Thèses sur le sujet « European federation »

This thesis maintains that the study and practice of European integration is hindered by an unquestioned and all-embracing conceptual foundation, derived from 17th/18th century political thought. By virtue of identity-related assumptions including 'nation-state', 'nationalism', and 'sovereignty', which rest on an exclusive binary distinction between "self" and "other", this foundation is inadequate and anachronistic as a theoretical lens through which to understand the dynamics of contemporary Europe.
Chapter 1 reveals the inadequacy of existing theories of European integration, and Chapter 2 traces this inadequacy to the issue of identity, tying it in with a modern identity crisis. It is argued that the theory and practice of European integration in the 1990's depends on a fundamental reconceptualisation of identity, to eliminate the conceptual rigidity of exclusive self/other binary distinction, and so to provide the basis for a new kind of European identity. In Chapter 3, the framework of a new "non-fixed", "non-essential" and pragmatic identity (and therefore European identity), beyond the self/other boundaries of contemporary thought, is elaborated through the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Derrida, and its effect on the study and practice of European integration is assessed.

What type of political association is the European Union? From the start of the European integration process, this question has puzzled scholars. Many different answers have been offered, but in the absence of an agreed response, most scholars implicitly avoid the issue by suggesting that the European Union is ‘sui generis’. In contrast, this thesis maintains that the European Union is a federation (Bund): a political union of states founded on a federal treaty-constitution that does not constitute a new federal state. The thesis maintains, further, that the federation is a discrete form of political association on a par with, though differentiated from, the empire and the state. The thesis aims to make three contributions. First, to contribute to the constitutional theory of the European Union by solving the mystery of its political form. Second, to contribute to the constitutional theory of the federation through an in-depth case study of the European Union as a federal union of states. Third, to contribute to both European Union studies and federalism studies by showing, first, how some of the most profound constitutional questions of the contemporary European Union raised by the rise of authoritarianism in Poland and Hungary and the Eurozone crisis can be properly understood on the basis of the constitutional theory of the federation. Second, by demonstrating how these contemporary issues shed light on the most difficult question for the constitutional theory of the federation: whether, to what extent and under what circumstances the Union has authority to intervene in the internal constitutional affairs of its Member States.

Russia has always been a primary factor in the development of the Baltic States. It is impossible to analyse Baltic security without looking into the processes inside Russia and the prevailing trends vis-a-vis the Baltic States. However, the changes in the Baltic security landscape in the 21st century lack a comprehensive analysis. This thesis seeks to bridge the gap. Two key aims are being pursued in this thesis. The first is to present an analysis of Russia's European agenda under President Vladimir Putin and to examine the place of the Baltic States in this agenda. The second aim is to define Russia-related threats and challengers to the Baltic States, as well as prospects in Russo-Baltic relations. To attain these aims, inter-active approach to international relations, comprising three levels of analysis - the international system, the nation state (domestic level) and the individual (personality) level - has been applied. The neo-realist paradigm of international relations theory, comparative analysis and the Knudsen model, which addresses the peculiarities of relations between great powers and small states, are the methodological framework of the thesis. When analysing the development of Russo-Baltic relations in 1990-2006, this thesis focuses on the evolution of the Baltic States from factors to actors and their chance of shaping Russo-Baltic relations from within the enlarged EU and NATO. It also examines possibilities for more active engagement of Russia in the Baltic region. The thesis concludes with an analysis of perspectives for the Baltic States in countering Russia-related threats and building cooperativer elations with Russia. The author maintains that 'high politics' in Russo-Baltic relations has ended, yet, the tensions do remain in 'low politics'. Russia seeks to retain her political and economic influence in the Baltics by exploiting various tools, primarily economic levers and Baltic dependence upon Russian energy.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how the world market price of crude oil, coal and natural gas affects the demand of and dependency on energy imports from the Russian Federation of key European countries[1]. We achieve our objective through econometric estimations of import demand equations concerning imports from the Russian Federation of crude oil, coal and natural gas for seven EU key countries during 1990-2014.Three out of twenty-one models were found to be statistically significant for both the spot price- and income elasticity. The spot price elasticities for the models where: coal import demand for Finland (-0.49), crude oil import demand for Italy (-0.44) and the Netherlands (-0.42). The income elasticities for the aforementioned models were found to be: Finland (2.58), Italy (5.85) and the Netherlands (7.62). The remaining models were statistically insignificant presumably due to different internal structures in the data or due to the assumption of perfect substitute model. [1] EU key countries include: Austria, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, and the United Kingdom.
Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera hur världsmarknadspriset på råolja, kol och naturgas påverkar den europeiska efterfrågan på och beroendet av energiimport från Ryssland. Ekonometriska uppskattningar av importefterfrågan för råolja, kol och naturgas som produceras av Ryska Federationen för sju EU nyckelländer kommer att produceras. Huvudsyftet är att uppskatta elasticiteter hos importefterfrågan som kännetecknar de handelsförbindelserna mellan Ryssland och sju EU nyckelländerna med avseende på de tre energiresurser.  Tre av tjugoen modeller visade sig vara signifikanta för både världsmarknadspriset och inkomstelasticiteten. Följande variabler och elasticiteter för priset var signifikant; Kol Importefterfrågan för Finland (-0,49), Olje Importefterfrågan för Italien (-0,44) och Nederländerna (-0,42). Inkomstelasticitet för de nämnda modellerna estimeras vara; Finland (2,58), Italien (5,85) och Nederländerna (7,62). Den statistiska insignifikansen hos de övriga modellerna härstamma troligtvis från den interna strukturen på datat eller antagandet om den perfekta substitut modellen

In the past ten years or more, social complexity has taken center stage as the focus of archaeologists working on the Eurasian steppe. The Middle Bronze Age Sintashta period, ca. 2100 - 1700 BC, is often assumed to represent the apex of social complexity for the Bronze Age in the southern Urals region. This assumption has been based on the appearance of twenty-two fortified settlements, chariot burials, and intensified metal production. Some of these studies have incorporated the emergence and subsequent development of mobile pastoralism as their primary foci, while others have concerned themselves primarily with early forms of metal production and their association with seemingly nascent social hierarchies. Such variables are useful indicators of more complex forms of social organization usually accompanied by strong degrees of demographic centralization and social differentiation.

