether it amounts to an emergent jus gentium for the EU or its antithesis, the consolidation of jus civile. In parallel with the nature of the subject, this study is necessarily a legal-political one. Key points identified are the strategic use of human rights, extraterritoriality of law, foreign direct investment and legal imperialism. A number of recent developments, both judicial and legislative, have provoked this study.
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Lansbergen, Anja Claire. « Social citizenship in asymmetric constitutions : the reconfiguration of membership across state and sub-state polities of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9584.
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This study examines the extent to which the transfer of legislative competence to polities above and below the state problematizes a national model of membership. The study first examines fragmentation of competences determinative of social membership across the polities of two ‘asymmetric constitutions’ (constitutional structures in which both the whole and the parts are distinct territorially-bounded political communities, and in which legislative competence is allocated unevenly across the constituent polities). Two case studies then explore how those polities exercise those competences so as to define the boundaries of equal social membership, and how these boundaries interact across the constitutional structure. The study highlights three observations in support of its conclusion that constitutional asymmetry presents a challenge to a national model of membership: constituent polities of the asymmetries under examination allocate social rights primarily by reference to residence, thus lending (qualified) support to transnational and a-national theories of membership; differentiated social rights enjoyed by a particular sub-set of nationals are incompatible with the presumed equality of nationals under a national model of membership, resulting in the perception of inequity and discrimination; and the interdependence of membership competences across the constitutional asymmetry means that it is no longer possible for a polity to exclusively determine the boundaries of social membership.
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Wlazlak, Anne. « L'influence de la construction communautaire sur la constitution française ». Phd thesis, Université d'Avignon, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01059135.
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La Constitution, entendue dans son acception la plus générale comme La marque suprême de souveraineté nationale, ne cesse d'évoluer au fil de l'approfondissement de la construction européenne. Un tel constat se manifeste à la fois dans le contenu matériel et normatif de la norme première, dans son aspect purement formel et dans son essence même. Pour s'en convaincre, il suffit de se reporter aux nombreuses révisions constitutionnelles ayant été effectuées sous la pression de l'intégration européenne. La doctrine évoque une communautarisation des Constitutions nationales voire une constitutionnalisation du droit communautaire. Dans cette optique, il convient de s'interroger, par le biais d'une démarche comparatiste évolutive, sur la portée effective et sur les conséquences de ces évolutions sur les contours et l'acception de la Constitution française.Est-il encore possible d'évoquer un monopole de souveraineté pour caractériser cette dernière, face à l'exercice par l'Union européenne de la souveraineté transférée ? Est-il réellement légitime, et juridiquement juste, de continuer à appréhender la Constitution à partir de son cadre national d'origine ? En d'autres termes, et d'une manière plus radicale, le concept de Constitution peut‐il encore être rattaché à un sens traditionnel et exclusif, tel qu'issu du droit interne? Face aux incertitudes européennes dont la norme suprême fait désormais l'objet, force est de dépasser le cadre d'étude fondamental traditionnel par la construction d'un nouveau concept de "Constitution", supplantant les principales définitions jusqu'ici admises.
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McCullock, Matthew R. J. « A discourse on Althusius : an investigation into Sui Generic constitutionalism ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2005. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/20834.
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This thesis aims at furthering our understanding of the constitutional structures and processes of sui generic associations such as the European Union. The thesis argues that the problematical constitutionalisation of the European Union has highlighted the limitations of the political thought that has served as the basis of political associationalism since the Treaty ofWestphalia (1648) and the publication of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan (1651). These limitations have resulted in the European Union being described, for want of a better expression, as sui generis. The thesis advances the argument that in order to be in a position to understand constitutional relations in a 'non-statal' setting, what is needed is an alternative variant of political thought that is not based in or dependent on the societas canon that originates with Hobbes. One source of such political thought can be located in the work of Johannes Althusius (1557-1638) who, writing in the city of Emden in the Holy Roman Empire in the early 17th Century, described a constitutional structure of a political association that differs in significant features to the centralised state theories of the societas canon. The thesis also argues that the traditional concepts of constitutionalism and political association applied to sui generic constitutionalism are hampered by the inherent weaknesses of modem political and legal vocabulary. Despite being used ad infinitum in the constitutional discussions on the European Union, there is not a precise definition of either the term 'constitution' or treaty' in political or legal theory. Althusius' work avoids this weakness, due to the fact that the centralised state does not enjoy the same position it does in the societas canon, and so the need to classify 'intra' or 'inter' state relationships does not exist to the same degree. While taking the European Union as a workable model of a sui generic association, this thesis does not aim at solving the European Union's constitutional problems or offering a more suitable term to describe its nature. Rather, based on an analysis of Althusius' work, the thesis aims to offer an alternative understanding of the problems that result from the constitutionalisation of sui generic associations.
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Díaz, Romero Leocadia. « La integración política en la Unión Europea. Elementos de su Constitucionalización ». Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10874.
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La presente Tesis Doctoral realiza un estudio serio y riguroso de la Unión Europea concebida como entidad política sui generis, original, desde una perspectiva eminentemente jurídica a la que se suma también la visión histórica y la política.Tras poner de manifiesto en los capítulos introductorios que la vocación política de la Unión Europea se remonta incluso tiempo atrás al nacimiento de las primeras Comunidades, el núcleo de la investigación se prodiga a analizar la naturaleza política del edificio europeo. En particular, se sostiene la dimensión materialmente constitucional de la construcción europea, ya defendida por el Tribunal de Justicia de las Comunidades Europeas en reiterada jurisprudencia. La metodología que se sigue resulta de aplicar categorías y conceptos clásicos del Derecho constitucional a la Unión. A este respecto, se presta especial atención al reparto de poder, a la arquitectura institucional, a los derechos fundamentales, al funcionamiento democrático. Asimismo, el Tratado constitucional merece en nuestro trabajo una consideración especial y diferenciada toda vez que representa el paradigma de la profundización política pues toda Constitución, por definición, es el texto legitimador de una comunidad política. Entre las aportaciones más originales, cabe señalar un modelo de organización política bosquejado por nosotros al que denominamos Federalismo supranacional cooperativo, que reformula el Federalismo supranacional asociando al método comunitario los mecanismos cooperativos. Este modelo que acuñamos nos permite aproximarnos al sistema político europeo en nuestros días. Nuestras conclusiones subrayan que la UE, desde sus orígenes, ha aspirado a la construcción política; que las aspiraciones a la construcción política han cristalizado en un proyecto europeo singular que reproduce con matices las estructuras estatales tradicionales; que el Tratado constitucional encarna ese proyecto europeo singular. Representa un modelo de comunidad política europea de vocación democrática, que asocia elementos federales y con-federales, enraizado en valores compartidos, derechos fundamentales, principios y libertades; que el Tratado que establece una Constitución para Europa, comúnmente conocido como Constitución Europea, no puede ser calificado como un Tratado más. Tiene naturaleza materialmente constitucional, es una Constitución material de naturaleza singular para la Unión Europea; que el Tratado constitucional representa un peldaño más en el proceso de construcción europea, de carácter dinámico, evolutivo, no acabado. Los resultados de la Cumbre de junio de 2007 no colman las expectativas iniciales del periodo constituyente; que la unión política es indispensable para que Europa se convierta en un actor político mundial y pueda contribuir a la resolución de los retos a los que se enfrenta la sociedad internacional del siglo XXI. La adopción de un Tratado de reforma no es la más plausible a medio-largo plazo; que el éxito de la unión política reposa en la adhesión ciudadana al proyecto europeo. Es necesario promover entre los ciudadanos de la Unión el europeísmo, el sentimiento de unidad europea, la conciencia de compartir un destino común.Parece conveniente resaltar que el Tratado constitucional no ha entrado en vigor, de un lado, porque la aceptación del carácter federal de la UE, superador de las instancias estatales, exige un proceso de asimilación lento; de otro, porque la ciudadanía no lo ha respaldado, al estar todavía distanciada del proyecto europeo, de su magnitud y alcance, en suma, de los beneficios de la Unión Europea.En todo caso, la Constitución Europea no está muerta pues el Tratado de Lisboa, pese a desprenderse de los símbolos políticos, recoge las principales aportaciones de la Constitución Europea.La Relevancia y la Actualidad de nuestro trabajo son fruto de replantearse el papel de la Unión Europea en el siglo XXI y la viabilidad de realizar con éxito su cometido -afrontar los desafíos de la globalización-, para lo que resulta conveniente consumar la integración adoptando un modelo federativo. Ciertamente, la sociedad internacional del siglo XXI es extremadamente compleja y los desafíos exigen acciones en común, coordinadas. El Estado-nación se perfila como una estructura algo trasnochada y frágil. Tan sólo las asociaciones de Estados -en sus múltiples variantes- pueden dar respuesta a la globalización y encauzar problemas como la pobreza, el desarrollo sostenible, la energía, el terrorismo internacional, los flujos migratorios, el narcotráfico, las catástrofes naturales, etc.
