Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « European Union – Political aspects »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « European Union – Political aspects ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "European Union – Political aspects"
1
Arbatova, N. "Crisis and European Union: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2012): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-11-33-42.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The focal point of the article is the future of the European Union that has been challenged by the deepest systemic crisis in its history. The world economic and financial crisis became merely a catalyst for those problems that had existed earlier and had not been addressed properly by the EU leadership. The author argues that the EU crisis can be overcome only by new common efforts of its member-states and new integrationist projects.
2
Елена Николаевна, Тованчова, and Полякова Ольга Андреевна. "GEOPOLITICAL CONTOURS OF EUROPE: HISTORICAL AND METODOLOGICAL ASPECTS." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 3 (2022): 231–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-3-231-235.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the essence and specifics of the functioning of the political process of the European Union in a globalizing world and the rapid change of the social and political situation, identifying the geopolitical features of the European Union, which reflect the position of subjective dominance in a complex configuration of annexation and secession manifestations associated with various formats of functional activities of global players in the geopolitical space and political reality of the European Union.
3
Bolonina. "“Non-Recognition” of the EAEU by the European Union: Political Aspects." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (2021): 200–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021200208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) positions itself as an open integration formation and considers the cooperation with external partners as a key feature of its functioning. However, while it is developing a growing network of trade agreements in the framework of a Great Eurasian Partnership, it faces difficulties in establishing a formal dialogue with a neighboring integration formation – the European Union (EU). In this article we propose to analyze political causes of such “non-recognition”, conditioned by the context of political tensions between Russia and the EU countries and by the perception of the EAEU as a tool for promotion of an integration model, alternative to the European one. The article offers recommendations to enhance the dialogue between the two integration unions, oriented at strengthening of objective economic prerequisites for EU ‒ EAEU cooperation, as well as at the formation of the EAEU identity, separate from the identities of its member-states.
4
Martinez Caballero, Juan. "La ciudadanía de la Unión Europea y sus derechos: un análisis crítico." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 23 (March 14, 2019): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.23.2018.24027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Desde hace unas décadas, como consecuencia, fundamentalmente,del acusado déficit democrático de la Unión Europea,por las instituciones comunitarias se están adoptando medidas quepretender reducirlo y paliarlo. Entre dichas medidas se encuentranaquellas que pretender convertir a los ciudadanos de la Unión en laverdadera razón de ser de la misma, superando sus iniciales pretensionesexclusivamente económicas, ahondando en aspectos jurídicopolíticos,tales como la ciudadanía y sus derechos. No obstante, elalcance de estas medidas está siendo muy limitado pues tanto la regulaciónefectuada, como la realidad existente, pone de manifiestocomo la ciudadanía de la Unión Europea se sustenta en la nacionalidadde los Estados miembros, es decir, en normas de Derecho interno.Ello, unido a la preponderancia de los intereses económicossobre los aspectos políticos, hace que la construcción de una auténticaciudadanía europea, tal y como la entendemos desde el punto devista del Derecho interno, no se haya alcanzado todavía, aspecto quetiene su reflejo en el escaso alcance de los derechos que rodean a lamisma.For decades now, in consequence, fundamentally, ofthe pronounced democratic deficit of the European Union, measuresare being taken by the Community institutions that seek to reduceand alleviate it. Amongst these measures are those that seek to convertthe citizens of the Union into its real reason d’être, by overcomingthe initial exclusively financial claims, delving into political issues,such as citizenship and their rights. However, the significanceof these measures is being very limited, since both the regulationand the existing reality show how citizenship of the European Unionis based on the nationality of the Member States, that is, on rulesof domestic law. This fact, together with the preponderance of economicinterests over the political aspects, means that the constructionof a genuine European citizenship, as we understand it from thepoint of view of domestic law, has not yet been achieved, aspect thatis reflected in the scanty scope of the rights that surround it.
5
Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek, Aleksandra. "Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3.20 (September 1, 2020): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.20.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.