This dissertation explores the relationship between demographic centralization and the balance between social differentiation and integration based on the data collected during archaeological survey of 142 square km around and between two Sintashta period settlements, Stepnoye and Chernorech'ye, located in the Ui River valley of the southern Urals region, Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russian Federation. Because of the multi-component nature of archaeological survey, materials recovered date from the Mesolithic to the twentieth century. However, the focus was on Bronze Age materials to better identify and evaluate changes between demographic centralization and social differentiation.

Center-hinterland dynamics and the use of historical capital (materials, practices, and places re-used in identifiable ways) were evaluated from the Middle Bronze Age Sintashta period through to the end of the Final Bronze Age. Based on the results of the Sintashta Collaborative Archaeological Research Project (SCARP) project, the ongoing work of Russian scholars, and the results of this dissertation, there is considerable evidence that it was in the Late Bronze Age that social complexity may have become more pronounced, even as the demographically centralized Sintashta period communities dispersed. The results of the landscape and materials analyses indicate strong possibilities for land-use and craft traditions carried through to the end of the Final Bronze Age, with such traditions acting as historical capital for later communities.

Bibliography: leaves 74-77.
This thesis examines the growing partnership between Russia and the ED. Although suspicious of each other's intentions at times, both sides have realized the necessity for close cooperation. In many respects, the ED is an economic empire in search of a security structure, while Russia is a military power without an economic base. The crime, corruption, and slowly developing democracy in Russia are of supreme security concern for the EU, because they create instability and uncertainty in the region.

Global energy trade is one of the most important topics of international relations. This thesis analyzes the European Union (EU)-Russian Federation (RF) energy trade relationship (1991-2008) within an international regime theory perspective. Main hypothesis of the dissertation is that the EU-RF energy trade relationship is an example of partial international regime based on the totality of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), Partnership and Cooperation Treaty (PCA) and the Energy Dialogue. This hypothesis is built on the independent variables (the transformation of the EU&lsquo
s energy policy towards supranationalism
convergence of the energy policy and the foreign policy of the EU
the transformation of the RF&lsquo
s energy policy towards pragmatic statism
convergence of the energy policy and the foreign policy of the RF), intervening variable (EU-RF energy interdependence in natural gas and oil trade) and the dependent variable (international regime formation between the EU and the RF in energy trade). There are also four complementary hypotheses: EU&lsquo
s energy policy has transformed towards supranationalism (hypothesis 2)
energy policy and foreign policy of the EU have practically and officially approached towards each other (hypothesis 3)
RF&lsquo
s energy policy has transformed towards pragmatic statism (hypothesis 4)
energy policy and foreign policy of the RF have practically and officially approached towards each other (hypothesis 5). Original contribution of this dissertation to the relevant literature is its detailed application of the regime theory to the EU-RF relationship which finds that this relationship is a case of partial regime formation.

The aim of this thesis is to add to the growing literature on Euroscepticism by providing an in-depth comparative study of groups in civil society that actively campaign against European integration in Denmark, Estonia, Ireland and the United Kingdom. This study labels these groups as ‘Eurosceptic Protest Movements' (EPMs). Five explanatory factors drawn from the literature on Euroscepticism and social movements are used to ask the research question of why EPMs are formed. These are namely, Euroscepticism in the party system, the number of referendums in each case study, the availability of resources, the openness of the policy making process, and the perceived pro-EU bias of the media. Empirically it proceeds on a case by case basis, providing an in-depth account of each state's relationship with the EU from party system, public opinion, referendums to case specific factors to allow for an appreciation of the environment in which EPMs are formed. Data is gathered primarily from interviews with the founders and both current and former members of EPMs, with additional information coming from EPM documents, referendum manifestos and posters. Contextual information is provided by interviews with academics, journalists and pro-European activists, and secondary literature in EU studies and social movements. The thesis comes to two key conclusions. Firstly, in relation to the literature on social movements, EPMs conform strongly to the political opportunity structure paradigm in that body of work. More specifically is the importance of referendums to EPM formation, an element of the political opportunity structure that has not been researched in relation to social movements. Secondly, with regard to Euroscepticism the thesis concluded that EPMs emerge because of a lack of available space for contestation on the EU issue and the inability of political parties to act as an interlocutor between the electorate and the EU.

"Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed ... Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Helsinki ... on the 9th of June 2006"--Added t.p.
Added t.p. inserted. Includes bibliographical references (p. 228-241).

ix, 53 p. : ill.
Russian men are over two and a half times more likely to die before 60 than are Russian women. Aggregate national indicators of state policy, health care and individual behavior are examined in a time-series analysis of male and female mortality rates from 1990 to 2008. Data come from the Russian State Statistical Office (Goskomstat) and the World Bank. There is a debate in both demographic literature and that on post-Soviet transition about changes in mortality in post-socialist society. Hypotheses about the relative impact of individual behavior such as alcohol consumption, the effect of changes to the healthcare system and economic stability are studied. A goal of this study is to understand the relative contribution of each factor to gender-based inequality in mortality rates. The findings show that the different types of variables - health care, the economy and human behavior - vary in their level of significance and in effect.
Committee in charge: Caleb Southworth, Chairperson; Julie Hessler, Member

This thesis examines the Mid Upper Palaeolithic (MUP) of Russia (ca. 30,000-20,000 14C BP). During this time, as in the rest of Europe, the principal archaeological industry is known as the Gravettian. However, in Russia two other industries, the Streletskayan and the Gorodtsovian, are also known from the beginning of the MUP. Historically, there have been significant problems integrating the Russian MUP record with that from the rest of Europe. The research described in this thesis concentrates on backed lithic assemblages (including Gravette points, microgravettes, other backed points and backed bladelets) from five Russian Gravettian sites: Kostenki 8 Layer 2, Kostenki 4, Kostenki 9, Khotylevo 2 and Kostenki 21 Layer 3. These are studied from an explicitly Western European theoretical perspective, using standard techno-typological methods to construct typological groupings and describe the variation between and within sites. Alongside this, new radiocarbon dates from several sites Kostenki 8 Layer 2, Kostenki 4 and Borshchevo 5) were obtained. These radiocarbon dates are critically analysed alongside published dates and unpublished dates made available to this research. The results of the research constitute a new culture history for the Russian MUP. Each stage of the MUP is dated and described, and the uncertainties in our knowledge outlined. One new lithic index fossil is defined and two others are re-assessed. The Russian record is compared with the contemporary archaeological record elsewhere in Europe, in order to describe large-scale synchronic variation and changes through time in the homogeneity and regionalisation of material culture. The relationship between these dynamics and climate change are discussed.