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Rojas, Danielle. « L'utilisation de la notion d'identité constitutionnelle : recherche axée sur les acteurs de la mobilisation de l’identité constitutionnelle nationale dans l’Union européenne ». Thesis, Paris Est, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PESC0105.
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La notion d’identité constitutionnelle occupe une place charnière dans les rapports entre les États membres et l’Union européenne. Il n’est donc pas étonnant que cette notion focalise l’intérêt. Toutefois, le choix de l’expression « identité constitutionnelle » soulève un paradoxe. La sémantique choisie pour exprimer cette contre-limite est, par essence, floue.Or, s’il y a déjà eu beaucoup d’écrits sur l’objet, la fonction et même la conceptualisation de cette notion, il y a peu d’écrits qui, au-delà de la notion même, portent sur les acteurs qui en sont à l’origine et sur ceux qui l’exploitent effectivement, la font vivre, l’interprètent, en un mot, qui l’utilisent.C’est donc le chemin qui souhaite être ici emprunté : celui consistant à rechercher l’utilisation concrète de la notion d’identité constitutionnelle nationale et, au-delà, les porteurs de cette notionThe notion of constitutional identity occupies a pivotal place in relations between the Member States and the European Union. It is therefore not surprising that this notion focuses interest. However, the choice of the term "constitutional identity" raises a paradox. The semantics chosen to express this counter-limit is, in essence, fuzzy.However, while there has already been a lot of literature on the subject, the function and even the conceptualization of this notion, there are few writings which, beyond the very notion, relate to the actors who are at the origin and on those who exploit it effectively, make it live, interpret it, in a word, who use it.It is therefore the path that wants to be taken here: that of seeking the concrete use of the notion of national constitutional identity and, beyond that, the bearers of this notion
10
Bywater, Philip. « Does the development of the federal principle in Germany and the United Kingdom offer some evidence of the capacity for national constitutions to be reconciled within the context of the European integration process ? » Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413312.
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Jaklic, Klemen. « European constitutional pluralism ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.486999.
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Constitutional pluralism is a novel branch within constitutional thought and has its origin in the scholarship about the new Europe and its constitutionalisation. It differs from the traditional hierarchical understanding of constitutionalism, according to which there is always a single ultimate constitutional authority over each state territory (monism), and argues that we should instead conceive of constitutionalism in pluralist terms. We should understand that there are several heterarchically coexistent constitutional authorities over a shared territory, of which none is ultimately superior over the other. It will be argued that this is the normatively superior path, even a historic opportunity, for Europe to take. The dissertation begins by examining in detail the various existing theories comprising the branch, and maps them out in an analysis that goes beyond mere restatement. Contrary to common belief, it is argued that these versions of pluralism are strikingly different and often even represent distinct as well as conflicting. discourses. It is nonetheless concluded - contrary to one recent criticism - that the theories can be seen as constituting a unique novel branch with a common core, provided that the latter is understood in a particular way. This thereby clarifies this branch of study. The focus then turns to assessment. There is appraisal of the internal coherence of each version of pluralism, and this is followed by an assessment that confronts the different values underlying the distinct theories. This provides the foundation for the elaboration of a superior conception of constitutional pluralism, which is the most promising further development for the branch as a whole. This leads to an elaboration of some building blocks of Europe's meta-constitution.
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Boehme, Alexandra. « The multidimensional sovereignty of the European Constitution ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15657.
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This thesis analyses the challenges from European constitutionalism to the classical concept of constitutional sovereignty and develops an alternative concept of multidimensional sovereignty that is adequate for understanding the architecture of political authority in the multilevel European Union constitution. Hereby, the thesis addresses two problems that are widely spread in European constitutional theory. First, it provides a clear and concise definition and concept of the European constitution. This is mainly based on an analysis of the emergence of the concept of the constitution and its meanings in the Western European history of (nation) states and by examining whether these meanings are applicable to the European context. Secondly, it identifies and explains which phenomena of European integration and the European Union polity actually challenge the core features of the traditional concept of sovereignty: indivisible and unitary sovereignty. The three challenges, that undermine the classical monolithic understanding of sovereignty, are multiple levels of authority, multiple sources of authority and new, non-hierarchical forms of authority relationships that occur in the European Union polity. That is why a revised concept of constitutional sovereignty is developed and which is particularly capable of grasping the transformed features of sovereignty in Europe: multidimensional sovereignty. This concept includes a complementary and multilevel structure of political authority in Europe. Throughout the thesis, the analysis and findings will be illustrated by constitutional practice and adjudication in Germany and the United Kingdom in order to show that the question of constitutional sovereignty has strong practical implications for and is highly influenced by constitutional practice in the Member States.
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Pye, R. « A tale of two Europes : fundamental rights in the constitutional order of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/16091/.
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With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon at the end of 2009, fundamental rights have taken on a more prominent constitutional role in the European Union (EU), marking the culmination of decades of rights-based developments. Most notably, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, a charter which contains both civil and social rights side-by-side, was ostensibly granted legal value equal to that of the treaties. Yet historically EU integration has been premised on an economic constitution based around liberal economic principles. Furthermore, across Europe there is a variety of different approaches to rights issues. The question must be asked, then, what role do fundamental rights actually play in the EU today? This analysis is informed by a critical constructivist framework which emphasises that it is the way in which fundamental rights have been constructed that affects the role of rights and how this process of construction is influenced by the institutional framework and presence of dominant economic paradigms in the EU. It is argued that fundamental rights are primarily understood as civil rights of equal value to liberal economic principles and applicable only where the ECJ has jurisdiction. Social rights have been afforded a secondary status and the scope of rights has not extended to the political institutions of the EU when acting outside of the jurisdiction of the ECJ, namely in the context of the governance of the Eurozone. This has constrained the ability of rights developments to contribute towards a European constitutional order that adequately balances competing civil, social, and economic concerns. The argument is developed in two stages. First, the historical development of rights up until the watershed moment of the Charter of Fundamental Rights gaining legal value is analysed. Second, three case studies analysing the political application of civil, social, and equality rights are examined to draw out the implications of how rights are understood.
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Kiiver, Philipp. « The national parliaments in the European Union a critical view on EU constitution-building / ». [Maastricht : Maastricht : Universiteit Maastricht] ; University Library, Maastricht University [Host], 2005. http://arno.unimaas.nl/show.cgi?fid=6450.
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Wesemann, Anne. « Constitutional rights norms in the European Union legal framework : an analysis of European Union citizenship as a constitutional right ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/80444/.