6
Grill, Christiane, and Hajo Boomgaarden. "A network perspective on mediated Europeanized public spheres: Assessing the degree of Europeanized media coverage in light of the 2014 European Parliament election." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 6 (2017): 568–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117725971.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union has become an active political player in the political realm, raising the question about the European Union’s linkages with all aspects of political life reflected in national Europeanized public spheres. This study offers empirical evidence on the extent to which mass media support, challenge or even ignore political representatives in European Union affairs, and thus legitimize, respectively delegitimize European Union governance. The analysis is based on large-scale content analyses of print, TV and online news gathered before and after the 2014 European Parliament election in Austria ( N = 6432). Semantic networks show that national media focus on the European Union’s legislative body, the implications of the European Union’s exclusive competences on the nation state and on well-established European Union member countries. In doing so, national Europeanized public spheres constituted by the media legitimize the European Union’s governance in these areas while other aspects of European integration are ignored.
7
Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
8
Newman, Karl, and Sophie Boyron. "I. Constitutional Aspects." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 3 (1999): 703–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063533.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Article N of the Treaty on European Union (TEU ) called for an intergovernmental conference (IGC) in 1996 to reform the articles of the Treaty for which a revision is provided. Also, it was felt that the institutional question should be addressed before the next wave of enlargement; the institutional structure which was adopted to deal with six member States could hardly be stretched further to include the Eastern European applicant States. A complete re-engineering of the institutional framework was required. Furthermore, the reform of the institutions should tend to increase democracy in the Union.
9
Zvozdetska, Oksana. "Combating Disinformation in the European Union: Legal Aspects." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 9 (December 28, 2021): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.245-262.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Today, both Ukraine and European countries are subject to disinformation and foreign intervention in their domestic policies. Each democracy no matter its geography experiences its distinct vulnerabilities and respectively, reactions to foreign interference. It should be stated, the immediate responses to such challenges in most Western countries have been rare and sluggish, hampered by legal constraints and bureaucracy, and furthermore, they lacked a real political awareness of the problem or proof of its further impact. Foreign actors are increasingly using disinformation strategies to influence public debate, stir controversy and interfere in democratic decision-making. Responding to these new challenges, the European Commission has introduced a set of actions and tools to better regulate the digital ecosystem of the media and its participants, in particular, the formation and improvement of the legal framework to combat disinformation in the European information space. The researcher’s focus revolves around the European Union’s comprehensive approach to vigorous combating misinformation. The research data prove that since 2015, the EU has adopted a number of regulations to counter this information threat and the potential effects of foreign interference. In particular, in 2016 the EU adopted a document “Joint Framework on countering hybrid threats, a European Union response”, and “Action Plan against Disinformation”, respectively in 2018. These documents provide a baseline for understanding the diverse types of challenges other countries face and how they are addressing them. Consequently, a number of initiatives and projects of the European institutions, and the first worldwide self-regulatory “EU Code of Practice on Disinformation” issued in 2018 on a voluntary basis, have become main pillars of the EU. The Code identifies issues related to ensuring the transparency of political advertising, strengthening efforts to close active counterfeits. accounts, enabling users to report misinformation and access various news sources, while improving the visibility and reliability of authoritative content; enabling the research community to monitor disinformation on the Internet through access to these platforms, compatible with the confidentiality signed by the largest Internet platforms and social media (Google, Facebook, Twitter and Mozilla) in the framework of WMC self-regulation activities. It should be noted that the implementation of the “European Union Code of Practice on Countering Disinformation” has yielded ambiguous fruits. Self-regulation was the first logical and necessary step, but few stakeholders were fully satisfied with the process or its outcome, significant challenges remain for building trust through industry, governments, academia and civil society engagement.
10
GRABOWSKA, Marta. "LEGAL, POLITICAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS OF CYBERSECURITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no. 38 (April 9, 2022): 106–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2022.38.05.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "European Union – Political aspects"
1
RUIZ, SOLER Javier. "Is Twitter the new coffee house? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 June 2019<br>Examining Board:
Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor);
Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute;
Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan;
Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University<br>A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.
2
Schilcher, Daniela, and n/a. "Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states." University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals.
The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament.
Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control.
Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).
3
Marengo, Umberto. "The European Union in the international energy regime and relations with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, 1981-2013." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709420.