The results of this thesis suggest that investors should invest in portfolios consisting of the Standard and Poor's 500, the Ten Composite Index and the ten founding stock exchanges, rather than only invest in either the ten founding stock exchanges or Standard and Poor's 500.

Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus
Com o colapso da ex-União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas, o modelo da União Europeia (UE) serviu de guia orientador para as relações entre a UE e a Federação Russa. Contudo, no século XXI tem-se assistido a um distanciamento entre os dois blocos. O rápido crescimento económico da Rússia permitiu aumentar a influência desta, ao nível regional, procurando também obter uma posição forte à escala global. O aprofundar da cooperação entre as duas regiões foi acompanhado pela Política Externa de Segurança Comum (PESC) da UE, a qual incorporou questões energéticas na sua área de actuação, de forma gradual. Sendo a Rússia um dos mais importantes parceiros comerciais da UE, e o seu principal fornecedor de matérias-primas energéticas, sobretudo de gás natural, será relevante considerar o sector da energia como fundamental no desenvolvimento desta cooperação. Dadas as divergências existentes, a segurança energética assume-se como um tema crucial nesta relação bilateral. Para a UE, um sector energético competitivo e sustentável, e uma política de energia eficiente e coerente são necessárias para contrariar a excessiva dependência de importações de gás natural russo. Num período de indefinição e impasse do seu relacionamento, Bruxelas e Moscovo têm de ultrapassar os desafios que enfrentam fomentando um clima de confiança mútua.
After the dissolution of the former Soviet Union the European Union's (EU) integration model functioned as a framework to the relations between the EU and the Russian Federation. Nevertheless, during the twenty-first century an increasing distance separating the two blocs took shape. Due to Russian?s fast economic progress its regional influence grew while assuming a more prominent voice on the international front. The deepening of this relationship was developed compliant with the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) which steadily assimilated energy concerns in its decisions. Russia is one of the main trade partners of the EU and EU's main supplier of raw materials and fossil fuels, primarily natural gas. Thus it is relevant to consider energy as a key issue concerning these two regions. Given existing conflicts of interest between importing and exporting States energy security then becomes a decisive topic in this bilateral cooperation. A competitive and sustainable energy sector and an efficient and coherent energy policy are crucial to offset EU's dependence on fossil fuel imports. At the moment the negotiation for a new agreement remains deadlocked, therefore both Brussels and Moscow have to face their challenges together encouraging mutual trust.

Defence date: 7 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (EUI/RSCAS) ; Prof. Olga Potemkina, (Russian Academy of Science, Moscow) ; Prof. Gerda Falkner, (Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI, Department of Law)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The EU has engaged in the promotion of an unprecedented process of policy export which involves not only candidates to enlargement, but also a wide range of countries beyond the Union’s present and future expected (at least at the moment) borders. In this framework, Russia and Ukraine have been an important test-case for the European Union which asked them to 'endeavour to ensure' that their legislation will be 'gradually made compatible with that of the Community' already in the mid-90s. This dissertation is intended to explore the mechanisms which have allowed the EU to promote legislative approximation in these 2 countries across 3 policy areas which are at the core of the internal market and where I, thus, expected the pressure for Europeanisation to be higher: competition policy, company law and consumers’ protection. In particular, I tried to understand if and how far the EU has been able to induce Russia and Ukraine towards the desired outcome as a result of the engagement of the parties in strategic inter-action. Then, on the other hand, I tried to assess if and how far rule adoption has been motivated by internalized, socially constructed identities, values and norms. The analysis has shown that there are interesting cases of Europeanisation not only in Ukraine, but also in Russia, allowing me to highlight the limits deriving from the use of conditionality in the new neighborhood and the need to reconsider the mix between different Europeanisation strategies.

Thesis (M.S. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, Anne Clunan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-74). Also available online.

La protección de los intereses financieros de la Unión Europea a través del derecho penal ha sido un reto de difícil consecución. Con el fin de darle una solución orgánica y procedimental a esta cuestión, en el Tratado de Lisboa, los Estados miembros pactaron introducir la potestad de la Unión Europea para crear una Fiscalía Europea competente para la investigación de los delitos que afecten a los intereses financieros de la Unión. Tras más de cuatro años de negociaciones y ante la imposibilidad de alcanzar un acuerdo unánime, finalmente la Fiscalía Europea se crea en 2017 por cooperación reforzada. Se trata de un nuevo órgano de la Unión Europea con una naturaleza jurídica compleja, derivada de la singularidad de sus características estructurales, del ámbito material en el que debe funcionar, así como de los instrumentos jurídicos que le dotan de competencias. La Fiscalía Europea ostenta el ius puniendi en el proceso penal, aunque la resolución corresponderá a los órganos judiciales competentes de los Estados miembros. Este funcionamiento ad hoc comporta un régimen jurídico mixto, compuesto, tanto por normas emanadas del derecho de la Unión Europea, como de normas de naturaleza nacional. Su entrada en funcionamiento aún está por definirse, aunque no será antes de noviembre de 2020 por lo que aún quedan algunas cuestiones pendientes de concretar.
La protecció dels interessos financers de la Unió Europea a través del dret penal ha estat un repte de difícil consecució. Per tal de donar-li una solució orgànica i procedimental a aquesta qüestió, en el Tractat de Lisboa, els Estats membres van pactar introduir la potestat de la Unió Europea per crear una Fiscalia Europea competent per a la investigació dels delictes que afecten els interessos financers de la Unió. Després de més de quatre anys de negociacions i davant la impossibilitat d'assolir un acord unànime, finalment es crea la Fiscalia Europea l'any 2017 mitjançant la cooperació reforçada. Es tracta d'un nou òrgan de la Unió Europea amb una naturalesa jurídica complexa, derivada de la singularitat de les seves característiques estructurals, de l'àmbit material en el qual ha de funcionar, així com dels instruments jurídics que el doten de competències. La Fiscalia Europea ostenta l'ius puniendi en el procés penal, malgrat que la resolució correspondrà als òrgans judicials competents dels Estats membre. Aquest funcionament ad hoc comporta un règim judicial mixt, que consta tant de normes que emanen del dret de la Unió Europea com de normes de naturalesa nacional. La seva entrada en funcionament encara resta per definir, tot i que no serà abans de novembre del 2020, el que significa que encara queden algunes qüestions pendents de concretar.
The protection of the financial interests of the European Union by means of criminal law has been a hard-won challenge. In order to attain an organic and procedural solution to this issue, in the Treaty of Lisbon, the Member States agreed to introduce the power of the European Union to create a European Public Prosecutor's Office responsible for the investigation of offences that affect the financial interests of the European Union. After more than four years of negotiations and, due to the impossibility of reaching a unanimous agreement, the European Public Prosecutor's Office was eventually created by enhanced cooperation in 2017. This is a new body of the European Union with a complex legal status, derived from the singularity of its structural characteristics and from the material scope in which it is required to work, as well as from the legal instruments which grant it powers. The European Public Prosecutor's Office has the ius puniendi in criminal proceedings, even though the resolve rests with the relevant judicial bodies of the Member States. This ad hoc operation entails a combined legal system made up of regulations derived from the European Union law as well as from regulations of a national nature. Its start date is yet to be determined, although it will not be earlier than November 2020 and, therefore, some outstanding issues still remain to be defined.