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Claes, Monica Liesbeth Hilde Katelijne. « The national courts' mandate in the European constitution ». Proefschrift, [Maastricht : Maastricht : Universiteit Maastricht] ; University Library, Maastricht University [Host], 2004. http://arno.unimaas.nl/show.cgi?fid=6036.
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Fernández, Esteban Maria Luisa. « The rule of law in the European constitution / ». The Hague ; London ; Boston : Kluwer law international, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37760324m.
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Herlin-Karnell, Ester. « The constitutional dimension of European criminal law ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539962.
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Harvey, Matthew. « Constituting a Commonwealth for Europe and beyond ». Monash University, Faculty of Law, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5642.
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Bobić, Ana. « The jurisprudence of constitutional conflict in the European Union ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:11f62d7d-3eba-43de-8d41-144ca733b1c0.
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The aim of the thesis is to address the jurisprudence of constitutional conflict between the Court of Justice and national courts with constitutional jurisdiction. It seeks to determine how the principle of primacy of EU law works in reality and whether the jurisprudence of the courts under analysis supports this concept. In so doing, the goal is to determine if the theory of constitutional pluralism can explain and guide the application of the principle of primacy of EU law in the jurisprudence of constitutional conflict. The analysis has been carried out on two levels. First, by exploring sovereignty claims by the courts under analysis, as well as reconciliatory vocabulary they employ to manage and contain constitutional conflict. Second, by further studying the three areas of constitutional conflict - ultra vires review, identity review, and fundamental rights review - to provide more nuance in the analysis of the way the Court of Justice has expanded the self-referential system of the Treaties; the different limits that constitutional adjudicators have placed on the principle of primacy as a result; and what possible solutions they envisage in the event of a constitutional conflict. All the courts under analysis have employed the vocabulary of mutual respect and self-restraint as principles guiding the resolution of constitutional conflict. Constitutional conflict is managed through incremental and permanent contestation and accommodation of their opposing claims to sovereignty (the auto-correct function of constitutional pluralism) that results in the uniform interpretation and application of Union law, but keeping in line with conferral as its defining principle. The analysis demonstrated the existence of a heterarchical constellation - the potential of all the courts involved for being ranked in a number of different ways at different times - grounded in mutual respect and self-restraint.
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Gerkrath, Jörg. « L'émergence d'un droit constitutionnel européen : modes de formation et sources d'inspiration de la Constitution des Communautés et de l'Union européenne ». Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996STR30025.
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L'objet principal de la thèse est d'apporter une contribution à l'étude du droit des communautés et de l'Union européenne selon une approche "constitutionnaliste", en faisant apparaître le caractère constitutionnel du droit communautaire originaire à travers l'étude de ses sources formelles et matérielles, tout en tenant compte du fait que le processus de formation du droit constitutionnel communautaire s'insère dans une évolution plus vaste d'émergence d'un droit constitutionnel européen, évolution dans laquelle les constitutions des états européens et la convention européenne des droits de l'homme sont aussi impliquées. On abordera successivement les questions de l'existence, de la formation et du contenu de la charte constitutionnelle communautaire. La partie liminaire vise à apporter une réponse à la question de savoir si l'on peut légitimement parler d'une constitution européenne. Apres avoir défini la notion de constitution on s'interroge donc sur la pertinence d'une transposition de la notion de constitution hors du cadre étatique. La première partie de la thèse, consacrée à l'analyse des sources formelles du droit constitutionnel communautaire, a pour premier but de faire comprendre comment la constitution communautaire actuelle a pu s'élever sur la base des traités fondateurs des communautés européennes. On s'y interroge aussi sur les problèmes juridiques soulevés par l'élaboration d'une constitution de l'union européenne par la voie d'un acte constituant. La deuxième partie de la thèse, portant sur les sources matérielles du droit constitutionnel des communautés et de l'Union européenne, a pour objectif de mettre en évidence ses sources d'inspiration à l'aide d'une présentation des principes constitutionnels les plus significatifs. Apres avoir dresse un inventaire de ce qui fait partie du corpus constitutionnel de l'Union européenne, on se limite de ce fait à un examen des valeurs fondamentales et des principes structurels qui caractérisent l'Union européenneThe principal subject matter of the thesis is the constitutional law of the European communities (ec) and the European union (eu). It will be examined with regard to its formal and material sources. But this subject has also to be analysed in the broader context of an emerging european constitutional law which also covers the constitutional law of the european states and the european convention on human rights. A preliminary part deals with the notion of constitution applied to the European union. Under the title "can one speak about a european constitution ?", I will first define the notion of constitution and than try to justify the use of the term "constitution" without the context of a nationstate. The idea i will defend in this preliminary part is that in every autonomous legal order there is a constitution and therefore the notion of the constitution shouldn't be limited to state-constitutions but more generally to legal orders. In the first part of the thesis i will analyse the formal sources of the constitutional law of the ec and the eu. With regard to the past, these sources have been : the founding treaties and their amendments, the case-law of the european court of justice which has led to the "constitutionalization" of the founding treaties and the subsequent practice of the institutions. I will then discuss the question whether the european union needs a formal constitution and how such a new document could be adopted. The second part of the thesis deals with the material sources of the constitution of the european union. I will first dress a list of the values and principles of the community law which have a constitutional character and then i will look for the influence of the national constitutions on these values and principles
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Lenz, Hartmut. « Bargaining on the European constitution : Information transmission and political failure ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.511014.
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Sterck, Julien. « Identité constitutionnelle des États membres et primauté du droit de l'Union européenne : étude comparée de l'Irlande et de la France ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40009/document.
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La notion d’identité constitutionnelle permet de qualifier le positionnement respectif des ordres juridiques irlandais et français face à la primauté du droit de l’Union européenne. Comparé à la jurisprudence européenne, leurs régimes constitutionnels relatifs à ce droit externe n’offrent qu’une immunité et affirme in fine la suprématie de la Constitution en tant qu’expression de la souveraineté nationale. Pourtant, les juridictions des deux pays montrent une attitude conciliante fondée sur une relation de contenu entre normes constitutionnelles et européennes. Plutôt qu’un essentialisme, la notion d’identité constitutionnelle représente un discours portant sur la Constitution suivant lequel une qualité identitaire est reconnue aux normes constitutionnelles susceptibles de mettre en échec les dispositions dédiées à la primauté des normes européennes au terme d’une interprétation les mettant en balance.Malgré des affirmations différentes de leur souveraineté nationale, l’accroissement du contrôle de l’application du droit européen est un objectif commun dans la jurisprudence des deux pays. La dynamique institutionnelle qui caractérise le processus interprétatif qu’implique la notion d’identité constitutionnelle privilégie les juridictions et mène à une forme singulière de dialogue avec la Cour européenne de justice conciliant primauté du droit européen et suprématie de la Constitution. Les monologues menant à une exclusion de l’application du droit européen au nom de l’identité constitutionnelle sont une invitation faite à la juridiction européenne pour établir une coexistence pacifique entre les ordres juridiques définie par une union de mots dans une diversité de sensComparing the Irish and French legal orders leads to describe the appraisal of the primacy of European Union law by the notion constitutional identity. In contrast to the claims of the European Court of Justice, the constitutional regime regarding European rules, both in Irish and French law, only provides for immunity and ultimately affirms the supremacy of the Constitution as the norm expressing national sovereignty. Still, Irish and French courts display a conciliatory attitude focused on aligning the material content of domestic and European norms. Rather than essentialism, the notion of constitutional identity represents a discourse on the Constitution whereby the identity status qualifies those constitutional norms which can defeat constitutional provisions dedicated to the prevalence of European rules as a result of an interpretative balancing process.While manifesting different affirmations of national sovereignty, the common objective of Irish and French courts is attaining increased control of the application of European Union rules. The institutional dynamics distinguishing the notion of constitutional identity as an interpretative process involve both an empowerment of the judiciary and a specific form of dialogue with the European Court of Justice regarding the conciliation between the primacy of European Union law and the supremacy of the Constitution. Judicial monologues protecting constitutional identity mean possible exclusions of the domestic application of European law and constitute an invitation to the European Court of Justice to agree to a peaceful co-existence of the two legal orders defined as a unity of words with a diversity of meanings
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Pratt, Emma Cerelia. « Georgia's 2010 Constitution ». The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306879598.