Texte intégral
4
Breindl, Yana. "Hacking the law: an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.<p><p>The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.<p><br>Doctorat en Information et communication<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
5
Papandropoulos, Sylvie-Pénélope. "Issues in european competition policy: lobbying, reputation and R&D co-operation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211988.
Texte intégral
6
Weerts, Laurence. "Mutations et utilisations du concept de "frontière" dans l'intégration européenne: une analyse des recompositions des modes de gouvernement et de légitimation dans l'ordre politique européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211212.
Texte intégral
7
Penwarden, Mia. "Suur druiwe? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-Afrika." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53076.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free
trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement
(TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was
developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation
and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade
Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa
through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development
(EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best
possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the
manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for
the TDCA.
The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what
implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and
spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether
South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has
created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa
or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv)
who gains the most from the TDCA.
The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits
Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the
contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South
African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a
precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten
developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to
comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the
TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world
market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In
vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation
Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het.
Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale
samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep
van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur
die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction
and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in
eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en
Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die
beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding.
Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en
watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte
aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf
sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In
presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander
ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om
toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA.
Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie
van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het
nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat
reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA
te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in
onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele
ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In
die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die
TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die
wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.
8
Paparouni, Evgenia. "La rhétorique des institutions européennes: le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract (version française suit)<p>Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.<p>In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.<p>From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.<p>The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.<p>DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.<p><p><p><p><p><p><p>Résumé<p>Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.<p>La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.<p>En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.<p>Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.<p>Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.<p>DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne. <p><br>Doctorat en Langues et lettres<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
9
Renard, Philippe. "Les politiques de l'enseignement supérieur en Europe: de l'intégration à l'harmonisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211983.
Texte intégral
10
Marcinkiewicz, Kamil. "Ist alles Innenpolitik? Der Einfluss innenpolitisch motivierter Präferenzen von Entscheidungsträgern auf die Außenpolitik – eine vergleichende Analyse ausgewählter Aspekte der Europapolitik zweier polnischer Regierungen." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2011. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-72427.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Diese Arbeit untersucht, inwieweit sich die Präferenzen polnischer politischer Parteien in der Europapolitik Polens widerspiegeln. Es wird dabei davon ausgegangen, dass die Parteipräferenzen signifikanten Einfluss auf die Gestaltung der politischen Praxis ausüben und so einen Spezialfall der liberalen Theorie der Internationalen Politik darstellen. Diese Abhandlung beschreibt die Überprüfung der genannten Hypothese und fasst die Ergebnisse des Verfahrens zusammen. Diese sprechen gegen eine parteizentrische Interpretation der liberalen Theorie in der internationalen Politik.
Livres sur le sujet "European Union – Political aspects"
1
Shore, Cris. European Union and the politics of culture. The Bruges Group, 2001.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
Poland in the European Union: First experiences : selected political, legal and social aspects. Centre for Europe, University of Warsaw, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Hochreiter, Eduard. Monetary union: European lessons, Latin American prospects. Oesterreichische Nationalbank, 2002.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Rumford, Chris. The European Union: A political sociology. Blackwell Publishers, 2002.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Prat, C. R. Aguilera de. Political parties and European integration. P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
C. R. Aguilera de Prat. Political parties and European integration. P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
C. R. Aguilera de Prat. Political parties and European integration. P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
C. R. Aguilera de Prat. Political parties and European integration. P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Lequesne, Christian. The politics of fisheries in the European Union. Manchester University Press, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "European Union – Political aspects"
1
Davidson, Ian D. "Some Political Aspects of the Choice." In European Monetary Union: The Kingsdown Enquiry. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24825-4_6.