Growing demand for cars in Russia helps keep the car production of European car makers high. Exports from the European Union to Russian federation have grown significantly. Was found that in the position of a leading car exporter is held by German producers. Particular focus is put on rapidly shifting Russian consumer's priorities leading to changing structure of exports. The demand for diesel cars has shown a significant rise. It is estimated that this group of exports will show further stable growth exceeding the average of the whole industry. However, in the mid--term horizon the rapidly developing investments into localization of a German cars production inside Russia puts a significant drawback on exports.

After two waves of the eastern enlargement of the European Union in 2004 and 2007, its territory reached borders of the former Soviet republics. The EU started immediately building up the business ties with these countries. To be able to cover its business activities with the common approach, the EU formulated the European neighbourhood policy. Within ENP structure was separated an eastern dimension based on the Polish-Swedish initiative called Eastern Partnership. The initiative includes both bilateral and multilateral dimension of the EU's cooperation with partner countries - Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. The objective of the thesis is to investigate the development of relations between the European Union and Russia as a background of the emerging and developing EU's Eastern Partnership initiative. The aim is to analyze how the process of implementation of the Eastern Partnership developed, to what extent did the project stakeholders promoted their objectives and identify factors limiting the smooth implementation progress of the initiative objectives. Finally, the paper also focuses on the definition of Russian attitudes to the Eastern Partnership, reveals the factors and circumstances that view Russia in the context of the shapers, and explores how this view changed over time.

Si l'histoire de la construction européenne a été marquée, à partir des années 1970, par les tensions entre la Communauté puis l'Union, d'une part, imposant la primauté absolue de son droit, et les États membres, d'autre part, revendiquant la suprématie de leur droit constitutionnel, cette problématique tend à se cristalliser depuis quelques années autour d'une notion : celle d'identité constitutionnelle de l'État membre. Pourtant la vertu fédératrice qu'on pourrait lui prêter contraste avec la polysémie de la notion. C'est précisément l'objet de cette étude de droit constitutionnel européen que de tenter de dégager des données du droit positif des États membres et de l'Union un concept empirique viable de la notion d'identité constitutionnelle de l'État membre, inspiré par une grille d'analyse issue des sciences sociales.La fondamentalité, dont l'objectivation passe par la référence à l'histoire de l'État, constitue un critère de définition nécessaire, quoiqu'insuffisant, de l'identité constitutionnelle, quelle que soit la façon dont celle-ci est conçue. Ecartées les formes contingentes de l'identité constitutionnelle qui conduisent à terme au dépérissement de la notion, selon des processus variables, que l'identité soit envisagée à partir de ce qu'il y a d'identique entre les États membres ou de spécifique à chaque État membre vis-à-vis de l'Union (et en dernière analyse vis-à-vis de ses pairs), c'est une conception de l'identité constitutionnelle inhérente à l'État membre qui s'imposera finalement. Ainsi conçue à partir de ce qui est ontologiquement commun aux États membres et irréductiblement spécifique vis-à-vis de l'Union, l'identité constitutionnelle assure en définitive la pérennité de l'étaticité des membres de l'Union et de l'origine stato-nationale de toute puissance publique, étatique ou européenne, en Europe
If the history of European integration has been marked, from the 1970s, by the tensions between, on one hand, the Community and the Union, imposing the absolute primacy of its law and, on the other hand, the Member States, claiming the supremacy of their constitutional right, this problem aims to crystallize in recent years around the notion of the constitutional identity of the Member State. Yet, the unifying virtue which we could lend it contrasts with the polysemy of the notion. This is precisely the purpose of this study of European constitutional law to try to extract from the data of the positive law of the Member States and the Union an empirically viable concept of the notion of constitutional identity of the Member State, inspired by an analytical framework from the social sciences. The fundamentality, objectified by reference to the history of the state, is a necessary but insufficient defining criterion of constitutional identity, regardless of how it is conceived. Put apart the contingent forms of constitutional identity that lead ultimately to the decline of the notion, according to variable processes – that identity is seen as identical between Member States or as specific to each Member States towards the Union (and ultimately toward its peers) – it's a conception of inherent constitutional identity to the Member State which will finally be stand out. Based on what is ontologically common to the Member States and irreducibly specific towards the Union, the constitutional identity ultimately ensures the continuity of the statehood of the Members of the Union and the nation-state origin of any public authority, state or European, in Europe