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Nijsten, Machteld. « Abortion and constitutional law : a comparative European-American study / ». Florence : European university institute, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35732666z.
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Larsen, Signe. « The European Union as a federation : a constitutional analysis ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3787/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What type of political association is the European Union? From the start of the European integration process, this question has puzzled scholars. Many different answers have been offered, but in the absence of an agreed response, most scholars implicitly avoid the issue by suggesting that the European Union is ‘sui generis’. In contrast, this thesis maintains that the European Union is a federation (Bund): a political union of states founded on a federal treaty-constitution that does not constitute a new federal state. The thesis maintains, further, that the federation is a discrete form of political association on a par with, though differentiated from, the empire and the state. The thesis aims to make three contributions. First, to contribute to the constitutional theory of the European Union by solving the mystery of its political form. Second, to contribute to the constitutional theory of the federation through an in-depth case study of the European Union as a federal union of states. Third, to contribute to both European Union studies and federalism studies by showing, first, how some of the most profound constitutional questions of the contemporary European Union raised by the rise of authoritarianism in Poland and Hungary and the Eurozone crisis can be properly understood on the basis of the constitutional theory of the federation. Second, by demonstrating how these contemporary issues shed light on the most difficult question for the constitutional theory of the federation: whether, to what extent and under what circumstances the Union has authority to intervene in the internal constitutional affairs of its Member States.
27
Wintemute, Robert. « Sexual orientation discrimination and constitutional human rights law : the United States Constitution, the European Convention on Human Rights, and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334152.
Texte intégral
28
Faggiani, Valentina, et Miras Antonio Pérez. « The European Higher Education Area and the transversality of the constitutional values ». Derecho & ; Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present article talks about the next relevant issues. The first section of the article refers to the construction and implementation of the European Higher Education Area and its application in various countries. Secondly, it focuses on the application of the EEES in the Spanish model. The third part explains the transversal values of higher education and the role that governments have given to universities. Finally, it studies the application of this system in the social and legal sciences, including the subject of constitutional law.El presente artículo versa sobre los siguientes temas relevantes. En la primera sección del artículo se hace referencia a la construcción y puesta en marcha del Espacio Europeo de Enseñanza Superior y su aplicación en diversos países. En la segunda, se centra en la aplicación de este en el modelo español. En la tercera parte se explica los valores transversales de la enseñanza superior y el papel que le han otorgado los gobiernos a las universidades. Finalmente, se ve la aplicación de este sistema en las ciencias sociales y jurídicas, incluyendo a la asignatura del derecho constitucional.
29
Atikcan, Ece. « 'Framing' the European Union : explaining the 2005 constitutional referenda results ». Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=95104.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 2005 European Union (EU) constitutional referenda results reflected growing Euroscepticism. While the referenda in Spain and Luxembourg approved the European Constitution (TCE), the ones in France and the Netherlands rejected it. Polls show that public opinion in all four countries originally favored the TCE several months before the referenda. Why could this initial positive public opinion not be sustained in the French and Dutch cases? I argue that the stronger a state's No campaign relative to its Yes campaign - that is, the better the No campaigners linked existing contentious issues to the European Constitution - the greater the increase in the magnitude of the No vote. Based on 96 in-depth interviews with campaigners, media content analyses and public opinion data from all cases, I show that the initial favorable public opinion in the French and Dutch cases fell dramatically due to strong No campaigns because the French and Dutch No campaigners framed the issue effectively. The framing literature argues that politicians encourage voters to think along particular lines, by using frames that emphasize certain features of the subject. Vivid, concrete, image-provoking, emotionally compelling frames that contain negative information are more successful in influencing individuals' opinions. In the French and Dutch cases, the No frames argued that the TCE would increase immigration, lead to market- friendly reforms, and cause rising unemployment. In contrast, the Yes campaign frames sounded overly technical, presenting the TCE as an institutional step towards a better Europe. Negative, immediate linkages to existing problems won over abstract, non-immediate benefits. Strong No campaigns successfully countered the initial favorable public opinion in these referenda. Nevertheless, I also argue that the temporal sequencing of the referenda could affect the relative strength of the No campaign in second-mover states; all campaigns were thLes résultats des référendums constitutionnels de l'Union européenne de 2005 ont reflété un euroscepticisme croissant au sein de l'Union. Bien que les référendums en Espagne et au Luxembourg aient approuvé la Constitution européenne (TCE), ceux de la France et des Pays-Bas ont rejeté la proposition de réforme. Les sondages de l'époque montrent que l'opinion publique dans ces quatre pays favorisait le TCE quelques mois avant les référendums. Pourquoi cette opinion publique favorable ne s'est pas maintenue dans les cas français et néerlandais? Je soutiens que plus forte était la campagne du Non par rapport à celle du Oui - c'est à dire plus il existait des liens entre le référendum et des enjeux locaux controversés - plus élevé s'en trouvait le support pour le Non le jour du vote. Cette analyse se base sur une série de 96 entrevues en profondeur menées auprès de militants, des analyses de contenu média et des données d'opinion publique. Dans les cas français et néerlandais, l'opinion favorable du public a considérablement diminué suite à l'usage d'un meilleur cadre cognitif durant la campagne par le camp du Non. La littérature sur le cadrage cognitif suggère que les politiciens encouragent les électeurs à garder en tête un ordre d'idées particulier, grâce à un argumentaire qui met l'accent sur certaines caractéristiques de l'enjeu. Des images vives et concrètes, en plus de messages négatifs sont plus efficaces pour agir sur l'opinion des individus. Dans les cas français et néerlandais, le cadrage cognitif du Non a soutenu que le TCE augmenterait l'immigration, conduirait à des réformes favorables au marché, et provoquerait la montée du chômage. Par contre, le cadrage cognitif de la campagne du Oui s'est montré trop technique en présentant le TCE comme une étape institutionnelle vers une Europe meilleure. Des liens négatifs et im
30
Stanley, Kieron. « Constituting organics : the role of certification in European food networks ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417638.
Texte intégral
31
Al-Amoudi, Ismael. « Constituting rules : the production of legitimacy in two European organizations ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569508.