Texte intégral
2
Karolewski, Ireneusz Paweł. "Towards a Political Theory of Democratic Backsliding? Generalising the East Central European Experience." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter argues in favour of a general theory of democratic backsliding which should cover three dimensions: (1) the societal one (changing citizenry), (2) the institutional one (changing institutions of democratic government) and (3) the processual one (the nature of the democratic backsliding itself). Following these aspects, the chapter explores general developments of democratic backsliding, which also apply to East Central Europe. Regarding the societal dimension, it points to changes in the nature of citizenship towards spectatorship and plebiscitary understanding of democracy. Considering the institutional dimension, it focuses on two types of state capture: the party state capture and the corporate state capture. With regard to the processual dimension, the chapter argues that democratic backsliding does not imply fully fledged authoritarianism but rather represents a retrogression to semi-democracy—a potentially stable regime type, in which the dismantling of the rule of law goes hand in hand with cyclical elections preserving democratic standards.
3
Balmas, Paolo, and Sabine Dörry. "The Geoeconomics of Chinese Bank Expansion into the European Union." In The Political Economy of Geoeconomics: Europe in a Changing World. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-01968-5_7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractWe apply the concept of geoeconomics to the example of Chinese state-owned commercial banks based in Luxembourg and their financial activities in the European Union. The case study links the uneven relationship between China and Luxembourg to the field of international finance via large Chinese state-owned banks as important but analytically neglected actors. In doing so, we analyze how economic resources are used by, through and between nation states in the pursuit of their strategic goals. Starting from the observation that Chinese banking networks primarily provide a platform for the implementation of direct investments by Chinese companies, we identify important mechanisms and practices of Chinese banks, their anchoring in Luxembourg and the limited fulfilment of Western policy makers’ expectations from the presence of the Chinese banks in Luxembourg. Furthermore, we analyze instruments and strategies that define important aspects and dimensions of the concept of geoeconomics and complement them with the agency attributed to Chinese banks. An interesting paradox emerges from our analysis: while the geoeconomic power of Chinese banks’ activities is limited by the strict adherence to Chinese state development guidelines, the new organization of the Chinese banking networks in the EU suggests that they will be able to exercise their geoeconomic power in the future; with corresponding implications for local economies and economic development in Europe.
4
Ambrosini, Maurizio. "Migrazioni e politiche migratorie: uno sguardo europeo." In Migrazioni in Italia: oltre la sfida. Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-965-2.02.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the coming years the European Union will be called to make challenging choices on three aspects of migration policies. The first is that of entry conditions, with particular reference to labour immigration.The second theme concerns the integration of immigrants already present on EU territory. The European Union will have to resolve issues such as greater harmonisation of criteria for naturalisation and access to local voting, especially with regard to second generations of immigrant origin.The third major arena for discussion concerns the issue of asylum and involves internal EU solidarity.
5
Davidson, Ian D. "Political Union." In European Monetary Union: The Kingsdown Enquiry. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24825-4_17.
Texte intégral
6
Lindberg, Leon N. "Political Integration: Definitions and Hypotheses." In The European Union. Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23984-9_13.
Texte intégral
7
Lindberg, Leon N. "Political Integration: Definitions and Hypotheses." In The European Union. Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14817-2_16.
Texte intégral
8
Marangos, John, Eirini Triarchi, and Themis Anthrakidis. "Political Economy, Inward Foreign Direct Investment and EU Accession of the Western Balkans." In European Union. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18103-1_8.
Texte intégral
9
Slater, Martin. "Political Elites, Popular Indifference and Community Building." In The European Union. Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23984-9_17.
Texte intégral
10
Deutsch, Karl W. "Political Community and the North Atlantic Area." In The European Union. Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14817-2_14.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "European Union – Political aspects"
1
Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. "ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION: EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
2
Накрыжская, В. А. "Some legal aspects of European Program “Green Deal”." In XXIII Международная научная конференция «Цивилизация знаний: российские реалии» «Цивилизационные задачи современного правоведения: наука, образование, практика» (стратегическая панель). Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18137/cz22.2022.18.28.001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Европейская зеленая сделка является амбициозным пакетом мер правового, политического и экономического характера, направленных на достижение климатической нейтральности Европейским союзом (ЕС) к 2050 году. В статье анализируются некоторые правовые аспекты регулирования в таких сферах европейской экономики, как промышленность, сельское хозяйство, энергетика, инвестиции и других, которое радикально изменилось с 2019 года, в том числе в связи с опубликованием пакета инициатив Комиссии ЕС «Fit for 55» в 2021 году. Не все инициативы носят однозначно положительный характер: например, автор критически рассматривает предложенный механизм трансграничного углеродного регулирования и его связь с системой торговли квотами на выбросы ЕС в текущем виде, а также перспективы самой зеленой сделки. The European Green Deal is an ambitious package of legal, political and economic measures aimed at achieving climate neutrality of the European Union (EU) by 2050. The article analyzes some legal aspects of the regulation in such areas of the European economy as industry, agriculture, energy, investment and others, which has dramatically changed since 2019, especially due to publication of the EU Commission's "Fit for 55" package in 2021. Not all the initiatives are completely positive: for example, author discusses the proposed carbon border adjustment mechanism and its connection to the EU emissions trading system in its current form, as well as perspectives of the Green Deal.