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This study analyzes two paradigms of regional integration, the European Union, and the most advanced model proposed by Latin America, from the structuring of MERCOSUR. Straightforward glimpse the possibility of developing an American community of Nations and their integration. As a result, demonstrate the possibility to consolidate this community, as prescribed in single paragraph of art. 4, from the 1988 Federal Constitution. Under this visionary constitutional command, bring a Constitution transnational materializing the dream of Simon Bolivar, but now under a new Prism: differences in tribute to the right of coexistence. To achieve this purpose, first, this work will be weighed the fundamental elements of federalism. After, on the theme of our Institute of sovereignty, because in the different models of integration, there may be greater or lesser sharing then consider integration itself, origins, stages and development of their varied conceptions, until you reach the phenomenon of globalization, as undoubtedly intersection economical, political, social and even cultural Nations. Further, using the European Union as paradigm and supranational model and integration, MERCOSUR as an example, compare the development of both to demonstrate the necessity of improving the consolidated proposals in on UNASUR and CELAC, having thus viewed the formation of a Constitution for the Latin American community of Nations, distinct from the former European institution, noting the differences between Latin States; respecting their cultures; while singing new praises as beams, the dignity of the human person, respect for the environment and pluralism; increasing the notion of "belonging" to a community on behalf of peace, solidarity and social justice. And thus broaden economic wealth; promote the human development so that they can cope with the strong winds of globalization under a cohesive roof
Esse estudo analisa dois paradigmas de integração regional, a União Européia modelo mais avançado e o proposto pela América Latina, a partir da estruturação do MERCOSUL. Objetiva vislumbrar a possibilidade de desenvolvimento e formação de uma comunidade latino-americana de Nações , à guiza da proposta prescrita no parágrafo único do art. 4º, da Carta de 1988, ou seja, sob a batuta desse visionário comando constitucional e da propositura de uma Constituição transnacional, materializar o sonho bolivariano, mas agora, sob novo prisma: Respeito às diferenças em homenagem ao Direito de Coexistência. Para alcançar tal finalidade, primeiramente, serão sopesados os elementos fundamentais do Federalismo. Após, perpassaremos sobre o instituto da Soberania pois, nos diferentes modelos de integração, pode haver maior ou menor grau de compartilhamento desta. A seguir, estudaremos a integração, propriamente dita, origens, fases e desenvolvimento das suas variadas concepções até alcançar o fenômeno da globalização, como indubitável pilar de intersecção econômica, política, sociais e até mesmo, culturais das Nações. Adiante, usando a União Européia como paradigma e modelo supranacional de integração e, o MERCOSUL como exemplo intergovernamental, compararemos o desenvolvimento de ambos a fim de demonstrar a necessidade de aperfeiçoamento das propostas consolidadas na UNASUL e na CELAC, tendo assim, vistas à formação de uma Constituição para a comunidade latino-americana de Nações , distinta da antiga propositura européia, observando as diferenças existentes entre os Estados latinos; respeitando suas culturas; enaltecendo como vigas, a dignidade da pessoa humana, respeito ao meio ambiente e o pluralismo; exacerbando a noção de pertencimento a uma comunidade em nome da paz, solidariedade e Justiça social. Destarte, alargar as riquezas econômicas e promover o desenvolvimento humano para que possamos enfrentar os fortes ventos da globalização sob um teto coeso

Russian Federation has reconsidered its foreign policy on the European Union and is now focusing more on Eurasian integration. This step aroused various reactions in the world, especially after the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in January 2015. This work deals with the intention of the Union, examines the steps which preceded this event and the possible influence of the eurasianism on Eurasian integration. At the same time, based on the statements of both parties -- European and Eurasian -- the work analyzes potential point of possible cooperation between the European Union and the newly formed regional integration Eurasian Economic Union.

La presente tesis doctoral trata de valorar la huella que ha dejado hasta el momento la dimensión europea de ordenación en la planificación territorial del Estado español. Bajo este objetivo general, la investigación consta de diferentes etapas que se corresponden con distintas escalas de análisis. En primer lugar, se toma como ámbito de estudio la escala europea, especialmente la Unión Europea como entidad política, que si bien no posee competencias en ordenación territorial, ha difundido y publicado una serie de orientaciones y documentos específicos en la materia. Además, la trayectoria seguida por la política territorial de la Unión muestra que está cobrando relevancia entre sus objetivos políticos y que su influencia en las escalas administrativas inferiores es cada vez mayor. En el contexto europeo, también se analizan las orientaciones de ordenación derivadas del Consejo de Europa, cuya producción científica puede considerarse íntimamente ligada a la actividad de la Unión. Del estudio de este contexto se concluye que existen una serie de documentos europeos de referencia cuyas determinaciones han establecido un marco de ordenación territorial común para los Estados miembros y las regiones europeas, entre los cuáles destacan la Estrategia Territorial Europea, los Principios Directores para el Desarrollo Territorial Sostenible, el Convenio Europeo del Paisaje y la Agenda Territorial de la Unión Europea. En segundo lugar, el ámbito de estudio se traslada al Estado español, centrándose concretamente en las Comunidades Autónomas, puesto que son las que poseen las competencias exclusivas en ordenación del territorio. En esta fase de la investigación, se trata de evaluar el grado en que las distintas Comunidades Autónomas han integrado en sus respectivos planes territoriales las orientaciones de ordenación establecidas por los documentos europeos de referencia (teniendo en cuenta que éstos no tienen carácter regulador ni imperativo), de manera que se realiza un estudio comparado entre los planes territoriales autonómicos aprobados con posterioridad a la aparición de los mencionados documentos. Por último, la investigación trata de desarrollar una valoración argumentada en torno a la influencia de la escala europea de ordenación más allá de la retórica plasmada en los planes territoriales: por un lado, sobre el propio territorio, mediante la implementación real de las determinaciones europeas integradas en los planes autonómicos; y por otro lado, sobre el sistema administrativo de ordenación territorial, mediante la asunción de los principios relacionados con la gobernanza territorial. Para ello, se toman tres casos de estudio de Comunidades Autónomas (Navarra, Andalucía y Cantabria) que, de acuerdo con los resultados de la anterior etapa de la investigación, han integrado en sus planes las orientaciones europeas. En estos tres casos de estudio, la información se obtiene principalmente por medio de trabajo de campo y entrevistas en profundidad, de manera que se recogen las opiniones y explicaciones de diferentes expertos/as sobre la implementación de las orientaciones europeas en su Comunidad Autónoma.
This doctoral thesis, titled “Spatial planning in Spain in light of European territorial policies. From rhetoric to practice” aims to assess the impact to date of the European dimension on spatial planning in Spain. Under this general objective, the research consists of different stages which correspond to the different levels of analysis. Firstly, the European level is studied, in particular the European Union as a political entity, which, though lacking specific competencies for spatial planning, has published a number of guidances and documents addressing this topic. Furthermore, the trajectory of spatial policy in the Union shows that this is gaining in relevance among its political objectives, and that its influence in lower administrative levels is growing. In the European context, the planning guidances of the European Council are also analyzed, as its scientific output is intimately linked to the activity of the Union. From the analysis of this context, this thesis concludes that there are a series of European reference documents whose guidances have established a framework for spatial planning common to all member states and European regions, foremost among which are: the European Spatial Development Perspective, the Guiding Principles for Sustainable Spatial Development of the European Continent, the European Landscape Convention and the Territorial Agenda of the European Union. Secondly, the focus of this study turns to Spain, examining the autonomous communities, which possess exclusive competencies in spatial planning. In this section, this thesis attempts to evaluate the degree to which the various autonomous communities have integrated into their spatial plans the planning guidances established by the European reference documents (considering that these are not of a regulatory or binding nature), by conducting a comparative study of the regional territorial plans approved after the publication of the aforementioned documents. Finally, this thesis evaluates the influence of the European planning level beyond the rhetoric of territorial plans: firstly, on the physical territory, through the actual implementation of the European guidances integrated into regional plans; and secondly, on the administrative system of spatial planning, through the incorporation of principles related to territorial governance. Three case studies of autonomous communities (Navarra, Andalucía and Cantabria) are conducted, which, according to the results of the previous research stage, have integrated into their plans the European guidances. In these case studies, evidence is collected primarily through field work and in-depth interviews, obtaining the opinion of various experts on the implementation of European guidances in their autonomous communities.