Texte intégral
32
Leclère, Alexandra. « L'homosexualité et la constitution de la famille : situations française et européenne ». Thesis, Dijon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016DIJOD003/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La loi n° 2013-404 du 17 mai 2013 ouvrant le mariage aux couples de personnes de même sexe constitue un tournant pour le droit de la famille en France. Cette loi, qualifiée parfois véritable tsunami est l’aboutissement de la prise en considération des revendications des homosexuels à constituer une famille. Avant 2013 le droit français ne permet pas au couple homosexuel de constituer une famille homoparentale : il n’autorise pas le mariage entre personnes de même sexe. De plus, la PMA est réservée aux seuls couples hétérosexuels et la GPA est totalement interdite en France. Ce consensus en apparence figé sur la non-reconnaissance de la famille homosexuelle est conforté par le droit européen, en particulier la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme dont la jurisprudence marque encore peu de signes d’évolution. Pourtant, dès 2008, la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme se prononce avec l’arrêt E.B c/ France sur la question de l’adoption par un célibataire homosexuel, opérant un revirement en nette rupture avec sa jurisprudence antérieure Fretté c/ France. Cette évolution jurisprudentielle de la CEDH s’inscrit dans un mouvement plus vaste des droits nationaux vers la reconnaissance de la famille homosexuelle. Pour autant, après 2013, des questions restent en attente, en particulier pour la PMA et la GPA. La constitution de la famille homosexuelle n’est pas encore achevéeThe 2013-404 law of 17 May 2013 which opened up the possibility for people of the same gender to get married shows a turning point for the family rights in France. This law, sometimes described as a real tsunami, is the outcome of taking into account the homosexuals' claim for starting a family. Before 2013 the French right did not allow a homosexual couple to be a homoparental family. It did not authorize people of the same gender to get married. Moreover Assisted Reproduction is only reserved to heterosexual couples and Gestation for Others is strictly forbidden in France. This seemingly constrained consensus on the non-legal recognition of the homosexual family is reinforced by the European right, particularly the European Court of Human Rights whose precedents still show few signs of evolution. Yet, from 2008 the European Court of Human Rights gave a verdict with the 'EB against France' decision on the question of child adoption by a homosexual person ; it implements a major change and marks a break with its prior 'Fretté against France' precedent. This jurisprudential evolution of the EC of HR is part of a larger movement of national rights towards the recognition of the homosexual family. For all that,some questions have been on hold since 2013, particularly for the Assisted Reproduction and the Gestation for Others. The composition of the homosexual family has not yet reached the end
33
PORFILIO, AMELIO. « Il welfare state incontra l’Unione europea : dalla costituzione economica europea ad un modello sociale europeo ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/807.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La tesi si snoda lungo tre piani di analisi per esaminare i rapporti fra Unione europea e welfare state. Innanzitutto, essa guarda alla CEE come organizzazione sorta principalmente per perseguire l’integrazione economica degli Stati membri senza interferire sulla loro funzione di welfare. Nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione delle competenze sociali dell’Unione europea, la tesi suggerisce come i sussistenti limiti procedurali e sostanziali evidenzino quella logica.
In secondo luogo, la tesi ricorre alla categoria di costituzione economica europea al fine di spiegare la limitazione di sovranità cui gli Stati membri sono andati incontro per favorire l’attuazione del principio di libertà economica. Su questa base, vengono enucleati taluni effetti prodotti dalla costituzione economica europea sul welfare state. Un’attenzione particolare è dedicata ai riflessi della costituzione economica in materia pensionistica.
Infine, la tesi guarda alle innovazioni apportate dalla Strategia di Lisbona e dal Trattato di Lisbona, con particolare riguardo al rafforzamento del metodo aperto di coordinamento ed all’entrata in vigore della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. In questa luce, si coglie la tendenza all’edificazione di un modello sociale europeo. Avendone discusso genesi e sviluppo, vengono illustrati i suoi tratti distintivi ed i suoi riflessi sulle politiche nazionali di sicurezza sociale e del lavoro.The thesis examines the relationship between European Union and Welfare State under three different perspectives. Firstly, it looks at the EEC as an organization pursuing economic integration of Member States while not interfering with their welfare function. In tracing the evolution of the social competences of the European Union, it is highlighted how the original logic still underlies the existence of procedural and substantive limits to those competences. Second, the thesis draws on the category of European economic constitution to explain how Member States bounded their sovereignty in order to give full effect to economic freedom. On that basis, the thesis describes some of the inroads made by the European economic constitution into national welfare states, with special attention to its effects on pension systems. Finally, the thesis looks at some of the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Strategy and the Lisbon Treaty, focusing on the strengthening of the Open Method of Co-ordination and the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this perspective, the thesis captures the emergence of a European social model. Having discussed origins and development of the European social model, its main distinctive features and reflexes on domestic social policies are spelled out.
34
Garcia, Luis Bouza. « The role of specialised groups in the debate about the European Constitution ». Thesis, Robert Gordon University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10059/1001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis uses the notion of specialised publics in order to analyse whether the participation of civil society organisations in the European Convention contributed to make European publics more aware of this debate. In particular it asks whether activism by European civil society organisations about participatory democracy has contributed to a stronger linkage between the EU and Spanish and French general publics. The thesis analyses the role of a group of 22 civil society organisations in the agenda setting process where the discourse of the EU about participatory democracy was built ahead the Convention. Furthermore the role of 25 Spanish and French organisations active in the Convention is considered as well. 51 in-depth interviews with members of the Convention, officials of European institutions, European, French and Spanish civil society organisations have been conducted in the frame of the thesis. These provide abundant information about the way in which these organisations were involved in the Convention and more in general about biases in action at EU level between European and national organisations. The analysis of the evolution of the organisations‘ demands and justifications demonstrates that these consultations were an important agenda-setting process where the demands of civil society for institutionalisation were framed as a way to introduce participatory democracy arrangements in the EU. It is found that during the Convention participation was a strong priority for these organisations which had a great impact on article 47 of the TCE on civil society participation. It appears that contrary to expectations the Convention was not a meeting point for European and national organisations and contributed little to the diffusion of this debate beyond European specialised actors. Furthermore it appears that Spanish and French organisations had no motivation to "download" the Convention debates in the context of the national referenda. European organisations did not need to mobilise their members to meet their objectives, Spanish organisations were stronger at the EU level than in the national debates and French organisations did not share most of the participatory frame elaborated the EU level. However it is found as well that national organisations did not ignore this topic. In this sense Spanish organisations shared it strongly although they had little effect on the national debate, whereas French organisations scepticism on the Convention's commitment to the question of civil society participation contributed to their involvement against the Treaty in the national campaign. In doing so they contributed to frame the French referendum as an occasion for citizens‘ participation in the EU, and thus circulated a version of the European frame. Albeit in an exceptional setting, the thesis finds that civil society organisations have a strong potential to contribute to Europeanising debates and to articulate participation in the EU. These results contribute to a better understanding of the dynamic connections between different publics in the European public sphere by pointing to the importance of considering the political opportunity structure and the institutional barriers to the Europeanisation general publics.
35
Spaventa, Eleanor. « Barriers to movement or individual rights ? : towards a (non-) economic European constitution ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fd22f768-e610-4e4c-87aa-c4e402858360.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the notion of barrier to intra-Community trade and movement as developed by the European Court of Justice. Through a critical assessment of the case law, it aims at identifying the content of the rights granted by the free movement provisions and at providing a normative justification capable of accommodating the evolution of the Court's interpretation. Thus, it is argued that some of the recent case law can be better explained having regard to the notion of the fundamental right to exercise an economic activity free of unjustified and disproportionate restrictions. Further, other problematic strands of case law can be better explained having regard to the fundamental rights discourse. The thesis therefore challenges the traditional doctrinal approaches to the free movement provisions, to suggest that the broad interpretation currently adopted by the Court in this field cannot be justified having sole regard to a Ideological interpretation of the free movement provisions. Instead, it suggests that the developments in the case law should be appreciated in the context of the constitutional changes which have occurred in the past decade in the European Union. Thus, it links the extensive interpretation given to the free movement of persons provisions, to the introduction of Union citizenship, to argue that the normative justification for the Court's case law is better found in a joint reading of the free movement of persons and Union citizenship provisions. Thus, the extensive approach adopted in the field of free movement of persons signals the emergence of a new constitutional dimension whereby the individual is protected also qua citizen, rather than just qua economic actor.