3
Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ, and Tomislav Kandyija. "Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
4
Gajić, Aleksandar V. "FACING REALITY: A NEED TO CHANGE THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF THE EU PUBLIC HEALTH POLICY AND THE INFLUENCE OF THE PANDEMIC OF COVID-19 ON THE PERCEPTION OF IDENTITY AND THE ROLE OF THE EU." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22434.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main aim of this article is to highlight two interconnected issues raised in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The first one concerns a need to change the EU Health Policy legal framework, particularly the founding treaties (TEU and TFEU), while the second one relates to the issue of the very perception of the identity of the European Union. The possible adequate solution for the situation created by the unprecedented nature of the COVID-19 pandemic and unprecedented measures that followed, was to proclaim state of emergency, which was largely avoided. It seems that it should be considered whether there is a need for amendments of the European Union founding treaties and/or the Charter on Fundamental Rights by providing the possibility of the state of emergency proclamation in the case of “the threats of the life” of the EU. The European Union is not entrusted with the competencies, powers, and responsibilities in health matters such as a pandemic, however founding treaties, functioning institutions as well as procedures seem sufficient for an effective response to health crises such as the one caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. However, having in mind experience with the COVID-19 pandemic it seems that there is a need to strengthen the EU legal framework concerning the issues of pandemic and similar threats, not by altering the nature of the EU competence regarding health issues, but by identifying the threats such as pandemic in the founding treaties that should contain basic regulations concerning European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control. In that manner the efficient response would be in a form of an institutionalized mechanism at the core of the European Union instead of being fully dependent on the variable political will. At the same time there is an urgent need to identify those Health Policy issues that should be an adequate subject of judicial scrutiny. The COVID-19 pandemic also proved that Member States and the European Union should be more realistic regarding the perception of the role and identity of the European Union. The author argues that the identity of the European Union is blurred with a variety of considerations and that its content and features should be more determined, not only in academic literature but also in political practice, especially when it comes to the issue of self-determination of the European Union. The world is not the same as it was before the pandemic, and it seems that the European Union, in order to be prepared to face new challenges, must build its identity in realistic parameters and act in one voice “if it wants to make itself heard and play its proper rôle in the world”, as it was declared in the 1973 Declaration on the European Identity.
5
Чепик, Виктор. "Немецкий подход к идее европейской интеграции после Первой и Второй мировых войн". У Россия — Германия в образовательном, научном и культурном диалоге. Конкорд, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/de2021/027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The appearance of Soviet Russia in the international arena in 1917 was one, but not the only factor that contributed to the further development of the idea of European integration. German supporters of the unification of Europe after the First World War were attracted by the economic and political aspects of the European idea, in the development of which they themselves took an active part. In particular, it was proposed to create a pan-European economic zone, which included as an "indispensable complement" the "joint economic exploitation of pan-European colonies", most of which were in Africa. The German Foreign Ministry, headed by G. Stresemann, supported the project of a federal union of Europe. After the Second World War, the supporters of European integration in Germany, which was divided into occupation zones, hoped with the help of membership in the proposed European Federal Union to solve a number of national tasks, the main of which was the reunification of Germany.