Abstract (version française suit)

Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.

In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.

From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.

The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.

DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.

Résumé

Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.

La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.

En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.

Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.

Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.

DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne.

Doctorat en Langues et lettres
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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Mediante la elaboración de una metodología operativa apropiada, la labor de investigación que aquí se presenta tiene por objeto cuestionar el papel de los think tanks en las sociedades contemporáneas mediante un marco general que combina principalmente enfoques epistemológico crítico, sociohistórico y empírico. Sin embargo, lo que constituye un fenómeno mundial, permaneció a las puertas del debate público en la mayoría de los países hasta principios de la década de 2000. Desde entonces, los think tanks se han convertido en actores centrales y familiares de la vida política. El innegable foco de atención del que son objeto ha ido acompañado también de una creciente institucionalización de su participación en los procesos de política pública y en el debate público, tanto a nivel nacional como europeo. Sin embargo, la sobreexposición mediática resultante ha contribuido en gran medida a desdibujar la comprensión que se puede tener de su naturaleza, funcionamiento y objetivos. Esto no está exento de problemas para la calidad del debate democrático, especialmente en el actual período de crisis de legitimidad política tanto a nivel nacional como europeo. Así, el análisis comparativo del papel de los think tanks franceses y españoles especializados en Asuntos europeos en el marco de la política de integración parece particularmente fructífero desde una perspectiva heurística. Una reflexión epistemológica sobre los problemas ligados a la definición del término que, en su forma idiomática o traducida, ha entrado en el lenguaje corriente sin que sus usos se cuestionen, cuestiona en consecuencia la posibilidad de llevar a cabo una investigación pertinente sobre estas organizaciones. Por otra parte, el análisis de las condiciones socio-históricas de su aparición y desarrollo a través del prisma del modelo estadounidense pone de relieve un tropismo neoliberal fuertemente ligado al progreso de la globalización y a la propia integración europea. En este sentido, el análisis del papel de los think tanks seleccionados para esta investigación en la política de integración europea, anclado en el periodo altamente estructurante para la construcción europea 2005-2016, facilita el acceso a sus principales repertorios de actuación, a saber: la producción de conocimientos especializados y la mediación desde su posición en el intersticio entre las esferas nacional y europea, y los campos políticos, económicos, mediáticos y académicos con los que interactúan. Lejos de ser neutrales, se deduce que estos colectivos intelectuales pro-mueven productos cognitivos que alineados con sus propios intereses y valores.
Mitjançant l'elaboració d'una metodologia operativa apropiada, la tasca d'investigació que aquí es presenta té per objecte qüestionar el paper dels think tanks a les societats contemporànies mitjançant un marc general que combina principalment enfocaments epistemològic crític, sociohistòric i empíric. No obstant això, el que constitueix un fenomen mundial, va romandre a les portes de l'debat públic en la majoria dels països fins a principis de la dècada de 2000. Des de llavors, els think tanks s'han convertit en actors centrals i familiars de la vida política. El innegable focus d'atenció de què són objecte ha anat acompanyat també d'una creixent institucionalització de la seva participació en els processos de política pública i en el debat públic, tant a nivell nacional com europeu. No obstant això, la sobreexposició mediàtica resultant ha contribuït en gran mesura a desdibuixar la comprensió que es pot tenir de la seva naturalesa, funcionament i objectius. Això no està exempt de problemes per a la qualitat de l'debat democràtic, especialment en l'actual període de crisi de legitimitat política tant a nivell nacional com europeu. Així, l'anàlisi comparativa de el paper dels think tanks francesos i espanyols especialitzats en Assumptes europeus en el marc de la política d'integració sembla particularment fructífer des d'una perspectiva heurística. Una reflexió epistemològica sobre els problemes lligats a la definició de el terme que, en la seva forma idiomàtica o traduïda, ha entrat en el llenguatge corrent sense que els seus usos es qüestionin, qüestiona en conseqüència la possibilitat de dur a terme una investigació pertinent sobre aquestes organitzacions. D'altra banda, l'anàlisi de les condicions sociohistòriques de la seva aparició i desenvolupament a través de l'prisma de el model americà posa en relleu un tropisme neoliberal fortament lligat a el progrés de la globalització i de la pròpia integració europea. En aquest sentit, l'anàlisi de el paper dels think tanks seleccionats per a aquesta investigació en la política d'integració europea, ancorat en el període altament estructurant per a la construcció europea 2005-2016, facilita l'accés als seus principals repertoris d'actuació, que són: la producció de coneixements especialitzats i la mediació des de la seva posició en el interstici entre les esferes nacional i europea, i els camps polítics, econòmics, mediàtics i acadèmics amb què interactuen. Lluny de ser neutrals, es dedueix que aquests col·lectius intel·lectuals pro-mouen productes cognitius que alineats amb els seus propis interessos i valors.
By developing an appropriate operational methodology, the research presented here aims to question the role of think tanks in contemporary societies through a general framework that mainly combines epistemological, socio-historical and critical empirical approaches. However, what constitutes a global phenomenon remained at the gates of public debate in most countries until the early 2000s. Since then, think tanks have become central and familiar actors in political life. The undeniable attention given to them has also been accompanied by a growing institutionalization of their participation in public policy processes and public debate, both at the national and European levels. However, the resulting media overexposure has largely contributed to a blurring of the understanding of their nature, functioning and objectives. This is not without problems for the quality of democratic debate, especially in the current period of crisis of political legitimacy at national and European level. Thus, the comparative analysis of the role of French and Spanish think tanks specialized in European affairs in the framework of integration policy seems particularly fruitful from a heuristic perspective. An epistemological reflection on the problems related to the definition of the term which, in its idiomatic or translated form, has entered everyday language without its uses being questioned, consequently questions the possibility of conducting relevant research on these organizations. On the other hand, the analysis of the socio-historical conditions of their emergence and development through the prism of the American model highlights a neoliberal tropism strongly linked to the progress of globalization and European integration itself. In this sense, the analysis of the role of the think tanks selected for this research in European integration policy, anchored in the highly structuring period of European construction 2005-2016, facilitates access to their main repertoires of action, namely: the production of specialized knowledge and mediation from their position in the interstice between the national and European spheres, and the political, economic, media and academic fields with which they interact. Far from being neutral, it follows that these intellectual collectives promote cognitive products that are in line with their own interests and values.