36
Grand, Grégory. « Le savoir constitutionnel à l'épreuve du phénomène européen ». Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON10067.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L'étude se propose de mesurer l'impact global que le phénomène européen exerce non pas sur le droit positif lui-même mais sur la manière d'en parler dans le discours doctrinal en droit constitutionnel. Le premier temps de la thèse s'emploie à montrer l'altération du savoir constitutionnel sous l'effet de la découverte du phénomène européen. L'enquête est ainsi menée, d'une part, sur la nature spécifique des relations que la discipline constitutionnelle a pu avoir par le passé – et encore davantage aujourd'hui – avec la construction européenne et, d'autre part, sur les répercussions actuelles de ces rapports sur la physionomie de la discipline. Dans un second temps, l'analyse s'appuie alors sur cette altération du savoir constitutionnel dont les catégories classiques ont dû être revisitées (Etat, Souveraineté, Constitution, Hiérarchie des normes, etc.) pour faire apparaitre l'importante valeur heuristique que recèle la construction européenne au profit de la connaissance du droit constitutionnel. En mobilisant plusieurs postures philosophiques, les développements de la thèse montrent combien la construction européenne invite les constitutionnalistes à la réflexivité et devient ainsi porteuse d'enseignements épistémologiques sur la manière dont les auteurs sont susceptibles de se mobiliser face aux évolutions juridiques contemporaines. En invitant à interroger les manières par lesquelles le droit constitutionnel savant peut appréhender son objet, l'Europe est ainsi utilisée comme un test révélateur des atouts épistémologiques dont dispose le savoir constitutionnel pour réagir, s'adapter, et se renouveler lorsqu'il fait face à des évolutions juridiques aussi amples que l'émergence et la construction d'une entité supra-nationaleThe interaction between European integration and the constitutional domain has predominantly been approached from a positivist legal perspective, limiting the research focus on specific issue areas. In contrast to this, this study analyses the global impact the European phenomenon has had by focusing on the discursive changes within the constitutional law literature. The first part of the thesis traces the transformation of the constitutional law paradigm through its interaction with the concrete processes of European integration. Research is conducted on the specific relations the constitutional knowledge had (and still has, now more then ever) with the European project, as well as on the concrete repercussions that this interaction might have had. This renders it possible to show. The second part of the thesis then proceeds on the basis of these findings, demonstrating the important heuristic value European integration has for the body of knowledge in constitutional law. Drawing on several philosophical perspectives, the study argues that the European construction offers important lessons on how constitutionalists are capable of mobilising against “consequential legal evolutions”. By questioning the ways through which its purpose can be approached, Europe constitutes a pertinent case through which to demonstrate the epistemological advances in constitutional law to react, to adapt and to renew itself when facing legal evolutions such as the construction of a supranational entity
37
Savasan, Zerrin. « The Eu Constitutional Treaty And Human Rights ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607585/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis seeks to answer the question whether the European Union (EU) constitutional treaty offers improved protection for human rights in the EU jurisdiction. Within this context, it first seeks to find out what the incorporation of the Charter of Fundamental Rights in the constitutional treaty promises for the human rights&rsquofield. Furthermore, it examines how the possible accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights will affect this field. Then, it focuses on what the constitutional treaty offers for third countries concerning human rights. Finally, in the light of the recent developments on the treaty, the discussion enlightens the role of the constitutional treaty on protecting and developing human rights in the EU.
38
Akin, Ugur. « The Constitutional Treaty In The Context Of European Integration : An Assessment ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608073/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis takes up the mantle of studying the Constitutional Treaty in the context of European Integration. This work examines how constitutionalization affected the process of European integration in relation to the democratic legitimacy of the European Union. Albert O. Hirschman's Exit, Voice and Loyalty paradigm is used to assess and define the process of constitutionalization in the context of the supranational and intergovernmental tendencies of the European construct which birthed the democratic deficit in its foundational period. Special focus is allotted to the role of the European elites in drafting the Constitutional Treaty which was the culmination of their attempts to compensate for the foundational lack of democratic legitimacy. In order to make this assessment this thesis delineates the history of European integration. Furthermore, this work examines the European constitutional drive and evaluates the implications of the failed ratification process in correlation to the aforementioned issues. In conclusion this thesis maintains that the future feasibility of the constitutional project is directly related to the degree of democratic legitimacy achieved by the whole of the European Union.
39
Giba, Marián. « Approche comparative des constitutions française et slovaque dans le contexte de la construction européenne ». Paris 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA020072.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La thèse a une double dimension : d'une part, examiner le concept et les données fondamentales des deux Constitutions en vue d'évaluer leurs ressemblaces et différences ainsi que la Constitution française comme source d'inspiration de la Constitution slovaque plus récente ; d'autre part, analyser, sous l'angle de la souveraineté notamment, comment la construction européenne affecte le fonctionnement des deux Constitutions et comment elles s'y adaptent. Dans l'introduction générale, sont abordés successivement des éléments historiques, politiques et juridiques. Ensuite, la thèse comporte deux parties, l'une consacrée aux fondements politiques des deux Constitutions et l'autre à la confrontation des deux Constitutions à la construction européenne. Dans une conclusion générale, sont résumés les principaux arguments et conclusions.
40
Lecourt, Benoît. « Droit communautaire et constitution de sociétés ». Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010291.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le droit communautaire de la constitution des sociétés a profondément bouleversé les législations nationales. La dilution du droit communautaire dans le droit de la constitution des sociétés a d'ailleurs été si sensible que la norme européenne, victime de son succès, s'est fait oublier. Le droit communautaire a pourtant exercé une emprise sur des notions fondamentales tels le contrat de société, le contrôle de la régularité de la constitution ou encore le concept de personnalité morale. Des trente années d'influence communautaire sur le droit des sociétés, l’Europe a ainsi donné naissance, que ce soit par la voie de directives ou de règlements, a un corpus de règles constitutives applicable à l'ensemble des groupements. La règlementation communautaire a vocation, en effet, à s'appliquer, non seulement aux sociétés ayant pour objet la recherche et le partage de bénéfices, mais aussi à tout groupement exerçant une activité économique de manière intéressée, comme les associations lucratives ou les groupements de moyens. Par la même, le droit communautaire, en proposant une nouvelle définition de la société, pourrait inspirer les législations nationales dans la recherche d'une classification rationnelle des groupements. En redessinant les contours de la société, le législateur européen l'a toutefois orientée vers une conception institutionnelle qui pourrait restreindre ses possibilités. Il reste, dans ces conditions, à espérer que les auteurs des textes européens prennent, à l'avenir, davantage en considération la renaissance, quasi générale au sein de la communauté, de la liberté contractuelle et de l'autonomie de la volonté en droit des sociétésEuropean community law has caused a complete overhaul of domestic law about the formation of companies. The merging of community law into the different european legal systems has operated to the detriment of community law, since the latter has melted away into the former. Yet, community law has contributed to deeply modifying such key notions as the incorporation procedures, the various checks operated by authorised officials, or the concept of artificial person. Over the past thirty years, as a result of directives and regulations, european community law has evolved into a body of rules applicable to all types of businesses. Indeed, community law aims at establishing rules applicable, on the one hand, to companies whose object is to make and share profits, and, on the other hand, to any grouping carrying out some kind of economic activity, such as profit-making associations or economic interest groupings. Thus, by laying down a new definition of what a company is, community law could well influence domestic legislative bodies into establishing a rational classification of all the types of businesses. However, by redefining what a company is, european legislations have laid the emphasis on all the acts related to the formation of a company, thus restricting promoters 'freedom of choice. In the future, european legislations may well have to take into greater account the widespread revival, in most european countries, of the notion of freedom of contract in company law
41
Jasson, Chiara. « Developing discourse ? : national referendums and news coverage of the European Constitutional process ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2194/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In light of the current legitimacy crisis, the need to increase the visibility of the European Union in the mass media seems more urgent than ever. In practice, however, EU issues struggle to capture the media's attention and are covered only infrequently. Using interviews with Brussels correspondents and the content analysis of sixteen daily newspapers from four member states, this thesis shows that referendums can increase news coverage of European affairs both domestically and transnationally - prompting the emergence of a European public sphere. Domestically, newspapers from countries that held a referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty (ECT) published a greater number of articles about the Constitution. The presence of a referendum also increased the amount of analysis on this issue, improving the 'quality' of coverage. Interviews with EU journalists provide possible explanations for these findings. Scheduling a referendum augments citizens' need for information about European issues, helping to bring Europe 'home'. Because they are preceded by weeks of campaigning, referendums also create opportunities for the polarisation of political elites. This, in turn, raises the saliency and newsworthiness of EU issues. More interestingly, the data show that scheduling a referendum in one country was sufficient to 'trigger' a debate in other member states, too. The patterns of coverage observed during the salient French campaign were similar across the four member states. Articles about the Constitution became more frequent, more analytical, EU-focused and polarised during this time. Whilst provisional, these findings are important and indicate that there are times when a common EU discourse or public sphere may indeed emerge. The study also suggests that greater citizen participation through referendums may serve as a stimulus for EU debates in the mass media. By increasing the public's appetite for 'European' news and ensuring greater political investment, referendums may encourage the flow of information about the EU political process - helping to fill the current communication deficit.