6
Antonescu, Daniela. "Trends of Convergence at Regional Level in European Union (EU-28)." In International Conference Innovative Business Management & Global Entrepreneurship. LUMEN Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/ibmage2020/35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The objective regarding cohesion is achieved by means of a convergence process that assumes diminishing territorial inequalities between regions and territories. The cohesion process is not limited to the relatively poor regions, but aims also to more developed regions with the purpose of observing also the secondary effects for the entire EU (EC Report, 2013). Identifying the convergence or divergence trends is one of the intensely argued topics by both the academic and the political-decisional environment. The theoretical point of view approach regarding convergence was accompanied by models meant to mitigate the requirements of assessing over given periods the evolution of territorial inequalities (between countries or regions). Identifying a process of convergence or divergence at regional level is a widely debated issue both in the academic and political-decision making environment. Thus, in the context of favourable economic development, convergence assumes a process of closing the gap between the living standards between the poorer and richer areas beginning with the premise that the first have a swifter development as the latter. Considering this aspect, the present article analyses the trends of convergence/divergence at regional level in the context of the European Union with the help of GDP per capita and variation coefficients.
7
Stepina, Mairita, and Modrite Pelse. "European Union funding support to Latvian municipalities for degraded areas revitalization." In Research for Rural Development 2022 : annual 28th international scientific conference proceedings. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/rrd.28.2022.033.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The formation and existence of degraded areas is one of the consequences of civilization, which has a negative impact on both the environment and economic development in the municipality. The problem of degraded areas has been faced by all countries worldwide, including Latvia, when as a result of the change of the state political system in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet system, a large number of inactive production companies appeared, resulting in a significant number of polluted / degraded areas. To solve the existing problem, local governments in Latvia use European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding under the Operational Program ‘Growth and Employment’ 5.6.2, specific support objective ‘Revitalization of territories by regenerating degraded areas in accordance with local government integrated development programs’ (SSO 5.6.2) to ensure the sustainable development of the territory by revitalizing degraded areas. In the implementation of projects, local governments must ensure the fulfilment of the indicators planned in the projects in the following groups of indicators: the area of degraded areas has been renewed, adapted for the location of new businesses or expansion of existing businesses in order to promote employment and economic activity in local governments; new jobs created in supported areas; non-financial investments made by businesses located in the supported territory in their own intangible investments and fixed assets. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the indicators of the implemented projects in order to be able to draw conclusions about the financial aspects of the project implementation and the progress of the project implementation.
8
Miceski, Trajko, and Natasha Stojovska. "Comparative Analysis of Birth Rate and Life Expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The comparative analysis of birth rate and life expectancy will provide information about the position of Macedonia in relation to Turkey and the EU and also about the factors that have the greatest impact on the population’s movement and vitality. This information should help the policy creators in the process of defining and implementing measures for increasing the birth rate and life expectancy of the population, which is aim of every country. In this paper will be put out some theoretical aspects about the economic, social, psychological, technological, cultural and political factors that have impact on the birth rate and life expectancy of the population. Also, the tabular and graphical displays will show the movement of these two demographic features in the period from 1980 to 2011. Changes in birth rate and life expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union have been leading to demographic aging of the population in the last three decades. The birth rate in these countries shows a trend of continuous decline, despite the gradual increase in life expectancy of the population. Although the declined birth rate and increased life expectancy of the population have been a common features of these countries in the last decades, the percentage of this changes is different for each country.
