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Articles de revues sur le sujet « European Union – Politics and government »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Finke, Daniel, and Annika Herbel. "Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (2016): 388–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.28.

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According to the literature, parliamentary scrutiny is either used by the opposition to control the government or by a coalition partner to control the leading minister. Yet, neither the opposition alone nor individual governing parties alone can muster a parliamentary majority to adopt recommendations, resolutions or statements. Therefore, we ask which parties coalesce in co-sponsoring such joint position papers on European Union policy proposals and why. Tying in with the existing literature, we offer three explanations. Firstly, position papers are co-sponsored by so-called ‘policy coalitio

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Abreu, Joana Covelo de. "Digital Single Market under EU political and constitutional calling: European electronic agenda’s impact on interoperability solutions." UNIO – EU Law Journal 3, no. 1 (2017): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.3.1.13.

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Digital Single Market is the new political goal that promotes the creation of digital solutions to support the European Union’s evolution. It is believed to be one means by which the EU can attract investments from new IT tools’ economic agents. For that purpose, the European Unionsettled various interoperability measures so that both Member States and European institutions were able to set the example on how digital tools are important and one of Union’s goals. In this particular setting, the European Union engaged the ISA2 programme to promote interoperability solutions for Public Administra

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Peritz, Lauren. "Obstructing integration: Domestic politics and the European Court of Justice." European Union Politics 19, no. 3 (2018): 427–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518766258.

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Do legal rulings from the Court of Justice promote European economic integration? This article examines lawsuits where governments are found guilty of breaching their commitment to the common market. In these cases, governments are required to adopt reforms which, correctly applied, should promote intra-European trade. Using a novel dataset of trade-liberalizing rulings, I show that although they do prompt some increases in trade, the effect is contingent on domestic politics. When the defendant government has many political constraints, both institutional and partisan, it is less likely to ex

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Hagemann, Sara, Sara B. Hobolt, and Christopher Wratil. "Government Responsiveness in the European Union: Evidence From Council Voting." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 6 (2016): 850–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015621077.

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Are governments responsive to public preferences when legislating in international organizations? This article demonstrates that governments respond to domestic public opinion even when acting at the international level. Specifically, we examine conflict in the European Union’s primary legislative body, the Council of the European Union (EU). We argue that domestic electoral incentives compel governments to react to public opinion. Analyzing a unique data set on all legislative decisions adopted in the Council since 1999, we show that governments are more likely to oppose legislative proposals

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Ghina Adhha Haura and Ella Rahmayanti. "Studi Komparatif Eropa dan Indonesia (Perbedaan pada Standar Akuntansi Pemerintah)." Jurnal Penelitian Ekonomi Akuntansi (JENSI) 8, no. 2 (2024): 415–25. https://doi.org/10.33059/jensi.v8i2.10923.

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Each country certainly has different Government Accounting Standards. This can be seen from the different forms of philosophy of each country, such as the state of the economy, social environment, culture, politics, law, and defense and security of each country. The process of modernizing public sector accounting is carried out intensively by stakeholders because there is a demand for high quality and relevant disclosures to decision making as financial information to meet transparency and accountability capabilities. The forms of accounting standards used by the public sector across Europe ar

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Klus, Martin. "Politics, Democracy and Disinformation." Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 1 (2023): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.62343/cjss.2022.214.

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Disinformation and conspiracy theories systematically threaten our European democracy. After the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian war against Ukraine has shown us even more that we have a big problem with harmful propaganda directed by an undemocratic Putin’s regime. This problem prevents citizens from making informed decisions and undermines our foreign policy orientation, as well as the values of our society. And although the war in Ukraine has changed a lot in this regard, a significant part of EU citizens is still prone to easily succumb to massive disinformation campaigns. The aim of this t

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Spahiu, Irma. "Government Transparency in Albania and the Role of the European Union." European Public Law 21, Issue 1 (2015): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2015006.