42
Ibrahim, Hassan Mohamed. « Le constitutionnalisme en Europe de l'Est et dans le monde arabe. Internationalisation et singularisme du droit constitutionnel ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA105/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Malgré la distance entre ces deux mouvements révolutionnaires, est-européens et du monde arabe, le constitutionnalisme a été le moyen immédiat pour sortir du chaos révolutionnaire. Dans ces deux parties du monde, à deux périodes différentes, les peuples révolutionnaires ont choisi d’adopter des Constituons afin d’instaurer des régimes politiques démocratiques.Si le constitutionnalisme a été le dénominateur commun que les peuples révolutionnaires ont utilisé pour instaurer leurs nouveaux régimes politiques qu’ils souhaitent démocratiques, pour autant, la singularité de chaque région et de chaque pays s’est imposée lors de la transition, mais également lors de l’adoption des nouvelles Constitutions. Déjà, il suffit d’observer la situation de la Pologne, de la Roumanie, de l’Égypte et de la Tunisie pour constater que la voie empruntée pour adopter un nouveau régime politique dépend nécessairement du contexte national dans lequel la transition est engagée.Néanmoins, la démocratie ne se décrète pas comme nous avons eu l’occasion de le voir en Europe de l’Est. Les États postcommunistes, notamment la Pologne et la Roumanie, tergiversent encore sur le chemin de la démocratisation. Les États arabes trouveront sur le chemin de la démocratisation certainement les mêmes défis. Quelques années après le « printemps arabe », la Tunisie, et encore davantage l’Égypte, vacillent sur le chemin risqué de la démocratisationDespite the distance between these two revolutionary movements: East European and the Arab world, constitutionalism was the immediate way out of the revolutionary chaos. In these two parts of the world, at two different periods, the revolutionary peoples have chosen to adopt Constitutions in order to establish democratic political regimes. While constitutionalism has been the common denominator that revolutionary peoples have used to create their new democratic political regimes, the singularity of each region and country has emerged during the transition of the adoption of the new Constitutions. It is simply enough to observe the situation in Poland, Romania, Egypt and Tunisia to find that the path taken to adopt a new political regime necessarily depends on the national context in which the transition is initiated. Nevertheless, democracy cannot be decreed as we have seen in Eastern Europe. The post-communist states, notably Poland and Romania, are still on the path of democratization and the Arab States will find the same challenges on the road to democratization. A few years after the "Arab spring" occurred, Tunisia and particularly Egypt falter on the risky path of democratization
43
Cousson, Anne. « Droits de l'homme au Royaume-Uni entre 1998 et 2010 : entre politique nationale et droit international ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA143/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les droits de l’homme au Royaume-Uni sont un objet de vif débat, à la frontière entre le domaine juridique et le domaine politique. L’une des toutes premières mesures du gouvernement de Tony Blair a été de faire voter une loi en 1998 incorporant la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme au droit national, transformant ainsi sa protection à l’échelle nationale. Pourtant, les faiblesses de la loi sont rapidement apparues et elle a été remise en cause. En outre, le gouvernement a dû faire des choix politiques pour mettre en œuvre la protection des droits de l’homme. L’évolution de celle-ci a pu être paradoxale : d’un côté le droit à l’égalité a été renforcé et élargi, quand, de l’autre, le développement d’une politique sécuritaire a entraîné de nombreuses limites aux libertés individuelles. Enfin, les cours britanniques ont pu participer à la création de nouveaux droits comme le droit à la vie privée, qui est apparu dans le droit britannique. Tous les changements législatifs ont entraîné un changement dans la distribution des pouvoirs au Royaume-Uni, tant à l’échelle nationale, où le pouvoir exécutif a été renforcé, qu’à l’échelle européenne, où les pouvoirs des cours internationales a été perçu comme une ingérence dans la souveraineté du Parlement britannique. La politique des droits de l’homme des gouvernements de Tony Blair et Gordon Brown a donc été pétrie de contradictions, entre un engagement réel pour la défense de certains droits et les limites apportés à certains autres pour défendre la sécurité, et entre une volonté d’intégration dans l’UE et une réaction à un euroscepticisme croissantIn the United Kingdom, human rights have been strongly debated, both in the legal and political fields. One of the very first measures taken by the government of Tony Blair in 1998 has been to pass the Human Rights Act, a law incorporating the European convention on human rights into national law, therefore transforming the protection of human rights at the national level. However, the flaws of the Human Rights Act have appeared and it was contested soon after its passage. Furthermore, the government had to make political choices to implement in practice the protection of human rights. Their evolution can be considered paradoxical: the right to equality was strengthened and included more varied elements while the development of a strong security policy caused some civil liberties to be severely constrained. The British courts have also been able to participate in the creation of new rights, like the right to privacy which did not have an independent existence in English law until the courts recognised it, under European influence. The legal changes in the protection of human rights have caused a change in the way power is distributed in the United Kingdom, both at a national level, where the executive branch was strengthened, and in the relationship with Europe, where the power of international courts has been seen as infringing on British sovereignty. The human rights policies of the Blair and Brown governments, therefore, has been fraught with contradictions, living somewhere between the stronger protection of some rights and the tighter restraints created to defend security, and between the desire to participate more fully in European integration while still having to deal with growing Euroscepticism
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Sabatakakis, Ekaterini. « La constitution progressive de l'Europe sociale ». Grenoble, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010GREND012.
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Malgré une ambition ancienne, l'Europe sociale telle qu'elle apparaît dans les traités est limitée puisqu'elle consiste en un simple accompagnement du Marché intérieur. Or, le droit social européen s'est progressivement développé et a dépassé le cadre restreint du Marché. Ce droit social a formé un droit commun européen, composé par un grand nombre de lois européennes et enrichi par une jurisprudence audacieuse de la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne. En effet, il revient au juge de l'Union d’assurer le respect du droit dans l'interprétation et l'application des traités. Dans ce cadre, le juge a estimé qu'il était de sa responsabilité de faire de l'Union un État de droit et, en l'espèce, un État de droit social. La jurisprudence sociale se codifie par le droit dérivé et le droit dérivé approfondit la jurisprudence en fournissant au juge les moyens de préciser la portée de la loi. Cette articulation confirme le rôle crucial de la Cour de justice dans l'établissement de l'État de droit social européen. En se penchant sur les réalisations de l'Europe sociale, cet État de droit social apparaît clairement au niveau européen et donne à l'Union européenne un visage humainIn spite of the treaties' long-time ambition to establish a social Europe, the latter seems limited insofar as it is a mere accompaniment of the internal Market. However, European labor law gradually developed and exceeded the restricted frame of the Market. This labor law has formed a European common law made of a high number of European laws and enriched by some audacious case laws of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The EU judge is indeed meant to enforce the law in the interpretation and the application of the treaties. In this context, the judge reckoned that he was accountable for making a constitutional state of the Union and, in this case, a European constitutional welfare state. The social case laws are codified by the secondary law, which expands the case laws by providing the judge with the means to further specify the law's impact. This linkage confirms the crucial role of the Court of justice in the establishment of a European constitutional welfare state. By focusing on the achievements of social Europe, such a constitutional welfare state can be identified at the European level, which grants the European Union with a human(e) dimension
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Antoniadis, Antonis. « The European Community and its Member States as WTO members : a constitutional perspective ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446571.
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Carrick, Ross Dale. « Court of Justice of the European Union as a democratic forum ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7797.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the procedural democratic legitimacy of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The Court of Justice has been instrumental in the construction of the European Union. Through its interpretation of the Treaty of Rome since the 1960s, it has constituted a legal system distinctive in kind. In contrast to orthodox instances of the political community – international organisations and the nation-state – the EU exemplifies no general type. Its legal, constitutional, political, economic and social infrastructures are part of a complex and pervasive web of overlapping jurisdictions that goes some way beyond the ordinary international organisation (by virtue of constitutional principles such as direct effect and citizenship), but not quite as far as the nation-state (e.g. sovereignty contestation). This being the case, its interlocutors have long since understood that the EU is in a state of transformation – it is itself a project and a process, the end result of which (finalité) is unknown. As such, many questions have been asked about the legitimacy of this process; and, given the Court of Justice’s (in)famous generative role within this process, the Court also finds itself the subject of such scrutiny. The legitimacy of the Court of Justice has been the focus of attention from both academics and practitioners. Most of that attention has been on the Court’s jurisprudence and jurisdiction – scrutinising the legal reasoning of cases; or questioning the limits of its constitutional functions according to axiomatic conceptions of, for example, the separation of powers doctrine. By contrast, less attention has been paid to the democratic legitimacy of the Court of Justice, and much less in relation to the Court’s institutional design. The subject-matter of the analysis in this thesis is the Court’s structures and processes, such as: the composition and appointments processes for members of the Court; the mechanisms that give access to various kinds of participants (such as locus standi and third-party intervention); and the use of judicial chambers. Procedural democratic legitimacy, moreover, has two dimensions: intrinsic and instrumental. The intrinsic is a measure of the democratic credentials of the Court as a discrete decision-making authority (such as representativeness and democratic participation); whereas the instrumental is concerned with the ways in which the Court contributes to the overall democratic legitimacy of the EU. In this thesis, the structures and processes of the Court of Justice are examined in light of both of those criteria. In contrast to prevailing approaches of constitutional theorists – who tend to treat these criteria as functions that are quite discrete, and their performance as mutually exclusive – an important theoretical contribution of this thesis is to develop an analytical framework that allows for the inherent synergies and tensions that exist between intrinsic and instrumental criteria to be factored into analyses of the democratic legitimacy of constitutional courts.
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Giri, Dusmanta Kumar. « Constitution of the European Union : implications for the developing countries ; a case study of India ». Thesis, University of Hull, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318392.
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Conway, Gerard Martin. « Conflict of norms in European Union law and the legal reasoning of the European Court of Justice ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5235.
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This thesis examines the topic of conflict of norms in European Union (EU) law and the legal reasoning of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), arguing that the framework of conflict of norms provides conceptual insight into justification and the role of value choices in legal reasoning. After examining the theory of conflict of norms, which seems to have been relatively under-studied generally and especially in EU law, it examines three particular aspects of norm conflict resolution in the legal reasoning of the ECJ and EU law: conflict of interpretative norms, especially the opposition between conserving and innovative interpretation; conflicts of human rights norms, looking in particular at the idea of a hierarchy of rights and of specificationism in the articulation of rights; and conflicts of competence norms. It concludes that the scope exists for a fuller justification of the choice of norms in the legal reasoning of the ECJ and generally in EU law and offers a perspective on how the values articulated by the EU suggest particular approaches to norm conflict resolution by the ECJ in its decision-making in these fields, in particular, a greater resort to lex specialis and originalist or historical interpretation, in contrast to its current method.
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Oates, John Gabriel. « The Constitution of Supranationalism : Interdependence, Sovereignty and International Organization ». The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1375452306.
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Tetang, Franc de Paul. « La subsidiarité inversée en droit européen : contribution à l’étude des rapports de systèmes entre les ordres juridiques nationaux et l’ordre juridique de l’Union européenne ». Thesis, Poitiers, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012POIT3018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Depuis le traité de Maastricht, le principe de subsidiarité fait l'objet d'une littérature remarquable tant du point de vue quantitatif que du point de vue qualitatif. La doctrine s'y intéresse au point de bâtir une « Europe de la subsidiarité » dont la finalité est la présentation des différentes formes et des diverses applications de la subsidiarité dans l'articulation des ordres juridiques internes et des ordres juridiques européens. Le résultat d'une telle construction intellectuelle brille cependant par l'absence remarquable, dans l'Europe unionaire, d'une variante de la subsidiarité qui bien que ne portant pas le nom a pourtant déjà dépassé le cap de « la vie cachée » pour celui de « la vie publique ». De ce fait, elle mérite d'être aussi intégrée dans cette « Europe de la subsidiarité » au rang de principe de la structure constitutionnelle du processus d'intégration. Cette autre forme de subsidiarité qu'est la subsidiarité inversée, est manifestement présente dans l'Union européenne où elle peut se définir soit comme la possibilité que se réservent certains États membres de l'Union d'intervenir en cas de défaillance de l'institution supranationale dans un domaine précis en l'occurrence les droits fondamentaux, soit comme une action nationale destinée à contrôler, toujours à titre subsidiaire, la qualité du droit « venu d'ailleurs » et ce, afin de garantir le respect de la « constitution fondamentale européenne ». Pourtant, elle n'a jamais fait l'objet d'une conceptualisation en tant que principe au sens de « proposition purement descriptive par laquelle le juriste rend compte d'une idée ou d'une tendance du droit ».Toutefois, la doctrine européaniste n'ignore pasSince Maastricht Treaty, the principle of subsidiarity is the subject of many striking written works in quantity as well as in quality. It's so interesting for the doctrine that an “Europe of subsidiarity” has been built a in order to describe the different forms and applications of the subsidiarity in the connection between the national and European juridical orders. The result of this intellectual construction shines by the notable lack, in the “Europe unionaire”, of a variation on the subsidiarity. This one came through a “secret life” to a “public life” and has to be integrated in this “Europe of the subsidiarity” like a real principle of the constitutional structure of the process of integration. This other form of subsidiarity is the reversed subsidiarity and is plainly found in the European Union. It can either be defined as the possibility for some member States to interfere in case of failure in supranational institution in a limited area (here the fundamental rights), or as a national activity in order to control, always in a subsidiary way, the quality of the right “coming from somewhere else” in order to guaranty the respect of the “fundamental European constitution”. Yet there never was any conceptualization of it as an “only descriptive proposition through which the jurist is able to give a move of the law”. However the Europeanist doctrine can't deny it because the reversed subsidiarity is recognized (as a simple phenomenon this time) by many authors seeing only a way of breaking, a way to make the juridical construction more fragile or complicated. But a detailed analysis of its functions makes it possible to defend the contrary and to assert that the rev