9
Ciconkov, Risto. "Climate Change and HVACR Systems." In 50th International HVAC&R Congress and Exhibition. SMEITS, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24094/kghk.019.50.1.245.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indicators at a global level are presented: population in the world today and forecasts for developed and developing countries. The following diagrams are presented: world total primary energy consumption, global CO2 emissions from combustion since 1971, as well as cumulative CO2 emissions by regions since 1750. Facts for climate change are included (according to WMO and IPCC): increase in GHG concentrations, increase in air temperature, rise in sea level, etc. The consequences of global warming are listed: extreme rainfall and floods; high temperatures – heat waves, droughts, wildfires; huge damage to agriculture; harmful impacts on the environment, etc. The IPCC provides several scenarios for a global rise of air temperature up to 2100, for a global rise of sea level etc. The activities of the international community on climate change are organized through: IPCC, UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, Paris Agreement and continuous negotiations. The European Union (EU) is probably the most advanced in the battle against climate change. Some important strategies are outlined: by 2020, by 2030, and by 2050. Heating, air-conditioning and refrigeration systems (HVACR) are connected with energy consumption, which means they are a source of GHG emissions. The situation with HVACR systems is such that even in EU countries, the fossil fuels are dominant in the heating systems. Future solutions for HVACR systems are described. The first step is to increase the energy efficiency of buildings and HVACR equipment. The concept of "nearly zero-energy buildings" should be worked on. HVACR systems should be based on renewable energy sources (RES). The considered solutions include heat pumps, solar panels, thermal storage, district heating, combined heat and power, condensing boilers, reversible air conditioners, the concept of "smart" buildings, automation of HVACR systems with digital technology, etc. The political, economic and social aspects of climate change are analyzed. Capitalism society, market economy, profit, is the main reason for today's climate change situation. On the end, there is a discussion highlighting the need for urgent and major investment in RES and energy efficiency. For rich countries, this is really achievable. But developing countries, representing 83% of the world's population, need financial assistance, and this needs to be regulated through the Paris Agreement. Obstacles of a political nature are also possible (US and Paris Agreement).
10
Başeğmez, Nergiz, and Kerem Toker. "A Crossroad For Turkey: European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
 
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "European Union – Political aspects"
1
Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
2
Kramer, Steven P., and Irene Kyriakopoulos. US - European Union Relations: Economic Change and Political Transition. Defense Technical Information Center, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada386024.
Texte intégral
3
Feldstein, Martin. The Political Economy of the European Economic and Monetary Union: Political Sources of an Economic Liability. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6150.
Texte intégral
4
Baudais, Virginie, and Souleymane Maïga. The European Union Training Mission in Mali: An Assessment. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/krbn9926.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This SIPRI Background Paper provides an overview of the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM Mali) and assesses its impact on Mali’s conflict dynamics since it was established in 2013. The third of three country-specific papers, it is part of a larger SIPRI project analysing the effectiveness of the EU’s training missions in Somalia, the Central African Republic and Mali. All three papers will feed into a synthesis paper that will offer a comparative analysis of the missions and recommendations for the way forward. This paper analyses EUTM Mali’s main training and advisory activities, before assessing its political and operational impacts. It summarizes the main factors that account for the mission’s successes and limitations, and makes three recommendations to augment the future impact of the mission. It concludes that EUTM Mali has made an impact in terms of military capacity building, but that further progress is needed to improve coordination with the Malian Armed Forces (Forces Armées Maliennes, FAMA). In addition, EUTM Mali faces many obstacles that lie largely beyond its control, including the deteriorating security situation in the centre of Mali and in the border region of Liptako-Gourma
5
Lodge, Junior, and Jan Yves. The Promise of a Recalibrated Caribbean-European Union Partnership. Fundación Carolina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff03en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Caribbean and the European Union (EU) have been enjoined in a formal bi-regional relationship since the signing of the Lomé Convention in 1975, and are firm proponents of multilateralism, strong advocates of regional integration, democracy and rule of law, and reflect vibrant multi-ethnic and multilingual polities. The bi-regional relationship has evolved considerably over the intervening 45 years, and is reflected in formal agreements between the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States and the EU, and in the sphere of economic cooperation, has been strengthened with the signing of the Cariforum-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in 2008. The EU also remains a significant source of development cooperation for the Caribbean, complemented by a sui generis project management regime that includes multi-annual programming. Beyond this, the bi-regional ties have expanded into new areas of joint multilateral endeavour such as the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Despite the long and formal engagement, the Cariforum-EU partnership has not engendered either deep understanding of, or universal support in, each other’s conduct of multilateral negotiations. To the contrary, the partnership displays regular flashes of unease and arguably low-level tension. This paper seeks to assess the Caribbean-EU partnership in terms of its contribution of bi-regional trade and economic cooperation to Caribbean development, and possibilities for a renewed partnership considering new impulses shaping the Cariforum-EU relationship, including the post-Cotonou Agreement, Brexit, EU-LAC Political Dialogue and COVID-19 responses. A Cariforum-EU development agenda to fuel post-pandemic Caribbean recovery is mooted with the additional value of harnessing the promise of the revised partnership.
6
Acemoglu, Daron, and Murat Ucer. The Ups and Downs of Turkish Growth, 2002-2015: Political Dynamics, the European Union and the Institutional Slide. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21608.
Texte intégral
7
Stelmakh, Marta. HISTORICAL CONTEXT IN THE COLLECTION OF ARTICLES BY TIMOTHY SNYDER «UKRAINIAN HISTORY, RUSSIAN POLITICS, EUROPEAN FUTURE». Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11098.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the problem of the image formation of Ukraine in the international arena in the historical journalism of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the historical context in the journalistic collection «Ukrainian History, Russian Politics, European Future». It identifies the main considerations of the author on the past of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the need to develop historical consciousness in the fight against Russian manipulation. Methodology: the comparative, historical, system analysis and other methods are used in the process of scientific research. The results of the study were obtained by analysing the author’s journalistic works and by considering the main historical themes raised by Timothy Snyder. Main results: The historical context in Timothy Snyder’s journalism is often focused on the Holodomor and the events of World War II. After all, these events are connected with the beginning of the image formation of the Ukrainian people as supporters of Nazism by the Russian authorities and the devaluation of the Ukrainians’ contribution to the establishment of peace during the Second World War. It is determined that the non-reflective attitude to history, the inability to draw parallels between the events of the past and the future leads to an ineffective response to manipulation and propaganda, which can threaten world peace. Conclusions: the realization that Russian aggression against Ukraine has its own history is a necessary aspect in the elucidation of this issue. The Eurasian Union and cooperation with the European far-right are Russian propaganda tools that discredit the Ukrainian state in the world community. Publicist Timothy Snyder points out that Europe’s future interconnects with the past, so he emphasizes the need to study and rethink history, which today has become the object of propaganda and manipulation. Significance: The results of our study will help journalists who study the historical aspect of journalistic materials and research foreign materials on Ukrainian issues. In addition, our research is necessary for Ukraine, because Russia’s aggression continues, as well as the aggressor’s propaganda, which is based on the distortion and falsification of historical events.
8
Kolb, Eugenia. Does the Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) of the European Union guarantee successful citizen participation? Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.51592.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) is a concept of the European Union. The non-binding guidelines formulated within this framework aim to help municipalities and cities to strategically define a local and long term transport and mobility plan. From the European Union's point of view, citizen participation plays a pivotal role during all phases – from the development of the plan until its implementation. This intends to achieve greater support and acceptance from the community for the plan, and to facilitate its implementation. This paper investigates whether the planning and political SUMP approach guarantees successful participatory processes, and what conclusions can be drawn to amend the SUMP process and general transport planning practice. It discusses how citizen participation is defined in the SUMP guidelines and how these elements are reflected in the SUMP guidelines of 2013 and 2019. In a second step, this paper shows how successful citizen participation is defined in an academic context and to what extent the SUMP reflects these findings. The findings derived from the academic context are then applied to the case studies of Ghent and Limburg in order to evaluate how successfully participation procedures were implemented in these SUMP processes. Finally, the question - what conclusions can be drawn from this to improve the SUMP process and general transport planning practice - is assessed.
9
Fairlie, Alan. New challenges for the European Union's Multiparty Trade Agreement with Peru, Colombia and Ecuador. Fundación Carolina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff02en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This document analyses the trade and cooperation relations between the European Union and the Andean countries with which the Multiparty Trade Agreement was signed (Peru, Ecuador and Colombia). It also examines the progress and challenges in terms of the sustainable development agenda, political dialogue and cooperation within the framework of the agreement. From there, it explores the different technical difficulties that have arisen in the implementation of the agreement and the role of the monitoring bodies. The aim is to study the strategic importance of the agreement in relations between the European Union and Peru, Ecuador and Colombia, and its contribution to the post-pandemic economic recovery and the promotion of new development models.
10
Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, and Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.
Texte intégralRésumé :
European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.