The present thesis suggests that judicial interaction can benefit constructive solutions of concrete human rights problems as a specific way of integrating European human rights protection. This affirmation is substantiated by case studies examining the interaction of the European Court of Human Rights with the UK House of Lords and Supreme Court on the one hand and with the German Federal Constitutional Court on the other. Yet, the manner in which the courts proceed in their interaction, notably in view of their potentially conflictual stances, can deflect from the concentration on constructively solving the substantive human rights problem with which the courts are confronted. Accordingly, the courts might be inclined to preserve the status quo of their initial positions and to resort to a mere compromise between the different interests involved.

This thesis identifies two major factors in the courts’ reasoning that inhibit the fruitful discussion of the substantive human rights questions brought up by the cases: the reference to “culture” and the focus on their institutional relationship with the balancing of possibly conflicting interests. By way of analysing practical cases against a legal- and political-theoretical backdrop, this work develops how these two factors contribute to the obstruction of a constructive interaction between the courts and to the shielding of controversial views from being discussed and challenged. In response, also by reference to the concrete practice of the courts, this thesis puts forward an approach to the interaction which avoids this inhibiting effect and therefore allows for a comprehensive, deep and critical discussion on how to solve the specific human rights problems raised by the cases./La présente thèse soutient que l’interaction judiciaire peut bénéficier à des solutions constructives des problèmes concrets de droits de l’homme comme une forme spécifique d’intégration de la protection européenne des droits de l’homme. Cette affirmation est corroborée par des études de cas qui examinent l’interaction de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme avec la House of Lords et la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni d’un côté et avec la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale de l’Allemagne de l’autre. Pourtant, la manière dont les cours procèdent dans leur interaction, notamment au vu de leurs points de vue potentiellement conflictuels, peut détourner l’attention de la solution constructive des problèmes substantiels des droits de l’homme auxquels les cours font face. En conséquence, il se peut que les cours soient susceptibles de préserver le statu quo de leurs positions initiales et d’avoir recours à un simple compromis entre les différents intérêts en cause.

Cette thèse identifie deux facteurs majeurs dans le raisonnement des cours qui entravent la discussion fructueuse des questions substantielles soulevées par les cas :la référence à la « culture » et la concentration sur leur relation institutionnelle avec le balancement des intérêts possiblement conflictuels. Au moyen de l’analyse des cas pratiques sur le fond de la théorie juridique et politique, ce travail fait ressortir comment ces deux facteurs contribuent à l’obstruction d’une interaction constructive entre les cours et à la protection des opinions controversées contre leur discussion et défi. En réponse, également en se fondant sur la pratique concrète des cours, cette thèse avance une approche quant à l’interaction qui évite cet effet inhibant et, par conséquent, permet une discussion complète, profonde et critique de comment résoudre les problèmes spécifiques de droits de l’homme posés par les cas.

Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
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La thèse effectue une revue de la littérature scientifique sur la Cour dans le processus d’intégration juridique, en classant les différentes positions selon qu’ils définissent le rôle de la Cour comme réactif ou pro-actif. En faisant cette revue de la littérature, cinq facteurs sont mis en exergue pour ce qui concerne la problématique de l’autonomie de la Cour, qui feront l’objet d’une analyse approfondie dans la suite de la thèse :

I) Limites inhérentes à l’interprétation juridique des Traités tels qu’ils se retrouvent dans les règles institutionnalisées du raisonnement de la Cour ;

II) L’interaction, au niveau européen, entre la Cour et les autres institutions ;

III) Les pressions et les stratégies d’influence des Etats membres vis-à-vis de la Cour comme agent de leurs préférences ;

IV) La dépendance structurelle de la Cour supranationale vis-à-vis ses interlocuteurs judiciaires au niveau national ;

V) Le degré d’obéissance que les appareils administratifs et exécutifs des Etats membres démontrent vis-à-vis la jurisprudence de la Cour.

Par rapport à ces facteurs, et leur importance relative dans la détermination de la ligne d’action de la Cour de Justice, la thèse évalue les changements et les défis auxquels est soumise la fonction de la Cour de justice au niveau de l’Union européenne, en particulier par rapport à l’environnement de plus en plus critique ou évolue la trajectoire jurisprudentielle de la Cour par rapport aux acteurs politiques et juridiques, l’érosion du caractère sui generis du droit communautaire dans le contexte du droit international, le rôle de plus en plus affiché des cours nationales, et le contexte institutionnel dans lequel se trouve à agir cette juridiction.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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This thesis describes the development process and the establishment of audit in the Russian Federation, the classification of audit activities, legislation and regulation of auditing services in Russia. Within the practical part is compared the statutory regulation of audit in Russia and the European Union.

The diploma thesis deals with the issue of respect and protection of human rights in the Russian Federation, with particular emphasis on the European view on this topic. Within the content of the thesis is the presentation and explanation of the difference between the approach of the Russian Federation and the European Union to the protection of human rights based on the application of two different theories of access policy - the theory of commitment and the theory of compliance. The thesis focuses mainly on political and civil rights and freedoms, and submits the main factors behind the Russian approach to the protection of human rights and the current situation of human rights in the Russian Federation. The aim of the thesis is presentation and evaluation of different approaches to the protection of human rights of the Russian Federation and the European Union by applying the theory of commitment and the theory of compliance, and to highlight the main causes that lead to the current human rights situation in the Russian region.