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The recognition of transparency as an essential element of good governance is very important for new democracies because it leads to greater public support for their governments' economic and political decisions. This has been clearly understood by the countries in the Western Balkans which following the fall of communism entered a path of rapid democratization struggling to be opened and transparent. This paper explores transparency and open government in Albania looking at how the Albanian legal administrative framework and practices guarantee the principle of transparency in decision-making

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Prawda, Marek. "Die Parlamentswahlen in Polen 2023 – innenpolitische Beobachtungen und außenpolitische Implikationen." integration 47, no. 1 (2024): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2024-1-68.

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This text is an attempt to read the election results in Poland on 15 October 2023 as a symptom of deeper changes in society. The author defends the thesis that democratic and liberal attitudes, supressed but still present in society, have been unblocked. The expectations of extremely mobilized voters will be a challenge for the new government. Then, the elections were analysed against the background of trends in European politics. In Poland, it turned out that you can also win unfair elections. It is also possible to oppose the general wave of populism. Finally, the author presents the possibl

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Featherstone, Kevin, and Dimitris Papadimitriou. "Manipulating Rules, Contesting Solutions: Europeanization and the Politics of Restructuring Olympic Airways." Government and Opposition 42, no. 1 (2007): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00212.x.

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AbstractIn recent years much debate has been generated over the reshaping of the European airline industry and the restructuring of many of the heavily indebted national flag-carriers across the European Union. The European Commission has sought to orchestrate this reform process by the gradual break up of monopolies in air travel and its associated services and a much tighter policing of state aid practices. The EU's liberalizing agenda in air transport, however, has met with strong domestic opposition in the member states. Nowhere else has the resistance to reform been stronger than in Greec

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Steunenberg, Bernard, and Mark Rhinard. "The transposition of European law in EU member states: between process and politics." European Political Science Review 2, no. 3 (2010): 495–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000196.

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This paper illuminates a critical stage of the implementation of European law: the transposition of European Union (EU) directives. Directives must be transposed into national policies in order to give effect to European law, yet most national authorities experience considerable transposition difficulties. For this reason, the study of transposition has become a focal point within the broader research agenda on non-compliance in the European Union. Highlighting several popular explanatory variables but noting the sometimes contradictory results that follow from empirical testing, this paper ou

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Johansson, Karl Magnus, Fredrik Langdal, and Göran von Sydow. "The Domestic Politics of European Union Presidencies: The Case of Sweden." Government and Opposition 47, no. 2 (2012): 206–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01359.x.

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AbstractThis article aims to start filling a gap in contemporary research on the rotating EU presidencies. In particular, the article pays attention to the role played by domestic factors in the development and fate of EU presidencies. What is the level of conflict between the government and the opposition during EU presidencies? This question is central for us and we address it through an in-depth analysis of one single case, Sweden, through a comparative examination of the role that domestic politics played in the Swedish EU presidencies of 2001 and 2009. In conjunction with our four main ex

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Sandholtz, Wayne. "Choosing union: monetary politics and Maastricht." International Organization 47, no. 1 (1993): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004690.

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At their Maastricht summit, heads of state of the European Community (EC) countries agreed to establish a single currency and a common central bank by the end of the century. For students of international political economy, the treaty on monetary union offers intriguing puzzles: Why did EC governments commit themselves to such a far-reaching sacrifice of sovereignty? Why did national political leaders in some cases outrun public opinion in their enthusiasm for monetary integration? This study seeks a political explanation of the choices that produced the late-1980s movement for monetary union

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Bondarenko, Lev-Oleksandr. "Urgent Social and Cultural Issues and Attitudes in the European Union Countries." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 13 (December 22, 2023): 210–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2023.13.210-227.

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The purpose of the article is to consider the issue of multiculturalism policy in the European Union countries, as well as current socio-cultural problems and attitudes caused by migration and economic and social processes. The study analyses the influence of historical processes on the formation of ethnic groups, which, in the subsequent formation of European countries and their consolidation into the European Union, played and continue to play an essential role in the matter of regional politics. The study confirms that unsuccessful attempts to integrate immigrants into European society led

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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. "When in Doubt, Use Proxies." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 5 (1998): 569–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005002.

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This article argues that citizens employ proxies rooted in attitudes about domestic politics when responding to survey questions about the European integration process. It develops a model of public opinion toward European integration based on attitudes toward the political system, the incumbent government, and establishment parties. With the help of data from Eurobarometer 34.0, the study tests political and economic models of public support for membership in the European Union in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Portugal. The analyses show that system and establishment

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SADOWSKA-WIECIECH, Elżbieta. "Eurosceptycyzm w doktrynie partii konserwatywnej." Politeja 14, no. 1(46) (2017): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.14.2017.46.01.

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Euroscepticism in the Conservative Party Membership in European Union has become one of the most crucial and controversial issues in British politics in recent years. Eurosceptics from United Kingdom Independent Party were exhorting to leave the EU and more and more British people had supported them. David Cameron who was leading the government since 2010 had to express a conservative view on the matter. He had announced his plan to renegotiate the terms of EU membership and hold a referendum on the results, asking British people to vote for what he thought the only right choice – stayin

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Gjerazi, Blerina. "Mediatization of European Union Integration Process." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 9, no. 4. S1 (2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv9n4s106.

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The process of European integration for the Albanian government is characterized by several stages whose cycle has not yet been completed. The first phase, which began in 1992, focused on economic and trade cooperation with the European Economic Community, to be followed 14 years later by the Stabilization and Association Agreement, the signing of which paved the way for the European Union integration process. The third stage is characterized by some important achievements, where at the end of 2010 the visa regime for Albanians in the Schengen Area was abolished, while in 2014 Albania received

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Brusis, Martin. "The Instrumental Use of European Union Conditionality: Regionalization in the Czech Republic and Slovakia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 2 (2005): 291–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404272063.

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Numerous Central and Eastern European countries have restructured their regional level of public administration in the context of their accession to the European Union. Focusing on the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the article studies how the EU has influenced the institutionalization of regions and regional self-government. Regionalization may have been driven mainly by EU conditionality or, as a competing explanation suggests, more by domestic factors. The article argues that the EU altered the opportunity structure faced by domestic actors but that its role was more complementary than decisi

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Popławska, Ewa. "Legitimacy and constitutional stability as challenges for Poland's accession to the European Union." "Droit Polonais Contemporain / Polish Contemporary Law" 125-132 (June 30, 2002): 95–109. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4036158.

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This article is about the agreement of politicians and citizens of Poland for access to EU. Polish Constitution from 1997  was written by experts and accepted by a slim majority in referendum. It made a lot of controversies and similar controversies were made by the Polish Government which tried to make Poland part of EU Membership. The paper is an updated and shortened version of a report presented at the international conference The politics of enlargement in Central and Eastern Europe: Changing rules and institutions organised by the Leiden University and Academia Istropolitana Nova, B

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Sato, Mai. "Politics of International Advocacy Against the Death Penalty: Governments as Anti–Death Penalty Crusaders." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, no. 3 (2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2471.

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Two-thirds of the countries worldwide have moved away from the death penalty in law or in practice, with global and regional organisations as well as individual governments working towards universal abolition. This article critically examines the narratives of these abolitionist governments that have abolished the death penalty in their country and have adopted the role of ‘moral crusaders’ (Becker 1963) in pursuit of global abolition. In 2018, the Australian Government, while being surrounded by retentionist states in Asia, joined the anti–death penalty enterprise along with the European Unio

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Pinelli, Cesare. "The Discourses on Post-National Governance and the Democratic Deicit Absent an EU Government." European Constitutional Law Review 9, no. 2 (2013): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612001101.

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The enduring joint decision trap in the absence of European government – Postnational constitutionalism – The dismissal of politics – Accountability of government before parliament at the core of representative democracy – Internalising the benefits and of externalising the disadvantages of staying together in the Union possible as long as political accountability is not ensured in the EU system – Breathing political life into the EU through constitutional practice without formal Treaty amendment – A time-frame for approval of treaty amendments – EP and the election of Commission president

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İbrahim qızı Cəfərli, Ramilə. "Mechanisms for Cooperation of the European Union." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (2021): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/84-87.

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The article deals with mechanisms for cooperation of the European Union with nations considered from the scientific point of' view. The author analyzes the details of the European Union technical assistance program for CIS couintries, its aims and positions in the frame of TACIS. Each candidate country that intends to get European Union membership has to follow the common principle and standards. But sometimes in addition to the membership obligations EU member states attitude to the candidate countries may playe great role to get the final result. The article analyzes different European count

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Willumsen, David M. "The Council’s REACH? National governments’ influence in the European Parliament." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (2018): 663–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518783305.

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The presence of cross-institutional partisan links between the Council and the European Parliament is a key feature of bicameral law-making in the European Union. However, assessing the conditions under which national parties can and do influence ‘their’ Members of the European Parliament is complicated by a lack of measurements of the national interest at stake. Analysing the Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals regulation, this article shows that national parties represented in the Council only seek to influence ‘their’ Members of the European Parliament when

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ASPINWALL, MARK. "Government Preferences on European Integration: An Empirical Test of Five Theories." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (2006): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000051.

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This essay examines the causes of government support for European integration. It evaluates several competing theories, both material and ideological. Two dependent variables are examined: government support for European integration in Council of Ministers decisions, and in the 1997 Amsterdam intergovernmental conference. There appear to be sharp differences between the two decision-making fora in the efficacy of predictive variables. In the Council of Ministers, left–right political ideology and financial transfers from the European Union to member states provide the best explanations. In the

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Juasari, Itra, Muhammad Walidin, and Kiki Mikail. "Turkish and European Union Political Maneuvers in the Syrian Conflict." Ampera: A Research Journal on Politics and Islamic Civilization 5, no. 01 (2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/ampera.v5i01.22239.

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This study delves into the political maneuvers undertaken by Turkey and the European Union within the Syrian conflict. The initiation of these maneuvers stemmed from the construction of a gas pipeline in Syria. The research aims to examine the implications of these maneuvers on political stability and security in Syria, with a particular focus on understanding the Turkish and European Union perspectives. The study employs two theoretical frameworks, namely national interest theory and geopolitical theory. Qualitative methods were employed, leveraging primary data obtained through interviews wi

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Mair, Peter, and Jacques Thomassen. "Political representation and government in the European Union." Journal of European Public Policy 17, no. 1 (2010): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760903465132.

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Donnelly, Shawn. "German Politics and Intergovernmental Negotiations on the Eurozone Budget." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (2021): 230–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3928.

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This article examines selected political party positions on a Eurozone budget and fiscal transfers between 2018 and 2021. It posits that German government positions on common European debt and fiscal policy have undergone a significant but fragile shift. It must contend with continued domestic hostility before it can be said to be a lasting realignment. A great deal with depend less on the Social Democratic Party that is largely responsible for bringing it about with the support of German Greens, and more on the willingness of the Christian Democratic Union, their Bavarian sister party the Chr

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Flood, Christopher. "Britain after Brexit." South Central Review 42, no. 1-2 (2025): 61–68. https://doi.org/10.1353/scr.2025.a961452.

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Abstract: The national mood in Britain is sour. The general election of July 2024 had brought a change of government after fourteen years of increasingly detested Conservative rule. However, relief at ousting the Conservatives did not reflect wholehearted endorsement of a new Labour government whose parliamentary dominance owed far more to the distortions of an archaic electoral system than to genuine popularity of the party or its leadership. This article examines the sorry state of British politics in the light of ideological divisions leading to, and following, Britain’s withdrawal from the

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Benz, Arthur. "The European Union’s Trap of Constitutional Politics: From the Convention Towards the Failure of the Treaty of Lisbon." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c92h3w.

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In a national referendum held on 12 June 2008, 53.4 percent of Irish citizens voted “no” to the Treaty of Lisbon. As its provisions require ratification by all member states, the Irish vote marks a further setback for attempts at consti- tutional reform of the European Union (EU). The Lisbon reform treaty, officially entitled the Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on Euro- pean Union and the Treaty establishing the Eu- ropean Community,1 was signed by the prime ministers and presidents of EU member states in December 2007. It was the result of a pro- cess set in motion by the European Counci

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Judge, David. "The British Government, European Union and EC Institutional Reform." Political Quarterly 57, no. 3 (1986): 321–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1986.tb00725.x.

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TAYLOR, KEITH. "EUROPEAN UNION: THE CHALLENGE FOR LOCAL AND REGIONAL GOVERNMENT." Political Quarterly 66, no. 1 (1995): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1995.tb00454.x.

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Van Hecke, Steven. "Do Transnational Party Federations Matter? (... and Why Should We Care?)." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 3 (2010): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i3.198.

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Compared to national political parties, transnational party federations (often known as Europarties) play little role in the European Union (EU). They have no government-making power, and national party politics continue to dominate European Parliament elections. The literature therefore focuses primarily on national political parties operating within the EU framework and on supranational party groups in the European Parliament. In contrast, this review article examines what transnational party federations are and what they do within the context of EU governance, in addition to and reconsideri

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Telle, Stefan. "Differenzierte Integration – (k)ein Thema im politischen Diskurs der Mitgliedstaaten?" integration 46, no. 2 (2023): 128–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2023-2-128.

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Recent political science research has shown the increasing differentiation of the European Union (EU) and it has worked out the associated opportunities and risks for effective and legitimate politics in the EU. This raises the question to what extent politicians in the member states pay attention to differentiated integration. Based on an analysis of official government documents and parliamentary minutes from 25 member states, this article shows that this form of integration was rarely politicized in national politics between 2004 and 2020. In national parliaments, it was mainly discussed ar

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Börzel, Tanja A. "Multilevel governance or multilevel government?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 4 (2020): 776–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120939872.

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The commentary returns to the beginning of the career of multilevel governance as a distinct perspective on the European Union and European integration. At the time, multilevel governance allowed a generation of students to overcome the stylised debates between Liberal Intergovernmentalism and Neofunctionalism on how to best capture the ‘nature of the beast’. At the same time, multilevel governance still privileged the role of public authorities over economic and societal actors. While subsequent studies broadened the focus to include the social partners or public interest groups, Hooghe and M

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Baron, David P. "Commentary on “Lobbying and Legislative Organization: The Effect of the Vote of Confidence Procedure”." Business and Politics 4, no. 2 (2002): 205–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1039.

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The Center for Responsive Politics reports that U.S. lobbying expenditures substantially exceed interest group campaign contributions, without including the lobbying that is not required to be reported to the government. Although it has grown in Europe, particularly with respect to the European Union, lobbying is less important than in the United States. Bennedsen and Feldmann (BF) provide an important and insightful explanation for the difference in terms of the institutional structure of governments. They present a model of informational lobbying in client politics where an interest group pr

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O’Dwyer, Conor. "Reforming Regional Governance in East Central Europe: Europeanization or Domestic Politics as Usual?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 2 (2006): 219–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404271286.

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In recent years, a number of East Central European (ECE) governments have undertaken to radically alter the territorial structures of their public administration. Some have suggested that this development represents the growing Europeanization of ECE politics, in particular the role of the European Union. This article questions that view by examining the crucial role of domestic party politics in the enactment and implementation of regional governance reform. It does so through a close comparison of Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia.

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Târlea, Silvana, Stefanie Bailer, Hanno Degner, et al. "Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform." European Union Politics 20, no. 1 (2019): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518814336.

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This article examines the extent to which economic or political factors shaped government preferences in the reform of the Economic Monetary Union. A multilevel analysis of European Union member governments’ preferences on 40 EMU reform issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015 suggests that countries’ financial sector exposure has significant explanatory power. Seeking to minimize the risk of costly bailouts, countries with highly exposed financial sectors were more likely to support solutions involving high degrees of European integration. In contrast, political factors had no systematic impac

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Gonzálvez-Gallego, Nicolás, and Laura Nieto-Torrejón. "Can open data increase younger generations’ trust in democratic institutions? A study in the European Union." PLOS ONE 16, no. 1 (2021): e0244994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0244994.

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Scholars and policy makers are giving increasing attention to how young people are involved in politics and their confidence in the current democratic system. In a context of a global trust crisis in the European Union, this paper examines if open government data, a promising governance strategy, may help to boost Millennials’ and Generation Z trust in public institutions and satisfaction with public outcomes. First, results from our preliminary analysis challenge some popular beliefs by revealing that younger generations tend to trust in their institutions notably more than the rest of the Eu

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Keating, M. "The Invention of Regions: Political Restructuring and Territorial Government in Western Europe." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 4 (1997): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150383.

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Regionalism has come back to prominence, as the political, economic, cultural, and social meaning of space is changing in contemporary Europe. In some ways, politics, economics, and public policies are deterritorializing; but at the same time and in other ways, there is a reterritorialization of economic, political, and governmental activity. The ‘new regionalism’ is the product of this decomposition and recomposition of the territorial framework of public life, consequent on changes in the state, the market, and the international context. Functional needs, institutional restructuring, and pol

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Simón, Sanjurjo Juan Antonio. "Football, Propaganda and International Relations under Francoism: The 1960 and 1964 European Nations Cup and Their Impact on the International Press." International Journal of the History of Sport 39, no. 5 (2022): 469–88. https://doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2022.2082412.

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The image projected by Franco’s regime during the 1960 and 1964 European Nations’ Cup via the international press, showed the strong internal contradictions that existed within his governments. In addition, the role played by the Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in this process and the importance of football in Franco’s foreign policy were part of a new diplomatic policy initiated in the early 1960s. The negative impact on the international press of the regime’s decision to refuse to play against the Soviet Union team in the first edition of the 1960 European Nations

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Wood, Luke. "The Bureaucratic Politics of Germany’s First Greek Bailout Package." German Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (2016): 26–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340102.

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The bureaucratic politics of the German decision to bailout Greece reveal that policy proposals from the Office of the Federal Chancellery and the Federal Ministry of Finance to cope with the crisis in Greece stood to benefit those specific ministries. Centered on a national/supranational cleavage, policy debates in the second Angela Merkel government revolved around whether the European Union should be delegated more power in terms of broader Eurozone macroeconomic governance. Angela Merkel rejected broader treaty revisions insisting on strict adherence to the Stability and Growth Pact and th

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Khan, Munazza. "European Union’s role as a Global Actor: Shifting focus from Regionalism to International Politics." Journal of Nautical Eye and Strategic Studies 3, no. 2 (2023): 131–46. https://doi.org/10.58932/mulg0028.

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The emergence of European Union in global politics, addressing pressing issues throughout the world while also championing causes like social justice, individual liberties, and the rule of law. This paper analyses how the European Union’s foreign policy stance affects international relations. Discussions focus on the EEAS and the potential for EU peace missions to grow. The research paper aims to highlight the efforts of EU to protect the peace and stresses the EU's unyielding dedication to preserving calm, preventing conflict, and responding to disasters. This article examines the European Un

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Kisielewski, Tadeusz. "Federalist Plans in Central and Eastern Europe and the Question of the Baltic States in the Context of Polish Politics During World War II." Lithuanian Historical Studies 9, no. 1 (2004): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00901002.

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This paper deals with federalist plans of Central and Eastern Europe during World War II. The Polish government in exile and its Czechoslovak counterpart actively participated in the implementation of such plans. A Central- and Eastern European federation was to be an eventual alternative to Stalin’s plans of Europe’s Sovietization and to Hitler’s ‘New Europe’. For some time these federalist plans were supported by Great Britain and the United States. Besides, in British and American circles there were also other models for creating a European regional union. On 11 November 1940 Poland and Cze

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Del Sarto, Raffaella A., and Nathalie Tocci. "Italy's politics without policy: Balancing Atlanticism and Europeanism in the Middle East." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (2008): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962033.

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Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the Eur

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Yılmaz, Hakan. "Democratization from above in Response to the International Context: Turkey, 1945–1950." New Perspectives on Turkey 17 (1997): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002739.

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On 6 March 1995 the EU-Turkey Association Council took a decision regarding the inauguration of a customs union between the EU and Turkey, following the pattern set out in the Ankara Agreement of 1963 and the Additional Protocol of 1970. The Council's decision received the European Parliament's assent on 13 December 1995, enabling it to enter into force on 1 January 1996. Following the Association Council's customs union decision, the Turkish government has launched a series of democratizing and liberalizing reforms. It is apparent that the tactical goal of the Turkish government for initiatin

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Grzeszczak, Robert. "Europeanisation of Polish Law Following Poland’s Accession to the European Union." Studia Iuridica 71 (November 20, 2017): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5814.

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The article concerns primarily the effects of the membership of the European Union on national (Polish) law and, to a limited extent, on the political system of a state. The conclusions presented in the article are of universal value. Although the article deals with Polish affairs, the principles, tendencies and consequences identified are typical of the relationship state – the EU, both before and after accession, regardless of the state concerned. It should be, however, noted that the path to membership and the membership itself are different in each case. The practice of the Polish membersh

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Carbone, Maurizio. "From Paris to Dublin: Domestic Politics and the Treaty of Lisbon." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 1 (2009): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i1.173.

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This article discusses the domestic politics of treaty reform in the European Union, from the failed referendum on the Constitutional Treaty held in France in May 2005 to the failed referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon held in Ireland in June 2008. A meticulous examination of the national level, it is argued here, helps us to better understand the European level and why some Member States manage to influence outcomes more than it would be expected. In particular, this article looks at the role played by actors beyond national governments, the impact of the political system and the general contex

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Oleinikov, I. V. "Pragmatic interaction between the Irkutsk oblast and the regions of the European Union: experience and realities." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 2 (34) (2022): 186–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(2).186-191.

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The purpose of the study is to identify the features of interaction between the Irkutsk Oblast of the Russian Federation and the regions of the European Union states. On the basis of customs statistics, analysis of materials of regional mass media, analytical literature, the dynamics of cooperation at the subnational level is considered, macro-stages are identified. The influence of the processes of world politics on the international connections of the regions is analyzed. The activity of the governors of the Irkutsk Oblast - S.G. Levchenko and I.I. Kobzev on the European direction is highlig

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Forsyth, Murray. "The nature of multi‐level government: Analysing the European Union." West European Politics 22, no. 1 (1999): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425295.

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Nexhipi, Dr Adelina, and Erjon Nexhipi. "Albania’s European Perspective and the Albanian Politics." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/798kkv34t.

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Albania’s EU integration has been an important part of politics of all Albanian governments after 1990s. This process has been considered not only as a means for being a part of the United Europe, but a factor for achieving the stability in the country, economic development, strengthening democracy. Diplomatic relation between Albania and the EU were established since 1991, but Albania’s European perspective was ensured only in 1999, by signing the Stabilization and Association Agreement. Since 1999 onwards the Albanian governments have been working for fulfilling the membership criteria to Eu

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Iber, Patrick. "Building the Cold War Together." Journal of Cold War Studies 26, no. 4 (2024): 3–32. https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01246.

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Abstract This article discusses efforts by the American Federation of Labor (AFL) to promote non-Communist trade unions in Latin America during the early Cold War. A great deal of scholarship has shed light on the AFL's activities in Europe in support of anti-Communist labor organizations. This article shifts the focus to Latin America, tracing both the similarities and the differences. Although labor unions in Latin America were weaker than those in Europe, the U.S. government and the AFL still considered it essential to weaken the influence of Communism in Latin American trade union confeder

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