Après la chute de l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques en décembre 1991, la Fédération de Russie affirme à maintes reprises son engagement à suivre un développement démocratique et à faire partie de « l’Europe sans frontières ». Pour atteindre cet objectif, elle adhère à toute une série de traités européens, entre autres, à la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales. Toutefois, malgré la volonté affichée par la Russie de faire partie du système européen de protection des droits fondamentaux, les problèmes de transition politique, institutionnelle et économique rendent cette tâche très difficile. Entre autres le fédéralisme, qu’on peut qualifier de « complexe », crée un système juridique très singulier dont certains éléments ne sont pas toujours compatibles avec les instruments internationaux en matière des droits de l’homme ratifiés par la Russie. L’objectif de ce travail est d’étudier les problèmes de la mise en œuvre de la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales et des décisions de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme en Fédération de Russie et leur possible influence sur le développement des instruments de protection des droits fondamentaux dans les conditions du système fédéral existant en Russie
After the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in December 1991, the Russian Federation stated repeatedly its commitment to democratic development and to be part of "Europe without borders". To achieve this goal it joins a number of European treaties, among others, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. However, despite the willingness of Russia to be part of the European system of protection of fundamental rights, the problems of political transition, economic and institutional development make this task very difficult. Among other the federalism, which could be qualified as "complex", creates a very singular legal system. Some of its elements are not always compatible with international instruments on human rights protection ratified by Russia. The objective of this work is to study the problems of implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in the Russian Federation and their possible influence on the development of national instruments for the protection of fundamental rights under the Russian federal system

The European Union (EU) has long strived to act collectively in the face of international challenges such as poverty, hunger and state fragility beyond its borders. While the EU member states and institutions seek coherent responses to these challenges, they also have partly competing agendas. Yet there has been increasing agreement on collective action. To understand this agreement, this thesis asks how policy professionals contribute to the advocacy of policy norms for collective action between the EU institutions and the member states. The research analyses policy processes in EU development cooperation since the early 2000s. In development cooperation the EU's effectiveness has been particularly contested because of the combination of competing ideas about the EU's role and about how to achieve effective and sustainable development. The research finds that, while formal decisions about collective action remain in the hands of member states, transnational networks of policy professionals in the EU institutions, member state bureaucracies and civil society contribute to shaping the terms of debate regarding the EU's role in effective development cooperation. These network interactions, which form around institutional decision-making centres, transcend the organisational boundaries of member state bureaucracies, EU institutions and civil society organisations. These findings fill a gap in our understanding of how EU norms governing collective external action are advocated as existing research has tended to focus on how institutional structure facilitate state coordination. By concentrating on the cases of Germany and the United Kingdom and their engagement with the EU institutions, the research revises existing, dominant views on norm advocacy in EU external action: It links the previously little related concepts of norm advocacy and discursive networks to analyse the agency and scope of policy professionals in the advocacy of EU policy norms; and it provides new empirical insights into the role of these policy professionals for collective action between the EU institutions and the member states in development cooperation.

Dans notre thèse de doctorat, nous avons cherché à tester l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’enjeu européen constituerait, en France, l’épicentre d’une "actualisation" — pour partie assumée, pour partie occultée — de la pensée du juriste allemand Carl Schmitt. Les réflexions politico-philosophiques de Schmitt représentent en soi un assemblage rhétorique et systématique puissant, aisément mobilisable dans le cadre des débats théoriques sur la construction européenne, afin de battre en brèche les affirmations néo-cosmopolitiques, que l’on soit de droite ou de gauche. Il s’est agi, pour nous, de vérifier jusqu’à quel point la pensée politique du juriste se retrouvait "recyclée" dans le débat français contemporain relatif à l’idée d’Europe. Était ainsi ouverte l’opportunité d’évaluer, de manière systématique, la facticité ou la pertinence d’une antinomie :une Europe schmittienne contre une Europe kantienne. Dans un premier temps, nous avons tâché de reconstruire ce que fut la position schmittienne concernant la gestion de l’espace européen, avant d’évaluer, dans un second temps, l’impact causé par une telle pensée sur les réflexions qui animent le débat français contemporain.

La première partie de la thèse visait à rendre compte de la vision schmittienne de l’Europe. Schmitt a pensé la décision politique en des termes statonationaux :l’ordre juridique étatique serait modelé sur la base de la nature axiologique et culturelle de l’amitié politique, de la communauté des citoyens soudés par un seul et même critère d’appartenance, souvent religieux ;critère qui précéderait la nationalité et la réalisation "politique". Il s’ensuit que l’ordre mondial ne peut se présenter que sous la forme d’un pluriversum d’États, animés dans leurs relations mutuelles par la dynamique de l’ami et de l’ennemi. Le libéralisme et le pluralisme provoqueraient des regroupements fonctionnels, dont le pan-européisme serait l’une des manifestations les plus visibles, à l’origine d’un sapement du politique et de l’unité souveraine de l’État. Quatre points analytiques permettent d’expliquer l’appréhension schmittienne de la gestion juridico-politique du Vieux Continent :l’indissociabilité du couple conceptuel État-politique, l’idée que la nation demeure l’horizon indépassable de la démocratie, la critique de la notion d’humanité et de toute morale universelle, et l’idée que le droit serait nécessairement d’origine politique, donc particulariste.

En France, l’intérêt pour l’œuvre de Schmitt s’est largement accru ces dernières années. Le débat théorique actuel autour du problème de la construction européenne offre d’ailleurs une place particulière à la réactivation de l’argumentaire schmittien statocentré, antilibéral et culturaliste. À gauche comme à droite de l’échiquier politique, intellectuels et philosophes mobilisent raisonnements et schémas discursifs, tantôt réclamés de Schmitt, tantôt très proches des arguments du juriste de Plettenberg. En passant en revue les réflexions d’auteurs aussi différents qu’Étienne Balibar et Pierre Manent, Alain de Benoist et Marcel Gauchet, Daniel Bensaïd et Pierre-André Taguieff, nous avons tenté d’approcher et de rendre compte de la pluralité des emprunts à la pensée de Schmitt et à son appréhension de l’ordre européen, dans le cadre des discussions françaises relatives à l’intégration régionale européenne. Chez certains de ces auteurs, la construction européenne apparaît comme la manifestation avancée d’un phénomène général de dilution du politique. Autrement dit, elle incarnerait un idéal de société qui ramène le politique au niveau du marché. Pour d’autres, Carl Schmitt aurait diagnostiqué mieux que quiconque la mort du droit des gens européen et les travers de l’universalisme abstrait que brandirait l’Union européenne en expansion. Par ailleurs, la théorisation schmittienne de la souveraineté constituerait une référence incontournable pour éclairer les thématiques actuelles relatives à une mutation des niveaux de pouvoir.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished