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1
Sithole, Abel Moffat. "The People’s Republic of China’s “strategic partnerships” with South Africa : 1998-2013." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of the People‘s Republic of China (PRC) as an economic superpower has
become one of the most significant developments in world affairs in recent times. As the PRC
has grown in economic significance, it seeks to translate this to all areas of its relationship
with the rest of the world. Africa and African countries are a region where the PRC‘s
involvement and engagement has elicits major consternation, especially from Western
countries. However, this region, relative to its geographic and population size, natural
endowments, and engagement with other regions andWestern countries in particular, remains
insignificant in the PRC‘s external relations.
South Africa enjoys very good diplomatic relations with the PRC, disproportionate to its
significance with regard to the PRC‘s quest for resource that fuels its phenomenal economic
resurgence. South Africa and the PRC‘s relationship has, within a decade, grown in depth and
complexity that supersedes despite major asymmetries between them. South Africa is the first
developing and African country with which the PRC established a comprehensive strategic
partnership. While the concept of a ‗strategic partnership‘ remains unclear in international
relations, it conveys a relationship of significance and stature that supplements ordinary
bilateral relationships, although the latter are better defined and binding than the former.
Clearly, the Chinese government attaches great importance to its relationship with South
Africa.
The advent of democracy and a thriving pluralistic socio-economic and cultural society that is
admired despite the challenges it faces, makes South Africa an exemplar and desirable
partner. South Africa‘s international stature and role in the international system, matches the
PRC‘s objectives in this regard, making South Africa a good foil for PRC. However, this
study contends that there are reasons that are beyond the well-worn natural resource
extraction and diplomacy arguments that make South Africa attractive to the PRC. It uses
asymmetry theory of international relations to explore and elucidate this. It explores what
underpins, motivates and accounts for the rapid progression of this relationship and the
implications this may have on their relationship in the future
This thesis uses Womack‘s (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) terminology and
methodology to look at how South Africa and the PRC concentrate on areas of
complementarity and cooperation and seek and foster mutual understanding and appreciation
of each other‘s societies and histories. The thesis explore how they work to actively convert
hostility to friendship and adroitly manage the relationship to prevent it drifting from
friendship to hostility, as well as using what Womack calls routinization, neutralization and
diplomatic ritual, in managing their partnership.
From the perspective of asymmetry theory, the PRC and South Africa are complementary.
South Africa is the largest; most sophisticated, developed and diversified economy in Africa
and the developing world. It possesses or has access to technical and managerial knowhow
that the PRC would have difficulty accessing elsewhere. South Africa remains a strategic maritime and naval route for the PRC‘s trade and accesses to key resources on the African
continent and elsewhere.
The study finds that asymmetry theory is useful in understanding how South Africa and the
PRC manage their relationship. Asymmetry theory provides a framework to analyse the
motivations and dynamic interactions that drive the progression of their diplomatic relations.
The findings of the thesis imply a diplomatic relationship between South Africa and the PRC
that is based on more than just the PRC‘s need for resources and diplomatic support in the
international system.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onlangse toetrede van die VolksRepubliek van China (VRC) tot die geledere van die
ekonomiese supermoondhede het een van die mees beduidende verwikkelinge in
wêreldaangeleenthede geword. Soos die VRC ekonomies belangriker geword het, is gepoog
om hierdie sukses te herhaal op ander terreine van die land se buitelandse betrekkinge met die
res van die wêreld. Afrika en Afrika lande is ‗n streek waar die VRC se betrokkenheid en
verbindnisse groot konsternasie ontlok het, veral vanaf Westerse lande. Maar hierdie streek,
relatief tot sy geografiese en demografiese grootte, natuurlike hulpbronne en betrokkenheid
by ander streke en veral Westerse lande, bly onbeduidend in die VRC se buitelandse
betrekkinge.
Die aandag wat Suid Afrika van die VRC geniet is disproporsioneel in vergelyking met die
belang van die VRC se soeke na hulpbronne om haar fenomenale ekonomiese groei te stook.
Die verhoudinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC het in die bestek van ‗n dekade gegroei in
diepte en kompleksiteit wat als oorskadu ten spyte van groot ongelykhede tussen hulle. Suid-
Afrika is die eerste ontwikkelende land met wie die VRC ‗n omvattende strategiese
vennootskap gesluit het. Terwyl die konsep van ‗n ‗strategiese vennootskap‘ onduidelik bly
in internasionale betrekkinge, vergestalt dit betrekinge van beduidenis en statuur wat gewone
bilatirale betrekkinge aanvul, alhoewel laasgenoemde beter gedefinieer en bindend is as
eersgenoemde. Dit is duidelik dat die Chinese regering groot belang heg aan betrekkinge met
Suid-Afrika
Die oorgang na demokrasie en ‗n florerende plurale sosio-ekonomiese kulturele samelewing
wat bewonder word ten spyte van die uitdagings wat dit in die gesig staar, maak van Suid-
Afrika ‗n navolgingswaardige en wenslike vennoot. Suid-Afrika se internasionale statuur en
rol in die internasionale stelsel pas die VRC se doelwitte in hierdie opsig en maak van Suid-
Afrika ‗n goeie skerm floret vir die VRC. Maar, hierdie tesis betoog dat daar ook ander redes
is buiten die wel bekende natuurlike hulpbron onttrekking en diplomatieke argumente wat
Suid-Afrika vir die VRC aantreklik sou maak. Womack se ongelykheidsteorie in
internasionale betrekkinge word gebruik om dit te ondersoek en toe te lig.
Ongelykheidsteorie is nog nie voorheen in studies oor hierdie betrekkinge gebruik nie.
Hierdie tesis verskaf dus ‗n belangrike alternatiewe metode om hierdie betrekkinge te
bestudeer.
Die tesis ondersoek Suid-Afrika en die VRC se betrekkinge na aanleiding van Womack
(2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) se terminologie en metodologie en fokus op gebiede
waar die twee lande mekaar komplimenteer en kan saamwerk; wedersydse verstaan van, en
waardering vir, mekaar se mense en geskiedenisse kan koester; om aktief vyandigheid te
omskep in vriendskap en om verhoudings so bedrewe te bestuur dat vriendskap nie in
vyhandigheid verander nie; en om ook wat Womack roetiene, neutraliteit en diplomatieke
ritueel noem te gebruik in die bestuur van hul vennootskap.
Deur die lens van ongelykheidsteorie kyk die tesis na wat die vinnige progressie wat hierdie
betrekkinge onderskraag, motiveer en verklaar. Vanuit die perspektief van ongelykheidsteorie vind die VRC Suid-Afrika komplimenterend.
Dit is die grootste, mees gesofistikeerde, ontwikkelde en gediversifiseerde ekonomie in
Afrika en die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit besit of het toegang tot tegniese en bestuurskennis
wat die VRC moeilik elders toegang toe sou kon kry. Suid-Afrika bly ‗n strategiese maritime
en vloot roete vir VRC handel en toegang tot sleutel hulpbronne op die Afrika kontinent en
elders.
Een van die bevindings van die studie is dat ongelykheidsteorie ‗n nuttige metode is om die
bestuur van die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC te verstaan.
Dit verskaf ‗n raamwerk vir die analise van die motiverings en dinamiese interaksies wat die
vordering van hul diplomatieke betrekkinge bepaal.
Die bevindings van die tesis impliseer dat die diplomatieke betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en
die VRC nie net op die VRC se behoefte aan bronne en diplomatieke steun in die
internasionale stelsel gebaseer is nie.
2
Wilkins, Thomas Stow. "New Directions in Japanese Grand Strategy: Conceptualising ‘Strategic Partnerships’." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18770.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the newly-adopted mechanism of bilateral ‘strategic partnerships’ as a tool of diplomacy within the broader context of Japanese grand strategy. It posits that these new forms of security alignment have become an integral part of Japan’s ‘external mobilisation’ aimed at addressing the ‘increasingly severe security environment’ with which the country is now confronted with. It takes an inter-disciplinary approach drawing on Organisational Theories to supplement existing International Relations (IR) approaches, which are deemed insufficient for fully capturing and comprehending the nature, purpose, and dynamics of this novel form of alignment. In creating a new conceptual model of ‘strategic partnerships’ on these bases, it then applies it as an analytical framework to two important and contrasting cases study dyads – Japan-Australia and Japan-South Korea – to test the explanatory power of the model and reveal deeper insights into key empirical examples of Tokyo’s strategic-partnering policy. It concludes that the model significantly advances our understanding of these relationships, as well as demonstrating how they form part of a wider strategic context within which Japanese grand strategy must be conducted.
3
Odor, Erin M. "Re-versing the Eighth Genius: Invoking Partnerships and Poetics to Translate the Huajian ji." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1417015192.
Texte intégral
4
von, Wendel Karl, and Petter Nyström. "Sharing globally in a limited world : How sharecoms can internationalize by implementing M&As and/or strategic partnerships." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During recent years the sharing economy has had an increased impact on the modern business climate, and the level of engagement among researchers has increased. The sharing economy is changing the way individuals perceive business and challenges traditional business models. Sharing economy firms are implementing innovative business approaches to face the dynamic business climate. Its peer-to-peer sharing philosophy is fighting against the increasing hyper-consumption we are facing. Previous scholars have discussed how traditional firms can gain market shares and internationalize through M&As and strategic partnerships. However, the research on how M&As and partnerships can be implemented among sharing economy firms is minimal. Also, the empirical studies regarding this field are inadequate. Accordingly, examining this research gap in practice and gaining a deeper understanding of the subject is highly relevant. This thesis aims to shed light on the motives behind sharing economy firms internationalizing, mainly through mergers and acquisitions or strategic partnerships, involving at least one sharing platform in the process. To accomplish the intentions of this study, a qualitative research approach has been conducted, with a diverse group of respondents from different parts of the world and operating in various areas within the sharing economy. Moreover, the empirical data has been collected through conducting findings from four semi-structured interviews. The outcome of this research implies that the motives for sharing economy firms to internationalize using M&As or strategic partnerships are beneficial regarding the sharing economy characteristics. For instance, the paper highlights how sharing economy firms have a comfortable path internationalizing into foreign markets but can struggle to gain platform user activity in the early stages in new markets. Therefore, are M&As and strategic partnerships strategic tools for sharing economy firms to acquire an already existing customer base or have strategic alliances that can ease cultural barriers and such when entering foreign markets.
5
Brinckwirth, Anton. "Implementation and Outcomes of an Online English-Portuguese Tandem Language Exchange Program Delivered Jointly Across a U.S.-Brazilian University Partnership: A Case Study." VCU Scholars Compass, 2012. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2752.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study was to investigate a class-to-class online English-Portuguese "Teletandem” program that was conceived, negotiated, and implemented cross-collaboratively between the foreign language instructors and language resource center (LRC) staff at two large state universities—one in the United States and the other in Brazil. Ten English language students in Brazil were paired with 10 Portuguese language students in the U.S. for a 10-week Skype®-based tandem language exchange (TLE) project that was jointly delivered online across an international university partnership. A qualitative case study design was used to examine the attitudes, perceptions, views, and behaviors of the teachers, students, and LRC staff who participated in the project. The objective of the study was to shed light on the factors that facilitated and hindered teletandem design, implementation and sustainability. Participant feedback was interpreted and contextualized by the researcher to provide rich descriptions of how Teletandem was optimized and how it impacted student learning. The findings suggest that Teletandem is an innovative, low-cost, high-impact language learning activity with vast pedagogical implications. As a lab supplement to traditional instruction, it enabled students at both sites to accelerate L2 development through authentic immersion and practice while making social connections with native speakers abroad. In addition, the results showed that—for many students—Teletandem heightened intercultural awareness, boosted confidence in the L2, and strengthened fluency skills while rendering a transformational learning experience.
6
Jarige, Benoit. "La fiscalité internationale des sociétés de personnes : étude critique des images fiscales à la lumière des droits britannique et américain." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022BORD0099.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La transparence, la semi-transparence, la translucidité ou encore la personnalité fiscale sont autant d’images fiscales formant le paradigme français de la fiscalité internationale des sociétés de personnes, en ce sens que ces images sont mobilisées pour poser et répondre aux problématiques relatives à l’imposition française du revenu réalisé sous la forme d’une société de personnes en situation d’extranéité. Par ce recours aux images fiscales, la conception française de la fiscalité internationale des sociétés de personnes distingue les sociétés de personnes de droit français de celles de droit étranger. D’une part, les sociétés de personnes de droit français, réputées semi-transparentes et disposant d’une personnalité fiscale distincte de leurs associés, sont considérées comme les sujets d’une imposition pourtant assumée par leurs associés. Sur ce fondement, ces sociétés sont qualifiées de résident au sens des conventions visant à éliminer les doubles impositions. Les règles conventionnelles de territorialité sont alors appliquées au niveau de la société et non à celui de leurs associés. D’autre part, le droit fiscal français accepte de recevoir la transparence fiscale des sociétés de personnes étrangère pour appliquer les conventions fiscales à leurs associés. Il en résulte une conception française de la fiscalité internationale des sociétés de personnes difficilement compréhensible, non seulement au regard de celle pratiquée par les droits étrangers, mais également au regard du droit interne. En se détachant du recours constant aux images fiscales pour se concentrer sur une étude des textes français, britannique et américain, la conception française de la fiscalité internationale des sociétés de personnes peut être écartée. Par cette étude critique des images fiscales, l’altérité véhiculée par les images fiscales entre les sociétés de personnes de droit français et les partnerships de droits anglais, écossais et américain peut être dépassée au profit d’une unité (Partie 1). Celle-ci renverse les fondements de la conception française de la fiscalité internationale des sociétés de personnes et offre alors la perspective de son renouvellement (Partie 2)<br>Transparency, semi-transparency, translucency or fiscal personality are tax images used as a paradigm in the French conception of partnerships in international tax law, in that those images are used to think and resolve the issues raised by the taxation, in France, of international partnerships. Based on those images, the French conception of international taxation of partnership distinguishes between local partnerships and foreign partnerships. On the one hand, local partnerships are said to be semi-transparent or translucent and to have a fiscal personality distinct from their partners. Thusly, local partnerships are construed as the subject of a tax that is yet paid by the partners. Consequently, local partnerships are qualified as resident for the purpose of the bilateral conventions and the foreign partners cannot claim the application of the treaty. On the other hand, the recognition of the transparency of foreign partnerships is accepted in French tax law so the partners may claim the stipulations of the bilateral convention. This conception of international taxation of partnerships, founded on a dual approach of partnerships, is isolated from the taxation known in others countries and lacks coherence in the view of the French tax law. With a critical study of tax images in the light of the British law and the American law, this conception may be challenged. The comparison between French partnerships and British and American partnerships permits to overcome the otherness suggested by the resort of tax images, and to demonstrate instead the unity among those entities (Part 1). Once it has been ascertained, this unity challenges the foundation of the French conception of international taxation of partnership and allows the prospect of its renewal (Part 2)
7
Hess, Natalie M. [Verfasser], and Detlef [Akademischer Betreuer] Nolte. "Understanding the EU’s Strategic Partnerships with Brazil, India and South Africa : Strategic alliances forming part of the strategy of cooperating while competing and Social relationships as foreign policy tools of social power / Natalie M. Hess. Betreuer: Detlef Nolte." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1053811268/34.
Texte intégral
8
Gomez, Ricardo. "Strategic action in EU foreign policy : the Euro-Mediterranean partnership." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1611/.
Texte intégral
9
Haber, J. A. "Eastern partnership: financial implications." Thesis, Українська академія банківської справи Національного банку України, 2010. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/61893.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Life of an Eastern Patnership is longer than usually it is presented. Mainly
many authors are starting with the first Eastern Partnership summit In Prague on
May 7, 2009. On that summit a Joint Declaration concerning Eastern Partnership
was adopted.
10
Sternehäll, Tove. "Trust, Power and Partnership : A study of the evolution of Sweden’s bilateral economic partnership with South Africa between 1985-2018." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194051.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate how Sweden’s bilateral economic relationship with South Africa has evolved between the years 1985-2018, from a Swedish perspective. The study has four research questions. The first question focuses on how Swedish policies toward South Africa has evolved over time, which is followed by two questions on how these changes has impacted trade and non-trade economic activity between the countries. The last question binds the study together with a discussion of the balance of Swedish priorities between humanitarian goals and domestic self-interests during this period. The existing literature is mainly focused on the economic relationship leading up to the fall of apartheid in 1994, and there is not much written on the subject since then. This study aims to contribute to the field by connecting the apartheid-era literature to the development of the post-apartheid bilateral economic relationship. The study is based on a cross analysis of complementary data sources and methods to capture the complexity of the bilateral economic relationship between the two countries. The main bulk of data is derived through semi-structured interviews with representatives from the Swedish government, the civil society, and researchers with experience of this bilateral relationship. This is complemented with a content analysis of Swedish policy documents and illustrative quantitative data. The thesis is built on an analytical framework based on Embeddedness theory and a conceptualisation of Economic- and Soft Power, which highlights the interconnectedness between social, political, and economic relationships.
11
Jovita, João Baptista de. "A política externa de Angola e as estratégias atuais." Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, 2017. https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/19791.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A presente dissertação objetiva estudar as estratégias atuais da política externa angolana, considerando os 41 anos desde sua independência. O estudo apresenta dois modelos para analisar duas formas de inserção internacional angolana. O primeiro modelo se aplica ao período de 1975 a 1991, o qual enfatiza a agenda de defesa, paz e segurança que levou Angola a buscar por uma inserção internacional mais isolada, tendo em vista as Guerras Fria e Civil. Já o segundo modelo se aplica ao período de 1992 a 2016, que analisa como Angola procurou se adequar ao novo contexto internacional no Pós-guerra Fria e Civil. O trabalho questiona como Angola formulou seus interesses estratégicos ao longo desses períodos e quais são seus reflexos para as estratégias atuais. A maioria dos estudos anteriores caracteriza Angola apenas como “receptor” de políticas externas das grandes potências. Esse trabalho não nega tal premissa histórica, mas argumenta que as relações construídas com as grandes potências configuraram fator fundamental para proposição das próprias dinâmicas regionais do país, transformando, ao longo do tempo, Angola em um ator proeminente das relações internacionais, tanto no plano regional, quanto global.<br>This dissertation aims to study the current strategies of Angolan foreign policy, considering the 41 years since its independence. The study presents two models to analyze two forms of Angolan international insertion. The first model applies to the period from 1975 to 1991, which emphasizes the agenda of defense, peace and security that implied Angola to seek for a isolated international insertion, face of the Cold and Civil Wars. Already the second model applies to the period from 1992 to 2016, which analyzes how Angola sought to adapt to the new international context in the post-Cold and Civil Wars. The research questions how Angola formulated its strategic interests throughout these periods and what are its reflexes for current strategies. Most of the earlier studies characterize Angola only as the "recipient" of the major powers' foreign policies. This study complies with this historical premise, but argues that the relations built with the great powers have formed a fundamental factor in proposing the country's own regional dynamics, transforming, over time, Angola in as a prominent actor in international relations, both at the regional and global levels.<br>Dissertação (Mestrado)
12
Fung, Shuk-fan Kitty. "Foreign law firms in PRC : entry strategies and problems /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B14038936.
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Zhang, Rong Rong. "Emerging alliance? :analysis of China-Russia strategic partnership from perspective of balance of threat theory." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335239.
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14
Söylemez, Mehmet. "Turkey-China relations in the 21st century: from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.
15
Sletten, Amy L. "Reluctant Partnership: An Analysis Of The Turkish Parliament." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609022/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyzes the historical decision made by the Turkish Grand National Assembly on March 1, 2003. On this date Turkey made the decision not to accept the United States&rsquo<br>offer of monetary compensation in exchange for the use of Turkish Air Force bases and the right to move troops through South Eastern Turkey into Northern Iraq. The aim of this work is to give the reader historical background of the strategic alliance these two countries have shared since World War II, and in the events leading up to the Iraq War. The main focus of the paper is to understand, through historical context, the reasons why Turkey said &ldquo<br>no.&rdquo<br>This thesis posits three main reasons for the failure of this motion.
16
Teklegiorgis, Gedion T. "U.S. victory in the first Gulf War : implication for the future of United States foreign policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FTeklegiorgis.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas K. ; Looney, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on February 2, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-68). Also available in print.
17
Lindvall, Nina. "Why Prioritise the East? : The reasons behind the implementation of the Eastern Partnership within the European Union Foreign Policy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-233298.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This Master Thesis aims to answer the question why the EU foreign policy-makers decided toimplement the Eastern Partnership (EaP). As the EU foreign policy decision-making processis based upon consensus between all EU Member States, an argumentation analysis isconducted to find the arguments that the policy-makers use to convince the others. By usingHabermas’ Theory of Communicative Action, the arguments are categorized into pragmatic(security and economic interests), moral (humanitarian values) or ethical-political (culturalvalues) logics. The research material consists of official documents and statements of the EUinstitutions. Then, the arguments are evaluated as whether they can be said to be legitimate,‘mobilizing’ arguments: intelligible, appropriate and true. The main result is that even if allargumentation categories are used by policy-makers, none of the categories can be said to becompletely legitimate. Therefore, an ideological perspective is a possible complement to thecategories within the Theory of Communicative Action. This perspective would possibly addto the understanding why the EaP was implemented.
18
Cardwell, Paul J. "The common foreign and security policy of the European Union as a system of governance : the Euro-Mediterranean partnership." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3240.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU) has often been characterised by legal scholars as an intergovernmental ‘pillar’ within the constitutional structure of the EU, distinct from the type of law and legal processes common to other dimensions of the European integration process. The perceived limitations caused by the intergovernmental nature of the CFSP have contributed to the widespread view that it is largely ineffective in meeting its goals. This thesis analyses the CFSP by characterising it as a system of governance. Building on the language and meanings of ‘governance’, an institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis is developed. Using this framework helps to show that characterising the CFSP in this way demonstrates how its (legal) effects go beyond the instruments provided for in the Treaty on European Union. The CFSP as a system of governance can be seen to influence other Union-level instruments, tools and policies in which the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. The case is made that the CFSP can be understood as an integral part of the constitutional order of the EU and legal analysis need not be limited to the competences and instruments found in the Treaty. The thesis uses the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EuroMed) to demonstrate how the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. Although EuroMed was not formally created by a CFSP instrument, analysis of its institutional framework and operation shows that it bears close affinity with the CFSP goals, both globally and towards the Mediterranean. EuroMed can also be seen as a system of governance, in which the EU institutions act as strong, central actors which enable foreign policy goals to be pursued within an institutionalised framework. As a policy area within EuroMed, the broad issues of migration are examined against the background of growing EU competence in migration law and policy. The analysis demonstrates that migration issues have come to the forefront in EuroMed, which is increasingly used as a means by which foreign policy and security goals can be pursued by the EU under the guise of a ‘partnership’ with Mediterranean states. Applying the institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis to the CFSP shows that, as a system of governance, it has strong effects on other policy-making spheres within the EU, and these effects can justifiably be termed as ‘legal’. As such, the CFSP should therefore not be regarded as a policy which is limited in its usefulness but one which can be seen to fulfil its goals through a wider set of means than previously thought.
19
Tong, Wei. "Poland's influence in the European Union, a perspective of the Eastern partnership." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555598.
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Karaman, Irfan. "Relations Between Armenia And Russia In The 2000s: From Strategic Partnership To Pragmatic Cooperation." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613658/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to analyze the nature of relations between Armenia and Russia in the 2000s. Contrary to the dominant view that relations between these two countries could be labeled as strategic partnership, this thesis argues that these relations could be characterized as pragmatic cooperation. In fact, both countries having close relations in all fields and refraining from pursuing policies that might harm the other&rsquo<br>s interests in the 1990s, gave priority to their own national interests in the diplomatic and economic fields in the 2000s, while maintaining close cooperation in the security field. In the 2000s, Russia started to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy by improving its relations with Azerbaijan that has rich oil and natural gas reserves. Likewise, Armenia has also started to pursue a balanced foreign policy by enhancing its cooperation with the Western countries and international organizations in diplomatic and security fields in the same period. Moreover, Armenia also deepened its cooperation with Iran in the energy sector to decrease its energy dependence on Russia. Consequently, both Armenia and Russia have started to pursue pragmatic policies in diplomatic and economic fields to maximize their own national interests while maintaining close cooperation in security field. Therefore, bilateral relations between these two countries started to take more pragmatic character than a strategic partnership.
21
Abdulsalam, Mutait Mobolanle. "Public private partnership policy in Nigeria's infrastructure development landscape : a critical appraisal of the infrastructure Concession Regulatory Act." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/43679.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nigeria is rich country in terms of natural resources, It has one of Africa's largest economy, having being endowed with massive natural, human, renewable and non-renewable resources. With a population of about 160 million people which creates a large market for goods and services, rich soil suitable for commercial agriculture, deposits of natural resources including crude-oil, natural-gas, tin, and rock-salt, and cash crops including cocoa, kola-nut, cotton, groundnut and timber, Nigeria has the potential of being one of the largest economy globally and the political hegemony in Africa.1
However, the country has not been able to achieve sustainable development as a result of the deplorable state of infrastructure. Nigeria is confronted with the problem of immense infrastructure deficit which adversely affect national income, cost of production and distribution of goods and services, reduces Foreign Direct Investment(FDI), and result in poverty, unemployment, frequent youth unrest and fall in the general living standards.2 The poor state of infrastructure assets in the country is traceable primarily to the neglect by government and poor maintenance during the transition period from military rule to civilian administration. In an attempt to recover from the infrastructure decay, privatization was commenced in the late 90s through to the 21st century. Yet, there was no commendable improvements as the quality of public services dropped continuously and most of the enterprises were eventually wounded up as a result of corruption, poor maintenance and lack of skilled expertise.3
Furthermore, as a result of budget deficit caused by contraction in fiscal space, and continuous increase in demand for public services which correlates with population growth and rural-urban migration, public financing cannot facilitate bridging of the infrastructure gap. Also, having realized the success of Public Private Partnership (PPP) in other climes, government adopted PPP in 2005 to aid transition of the state of national infrastructure through private involvement in infrastructure financing. Unfortunately, for well over one decade of adopting PPP, Nigeria has not witnessed any commendable changes in her infrastructure assets. The poor performance of PPP in country has been traced to several factors including corruption, lack of transparency, and undue political interference. Central to the factors is the problem of regulatory deficit.4
Consequently, this study will examine the Nigerian PPP legal and regulatory framework to ascertain the problems responsible for the inability of the infrastructure financing technique to facilitate sustainable development through successful infrastructure projects.<br>Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014<br>gm2015<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM<br>Unrestricted
22
Ivory, Christine J. G. "The emerging partnership, a study of Russia-European Union relations and Russian foreign policy perspectives toward European integration, 1992-1999." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0003/MQ42715.pdf.
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23
Van, der Holst Marieke. "EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping: partnership or asymmetry?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and
development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean
and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation
policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé
Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately,
the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the
Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a
result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were
previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The
Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible
Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs).
During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis
instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently,
Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA)
EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group,
represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with
Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent;
from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities.
Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana,
Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse
and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However,
maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to
the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner
of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the
BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized
System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation
Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not
negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver.
The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will
promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access
was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa
because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA.
Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience
increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the
BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income
losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU
countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most-
Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South
Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the
strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail
to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be
included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more
foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will
increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However,
foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies.
South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be
confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized.
From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in
the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the
importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do
so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA
was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in
its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the
negotiations deadlock.
Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested
attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the
poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements
have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
24
Adolfsson, Tobias. "The Rise of Resilience in EU Foreign Policy – A Shift of Paradigm or Parlance? : A comparative case study of the EU foreign policy before and after the EU Global Strategy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-375766.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This master’s thesis studies the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy in the Eastern Partnership before and after the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) and investigates whether or not there has been a policy shift towards the paradigm of resilience. Previous research disagrees on the implications of the EUGS and I argue that more empirical research on the matter is needed. The purpose of this thesis is thus to empirically investigate whether or not a shift in EU foreign policy towards a paradigm of resilience has indeed taken place in practice after the launch of the EUGS. Two sources of data are used in the study: the first and principal are the annual action programmes for the Eastern Partnership used by the EU for planning and delivering of external assistance; the second is a set of semi-structured elite interviews conducted with respondents representing the Eastern Partnership and the EU respectively. The results are mixed, showing a slight trend towards resilience-building but no ground-breaking paradigm shift has occurred. I argue that the resilience-building focus and principled pragmatism approach presented by the EUGS rather should be seen as an attempt by the EU to be honest with the foreign policy it is already conducting.
25
Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin. "The politics in and around governance in the New Partnership for Africa's Development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
26
Sommerholt, Lovisa. "EU’s Trade and Foreign Policies towards Tunisia : Following up on the Neoliberal debate." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-174988.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is often described as the solitary success among the political transitions which followed. Much has been ascribed to the trade agreement (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership or EMP) between EU and Tunisia in promoting said democracy. Recently, Tunisia has also become dependent on IMF loans. This has raised concerns of the effect of neoliberal policies that are advocated for by the IMF, EU and the World Bank. The correlation between neoliberal policies and political stability is still being debated among scholars and the linear causalities remain unclear. Several scholars have criticised the EU-Tunisian trade agreement and EU policies, claiming that this has led to increased poverty and social instability in the country. This study seeks to determine, in accordance with such critique, if a neoliberal agenda is advocated for by the EU. Previous studies have focused on policy effects of the trade and foreign relations between EU and Tunisia. Instead this study analyses the mutual trade agreement and EU political policy agenda for Tunisia to understand the intent of the EU. A content analysis is used on the Association Agreement as well as the EU Policy Paper `Cadre Unique d’appui 2017-2020´ towards Tunisia.This study uses a definition of neoliberalism based on Joseph Stiglitz well-renowned critique on IMF-policies in developing countries in the 1980s-1990s. The result of the analysis shows that even though policy or trade provisions may correspond to a neoliberal agenda, the overall language in both the trade agreement and the policy documents suggest that EU is well-aware of possible negative effects of neoliberal policies. Throughout the documents EU advocates for a balanced approach including both economic and social interests.The study does not find evidence for EU knowingly pursuing a neoliberal agenda in Tunisia. Instead it suggests that future studies on the topic should focus on the EU Commission’s own projections of its policies, a more thorough study on policy effects of specific treaty- and policy provisions, and/ or how neoliberal approaches have recently evolved in development policies.
27
Zehua, Liu, and M. Saidi Sheikha. "A quantitative study on foregin students' application intention: The effects of social media, word-of-mouth, reputation, partnerships and brand image." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Företagsekonomi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-100069.
Texte intégral
28
Thornton, Richard William. "Does Size Matter? New Zealand in Partnership with the European Union: a Small State Perspective." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/911.
Texte intégralRésumé :
British accession to the European Union (EU) had far reaching economic, political and social consequences for New Zealand, forcing New Zealand to transform itself from a dependent subsidiary of Britain to acting as an independent small state for the first time. Although still in its infancy, the contemporary relationship New Zealand has formed with the EU is quite different to that it first established in the 1970s. It has increasing become more institutionalised, with a slowly developing structural framework that facilitates the narrow areas of cooperation. Dominated by the important economic relationship, the main challenges faced are of an economic nature. But the relationship also encompasses areas of political and social cooperation including people-to-people links, the environment, educational linkages, mutual support for multilateral institutions and development in the Pacific. As a small state, New Zealand is expected to display certain foreign policy behaviours in its interaction with bilateral partners. Small state theory forms the theoretical framework that explains New Zealand's behaviour in its foreign policy interaction with the EU. The theory was chosen for both its perceived usefulness in explaining and understanding the foreign policy behaviour of small states and for the apparent weaknesses of the theory, which is revealed in the case study of New Zealand-EU relations. This demonstrates how the theory is useful for its explanation of small state foreign policy behaviour, but also providing an insightful revelation of the theories flaws. This thesis proposes modifications to small state theory in order to strengthen it, and make it more encompassing of the contemporary realities of small state foreign policy, demonstrating that size does matter when exercising a foreign policy.
29
Shaw, Martin C. "The globalization of Christian missions a historical study of CBInternational's response during the period of 1989-2004 /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2007. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p002-0812.
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30
Li, Jinxiang. "The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements: will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main purpose of this paper was to explore the role economic partnership agreements play in regional integration. The whole paper was premised on identifying the nature of economic partnership agreements that is conceived as a free trade arrangement. Therefore the paper discussed the feasibility of the reciprocal principle between the European Union and ACP countries, and further indicated that there is no need to implement the principle of reciprocity at present. The paper also discovered that, due to the fact that unequal trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries still exist, the implementation of the EPAs is most likely to generate the complementary but non-competitive trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries. Such a situation could result in the ACP countries over-independence on the EU's market. ACP countries are not expecting to such integration. In addition the paper ascertains that the EPAs themselves could contain the intrinsic negative impacts such as discrimination against the third countries on regional integration.
31
Somhlaba, Zamokwakhe Ludidi. "Conceptualizing and implementing the meaning of Africa's new partnership with the industrialized north : implications and possibilities for the renaissance." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004655.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.
32
Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and
SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in
the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably
been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political
economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless,
any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical
outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some
cases both, on the participants of that structure.
This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive
embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation
and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the
European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA
framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy
of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted
agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating
capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point
is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will
create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to
deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious
developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional
integration.
Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel
opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the
fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures
through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward
convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are
important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of
deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie
(EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige
rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms.
Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die
internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme
gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale
handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan
deelnemers van sodanige struktuur.
Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op
die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en
implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met
die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO
struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van
regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n
komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en
onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt
word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van
REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk.
In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die
SAOG tans volg, weerspreek.
Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal
voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende
herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in
beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder
tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere
belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die
deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die
internasionale ekonomie.
33
Sobol, Mor. "Principals, agents and neighbours : the European Neighbourhood Policy through a Principal-Agent lens." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/15861.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis tests the efficacy of Principal-Agent (PA) theory in explaining the creation and development of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). As such, the thesis is subject as well as theory-driven. Empirically, the focal point is how the interaction between the EU member states and the European Commission affected the development of the ENP. It is a theme which is largely overlooked in the ENP literature. In terms of theory, the ENP represents a fascinating case study for PA analysis not only because it has rarely been applied to the field of EU foreign policy but also because PA has seldom been used for studying the evolution of a policy (both pre and post-delegation). Conceptualising EU member states as principals and the European Commission as agent, the thesis examines PA dynamics through the following three ENP policy stages: formulation (2002-2004), finalisation (2004-2006), and implementation (2007-2009). Three hypotheses are tested for each stage of the ENP. Two hypotheses are rooted in PA scholarship, and address the influence of the agent as an informal agenda-setter, while the third distinguishes the agent's influence between different stages of the policy development. Methodologically, the research design is based on within-case process-tracing while the empirical data is drawn from a triangulation of official documents, secondary sources and elite interviews. The thesis findings show that during the initial stages of the policy, the Commission took advantage of its favourable position (e.g. informational asymmetries and uncertainty among the member states) to establish itself as the key actor in the ENP. As the ENP evolved, the Commission’s influence has diminished while the member states, collectively and individually, became more engaged in determining the course of the policy. However, contrary to PA assumptions, member states' increased oversight over the Commission did not come as a response to disobedient behaviour. Based on the empirical data, the Commission, as an agent, was in fact trying to implement the ENP following the guidelines which were previously agreed by its principals. Thus, in the case of the ENP, my PA analysis shifts from the traditional inquiry of how principals control opportunistic agents, to examining how principals could hinder the work of the agent. This phenomenon, broadly defined by Thompson (2007) as the ‘principal problem’, is an anomaly in existing PA literature dominated by an agency-biased standpoint and has previously not been analysed in the context of the European Union. Finally, the wider implication of this thesis is that there is still room for broadening the scope of PA analysis while highlighting the necessity to keep a watchful eye on both the principals and the agent.
34
Nguyen, Thi Bich Ha. "Strategic Economic Partnership between Vietnam and Japan: Current State, Challenges and Measures to Promote Trade and Investment Relations." 名古屋大学大学院経済学研究科附属国際経済政策研究センター, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/16042.
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35
Soyeju, Olufemi Olugbemiga. "Public assets financing in Nigeria : the imperatives for legal reforms to unlock domestic financial resources and foreign capital for infrastructure development." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24525.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Infrastructure is one of the main parameters of economic growth and a country‘s competitiveness depends on the provision and maintenance of efficient and productive infrastructure assets. However, Nigeria, like most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa has the lowest quantity and poorest quality of stocks of infrastructure assets in the world and this phenomenally poor infrastructure has remained an impediment to development in the country. Decades of sub-optimal investment, poor maintenance culture and the fact that the required infrastructure investments could not be accommodated within the available fiscal space as a result of budgetary constraints have all contributed to the Nigeria‘s infrastructure deficit. The immediate outcome of this however is that the available infrastructure assets across the Nigerian landscape are in decrepit state and absurdly inadequate. Besides, the present demand for basic infrastructure services has grown astronomically out-stripping the supply capacity of the existing ones. Closing the infrastructure financing gap will however require increased investment by private investors through creative financing in an enabling legal and financial environment. Outside the budgetary constraints, the absence of efficient maintenance and management of infrastructure assets and quality service delivery by the public sector are some of the reasons why procurement of public infrastructure stocks by government through the traditional approach is no longer plausible and hence, the general appeal of the public-private partnership framework. However, despite all the potentials, the public private partnership technique in Nigeria has not made an appreciable impact in closing the infrastructure gaps due to lack of access to long-term financing. It is against this back-drop that this study has sought to investigate how reforms of the legal and financial infrastructure could widen access to financing through innovative financial resource mobilization in scaling-up infrastructure development and service delivery to the teeming Nigeria population. Therefore, the central thesis of this study is that the inadequacy of appropriate laws and inefficient financial system are partly responsible for the huge financing gaps in the Nigeria‘s infrastructure market and with the legal and financial reforms, an enabling legal and financial environment that would open up space for resource mobilization through innovative financing techniques and sources will be created thereby widening access to long-term financing and increasing the appetite for private investment in the nation‘s public infrastructure assets and services. So, the overarching objective of this thesis is to explore how legal and financial system reforms can facilitate the development of financial models and instruments that can help mobilize financial resources to fund infrastructure and bridge the huge infrastructure financing gaps in Nigeria in a sustainable fashion. Given the infrastructure poverty that constrains economic growth and development in Nigeria, the outcomes of this proposed study would help inform the need for the legal and financial system reforms to unlock resources in addressing the problems of financing gaps in infrastructure projects development in Nigeria. Besides, such outcomes based on the Nigerian experience in infrastructure financing and development may be turned into valuable knowledge for policy –making and further research in Nigeria. Copyright<br>Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2012.<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>unrestricted
36
Kereselidze, Nino. "Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6824.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.
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Tojflová, Marie. "Německá zahraniční politika vůči Rusku v období vlád G.Schroedera a A.Merkelové." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-149850.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis concerns German foreign policy towards Russia during the governments of G. Schroeder and A. Merkel with a view to analyzing this policy from a number of perspectives. The first objective is to introduce an analysis of German-Russian relations in the areas of international politics, security, economy and energy policy from 1998 to the present. The second objective is to compare the approaches of both chancellors in foreign policy and identify whether a certain continuity in German foreign policy vis-á-vis Russia has been preserved or whether the policy has been modified, and if so, in what areas.
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Maráková, Natálie. "Strategické partnerství mezi Německem a Ruskem." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201979.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This diploma thesis focuses on analysis and evaluation of the German-Russian strategic partnership from the German point of view. The aim of this thesis is to answer a question, whether Russia had ever been or still is a strategic partner of Germany, or whether the establishment of the German-Russian strategic partnership remains rather a political goal than the reality. The theoretical part of the thesis deals with the theoretical definition of the strategic partnership and indentifies key characteristics of this concept. The analytical part is divided into separate chapters analysing individual dimensions of the German-Russian relations: economic, energetic, security and political. The final chapter sets the goal to summarise and to evaluate the main findings arising from the previous chapters and to answer the research question, whether Russia can be or in the past could be considered a German strategic partner.
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Gomes, Ana Carolina Nogueira. "A parceria estratégica Brasil-União Europeia: motivações e ganhos (2007-2017)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/17685.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais<br>O fenómeno da globalização desencadeou diversas alterações na economia internacional e nos equilíbrios políticos. A partir da década de 2000, a emergência de países em desenvolvimento tornou-se cada vez mais evidente; estes têm vindo a desempenhar um papel de relevo no sistema internacional. Paralelamente, os países desenvolvidos do Ocidente demonstraram-se mais vulneráveis aos efeitos da crise internacional, que afetou significativamente as suas economias. Perante um cenário internacional de crescente interdependência, a cooperação entre os diversos atores revela-se fundamental. Este panorama tornou necessário às potências desenvolvidas procurar apoio e vitalidade juntamente com as potências emergentes. Neste sentido, a União Europeia, enquanto ator internacional, tem vindo a estabelecer uma série de Acordos de Parcerias Estratégicas com algumas das principais potências emergentes. A presente dissertação dedica-se ao caso específico da parceria estratégica estabelecida entre o Brasil e a União Europeia, no ano de 2007, analisando as motivações e os ganhos obtidos através da mesma para ambas as partes, chegando-se à conclusão de que os ganhos políticos são superiores aos ganhos económicos e ainda que a Parceria Estratégica em si não influenciou significativamente o sistema internacional.<br>The globalization phenomenon has triggered several changes in the international economy and in political equilibria. Since the 2000s, the emergency of developing countries has become increasingly evident; these countries have been playing a prominent role in the international system. At the same time, the Western developed countries have shown to be more vulnerable to the effects of the international crisis, which has significantly affected their economies. Faced with an international scenario of growing interdependence, cooperation among the various actors is fundamental. This panorama made it necessary for the developed powers to seek support and vitality with the emerging powers. In this sense, the European Union, as an international actor, has established a series of Strategic Partnership Agreements with some of the main emerging powers. This dissertation is dedicated to the specific case of the strategic partnership between Brazil and the European Union in 2007, analyzing the motivations and gains obtained through this partnership for both parties and concluding that the political gains are superior to the economic gains and that the Strategic Partnership per se has not significantly influenced the international system.<br>N/A
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Iipumbu, Rebekka Nangula. "Exploring the potential of African higher education institutions in assisting the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) to effectively achieve its goals." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2418.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis explores the potential of African higher education institutions in assisting the
New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in its quest to
affectively achieve its goals. My contention is that higher education institutions need to
be favourably positioned in terms of institutional autonomy and academic freedom to
assist the achievement of the NEPAD goals. Moreover, there is a need for deliberative
democracy, if the NEPAD goals are to be achieved affectively, especially from the
perspective of higher education institutions.
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Douglas, Alan Andrew Lees McAninch Stuart. "Still in transition an ethnographic case study of the academic and cultural adjustment experiences of Kuwaiti students enrolled in a formal agreement partnership between an American university and the State of Kuwait /." Diss., UMK access, 2005.
Trouver le texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--School of Education. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2005.<br>"A dissertation in urban leadership and policy studies in education and education." Advisor: Stuart A. McAninch. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed June 23, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-262). Online version of the print edition.
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Inácio, Ivo Alexandre Nicolau Fernandes. "O relacionamento bilateral entre a União Europeia e a Argélia nos domínios económico e comercial : os primeiros cinco anos de vigência do acordo de associação." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/4411.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus<br>Nos últimos anos, tem vindo a ser reforçado o relacionamento institucional entre a União Europeia e a Argélia, sobretudo com base no Acordo Euro-Mediterrânico de Associação celebrado entre aqueles dois actores que, entre outros objectivos, visa a constituição de uma Área de Comércio Livre até 2017. Este estudo pretende verificar, com recurso aos dados relativos ao comércio e investimento estrangeiro bilaterais se, e de que forma, aquele reforço das relações União Europeia/Argélia no plano institucional se traduziu num fortalecimento do relacionamento económico e comercial nos primeiro quinquénio de vigência do dito Acordo, i.e. entre 2005 e 2010, tendo presente que a Argélia solicitou em 2010 a revisão do calendário de desmantelamento tarifário visando a criação da dita Área de Comércio Livre. Os resultados apurados revelam, no período em apreço, um menor aumento do volume comercial do que em quinquénios precedentes, devido a um conjunto de factores, e evidenciam uma redução substancial do superávite no saldo comercial a favor da Argélia, devido a um maior crescimento do valor das importações argelinas da União Europeia do que das exportações. Tal parece dever-se mais a factores internos argelinos, como um aumento da procura interna, por um lado, e à existência de fragilidades estruturais da economia, como a elevada dependência das exportações do sector dos hidrocarbonetos, por outro, do que constituir um resultado directo do mencionado desmantelamento tarifário. No que respeita ao Investimento Directo Estrangeiro, verificou-se entre 2005-2010 um crescimento significativo da entrada de fluxos europeus na Argélia.<br>In the last years, the institutional relationship between the European Union and Algeria has been strengthened, particularly based on the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement signed between those two interlocutors which, among other objectives, aims at the creation until 2017 of a Free Trade Area. This study intends to verify, using data on bilateral trade and foreign investment, if and in what extent, that reinforcement of European Union/Algeria institutional relations resulted in a strengthening of the economic and trade relations in the first five years of enforcement of the said agreement, that is between 2005 and 2010, especially having present that Algeria has requested in 2010 the review of the calendar of tariff dismantling envisaging the creation of the above mentioned Free Trade Area. The results obtained reveal, within the period under review, a smaller increase of trade volume comparing to precedent homologue periods and show a substantial reduction in Algerian surplus in the trade balance, due to a higher growth in the value of Algerian imports from the European Union than that of the exports. This appears to be due more to Algerian internal factors, such as an increase in domestic demand, on the one hand, and the existence of structural weaknesses in the economy, like the high dependency of exports from the hydrocarbon sector, on the other, than being a direct result of the referred tariff elimination. As regards Foreign Direct Investment, there has been between 2005-2010 significant growth in inward flows to Algeria from European Union.
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Dick, Patrícia Paloschi. "A parceria estratégica entre Brasil e China : a contribuição da política externa brasileira (1995-2005)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/8089.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes.<br>The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.
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Boček, Lukáš. "Současná zahraniční politika Spojených států amerických vůči Evropské unii." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192469.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Transatlantic relations have a long tradition but their current state has recently come into question. This thesis is concerned with the contemporary foreign policy of the United States of America towards the European Union, focusing mainly on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) which has been under negotiation since July 2013. The first chapter provides the theoretical and methodological framework, explaining how the American political system and foreign policy construction work and suggesting how these can be analyzed. The following chapters deal with the TTIP itself, using mainly the sub-state level of analysis. Chapter 2 explains the overall agenda of the TTIP, analysing America's goals in the negotiations and the TTIP's possible impact on transatlantic relations. Chapter 3 investigates the role and goals of state actors in the ongoing negotiations, namely of the president of the United States; Congress and the United States Trade Representative and State Department. Chapter 4 is based on analysis of non-state actors involved in or affected by the TTIP negotiations.
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Kowarski, Arthur Derenusson. "Fortalecendo laços: o conceito chinês de parceria estratégica aplicado às relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7404.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa.<br>This paper addresses the bilateral Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian from the concept of strategic partnership, as it appears in the Chinese theoretical formulation. In this sense, the analysis falls on Chinese political thought and how this articulates its own conception of international relations, in which emphasis is placed on the bilateral relations between China and the countries to which it confers strategic weight. The concept of strategic partnership in this work refers to bilateral relations established with a degree of institutionalization means of consultation and with permanent organs between Member States, without thereby translating into alliances between the two countries or directed against a third State. Officially, the term strategic partnership in China's diplomacy appears to characterize China's bilateral relations with Brazil and Russia, for example, understood as the kind of relationship more harmonious Asian country with other states, since the Republic is not more alliances or relationships very closely with any member of the international system. Taking into account the validity of the concept of strategic partnership, it is discussed Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian bilateral relations, in order to understand to what extent the concept is valid as explanatory tool.
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Magwaza, Mayibuye Matthew. "South Africa and Japan - a bureaucratic policy analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85570.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study applies a modified bureaucratic policy process model to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese relations, particularly in regards to a proposed Economic Partnership Agreement, and the experiences of Japanese agencies within South Africa.
South Africa and Japan are major trade partners, and the Japanese government has a significant presence in the African aid scene via the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), and through the works of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). South African – Japanese relations have been documented in a modest but respectable fashion by a range of researchers, including Alden, Skidmore and Osada.
The bureaucratic policy process model has been used in an array of studies on international relations and decision making, notably by Graham Allison. However, it has not been previously applied to South African – Japanese relations. As a result, there is a dearth of information on how bureaucratic dynamics affect Japanese – South African relations. In response to this, a modified bureaucratic policy process model is used to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese governmental relations.
A literature review of primary and secondary sources is undertaken, consisting of a historical review of South African – Japanese relations. Following this, a brief overview of contemporary literature on South African – Japanese relations is performed. This includes both secondary sources and primary sources relating to government bureaucracies current priorities and strategies. Material on TICAD is included in this section.
Interviews with government officials from both the Japanese and South African governments are carried out using a modified snowball sampling system. The interviews provide insights into the different bureaucratic organization’s priorities and programmes, as well as their relationships with other organizations. From this data, two emergent themes are addressed: the failure of a contemplated Free Trade Agreement / Economic Partnership Agreement and the way in which Japanese agencies, particularly JICA, operate within the South Africa context. It is found that the FTA failed due to welfare concerns from the South African Department of Trade and Industry, as well as greater complications relating to trade agreements in general. These greater complications stem from the involvement of regional bodies such as the South African Customs Union. Japanese agencies are found to be constrained within South Africa by a lack of resources as well as by the independent and somewhat sceptical attitude of South African government agencies towards Japanese aid efforts.
It is proposed that the relevance of extra national bureaucracies to the decision making process surrounding the FTA has implications for deploying the bureaucratic policy process model, which has generally only considered national bureaucracies in discussing how decisions are made. It is further suggested that South African trade deals are complicated by the country’s location within the South African Customs Union and the South African Development Community, and the consequent need to consult and negotiate with third parties who are likely to be impacted by such deals. Finally, it is suggested that because both South Africa and Japan face significant, but different economic challenges, they should prioritise improving their economic relations.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel gebruik om die hedendaagse betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed, veral wat betref ’n voorgestelde ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms tussen die twee lande en die ervarings van Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika.
Suid-Afrika en Japan is groot handelsvennote, en die Japannese regering handhaaf ’n beduidende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-hulptoneel deur middel van die Tokiose Internasionale Konferensie oor Afrika-ontwikkeling (TICAD) en die werk van die Japannese Internasionale Samewerkingsagentskap (JICA). Verskeie navorsers, waaronder Alden, Skidmore en Osada, het die betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan al op beskeie dog aansienlike wyse beskryf.
Die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel is al in ’n rits studies oor internasionale betrekkinge en besluitneming gebruik, in die besonder deur Graham Allison. Tog is dit nog nooit voorheen op betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan toegepas nie. Dus bestaan daar weinig inligting oor hoe burokratiese dinamiek die betrekkinge tussen hierdie twee lande raak. In antwoord hierop is ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel dus gebruik om die hedendaagse staatsbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed.
Eerstens is ’n literatuuroorsig van primêre en sekondêre bronne onderneem wat uit ’n historiese oorsig van betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan bestaan het. Daarná is ’n oorsig van kontemporêre literatuur oor die verhoudinge tussen die twee lande onderneem. Dít het sowel sekondêre as primêre bronne met betrekking tot die huidige prioriteite en strategieë van staatsburokrasieë ingesluit. Hierdie afdeling sluit ook materiaal oor TICAD in.
Onderhoude met staatsamptenare van die Japannese sowel as die Suid-Afrikaanse regerings is met behulp van ’n aangepaste stelsel van sneeubalsteekproefneming gevoer. Die onderhoude bied insig in die verskillende burokratiese organisasies se prioriteite en programme, sowel as hul verhoudings met ander organisasies. Twee temas wat uit hierdie data na vore gekom het, is vervolgens bespreek: die mislukking van ’n beoogde vryehandel-/ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms, en die funksionering van Japannese agentskappe, veral JICA, in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Daar word bevind dat die vryehandelsooreenkoms misluk het weens welsynsbesware van die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Handel en Nywerheid, sowel as groter komplikasies met betrekking tot handelsooreenkomste in die algemeen. Hierdie groter komplikasies hou verband met die betrokkenheid van streeksliggame soos die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie. Voorts blyk Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika aan bande gelê te word deur ’n gebrek aan hulpbronne, sowel as Suid-Afrikaanse staatsagentskappe se onafhanklike en effens skeptiese houding jeens Japannese hulppogings.
Die studie doen aan die hand dat die relevansie van bykomende nasionale burokrasieë in die besluitnemingsproses oor die vryehandelsooreenkoms bepaalde implikasies inhou vir die gebruik van die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel, wat meestal slegs rekening hou met enkele nasionale burokrasieë se rol in besluitneming. Voorts blyk dit dat Suid-Afrikaanse handelstransaksies bemoeilik word deur die land se lidmaatskap van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, en die gevolglike behoefte om oorleg te pleeg met derde partye wat waarskynlik deur sulke transaksies geraak sal word.
Laastens word aangevoer dat aangesien Suid-Afrika en Japan met beduidende dog verskillende ekonomiese uitdagings te kampe het, die verbetering van ekonomiese betrekkinge tussen die twee lande nou voorrang behoort te geniet.
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Kubenková, Michaela. "Analýza hospodárskych vzťahov medzi EU a Brazíliou." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-112698.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The target of this diploma work is to provide the view of up to now development and present condition of economy relations between EU and Brasil (consequently between Czech Republic and Brasil), to describe and sum up the status of these relations and to point out the agents complicating the given cooperation. From the point of view of content the work is sectionalized into 5 chapters. The first one characterizes the economy of Brasil, the basic economy markers trends and the Brasil's fortes and weaknesses. The following 2 chapters tackle the juridical ambit of billateral EU and Brasil co-operation, agreements to govern their relationship, the analysis of the goods and services barter, direct foreign investments and protective restrains complicating the business. The content of the chapter No. 4 is the mutual EU - Brasil relations decsription in regard of their acting in wider aggregations, specifically in WTO and Mercosure. The last chapter is focused on the mutual czech and brasilian trade relations characteristic.
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Gomis, François. "Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ?<br>From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?
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Balsas, Carlos Jose Lopes. "City center revitalization and public private partnerships, lessons from foreign experiences and implications for Portugal." 2004. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3136709.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is well known that city centers are fragile places and in constant change. The construction of new commercial developments on the periphery of cities greatly influenced the decline of city centers and of the more traditional forms of retailing there installed. The increasing awareness of this reality led different forms of government to act together with merchants to channel European Union funds to modernize traditional retailing enterprises and to revitalize shopping areas in city centers. This process led to the consideration that retailing is an important element in the livability of cities in Portugal. The commercial urbanism projects financed by the PROCOM Program created for the first time in Portugal a large debate about the importance of commercial planning and commercial revitalization of the city centers. The need to increase the private sector participation in this collective effort, as well as the need to find additional sustainable financing, besides the public subsidies, makes critical the call for proper answers to a more adequate and effective commercial revitalization of city centers. Given the fact that the commercial development on the outskirts of cities is not a unique Portuguese phenomenon, it is important and timely to reflect about foreign experiences in this area. The main objective of this dissertation is to discuss and analyze foreign experiences, mainly North American and British, in terms of commercial revitalization, the creation of public-private partnerships and city center management and present how they can relate to the Portuguese experience. The research methods involved literature reviews, comparative analyses, case studies, semi-structured interviews, meeting observations and a discussion of the implications for the Portuguese reality. The conclusion shows an updated knowledge of international best practices in terms of the creation and implementation of city center management partnerships. Finally, the recommendation section presents a set of proposals and principles that can be useful to Portuguese policy makers in the development and implementation of the second generation of commercial urbanism projects.
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Vieira, Heloise Guarise. "Security identity and foreign policy changes Brazil’s relations with Argentina from 1985 to 2018." Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/98621.
Texte intégralRésumé :
atualização do trabalho submetido a 3 de agosto<br>Tese de Doutoramento em Relações Internacionais, Política Internacional e Resolução de Conflitos, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra.<br>O presente trabalho busca analisar como a Identidade de Segurança de um Estado se comporta no
âmbito de parcerias estratégicas. Compreendendo os decisores de políticas públicas como portadores
da Identidade de Segurança, os valores institucionais que formam a ideia do que é o Estado e o que
forma a coletividade. Tais decisores de políticas públicas criam as suas percepções, que também
podem acarretar erros de percepção, baseados em valores difusos na sociedade. Assim, nossa
pergunta de pesquisa é colocada como “como os decisores de políticas públicas mudam as
percepções de parcerias estratégicas construídas através da Identidade de Segurança?”. O estudo de
caso das relações Brasil – Argentina permite-nos analisar como os valores e ideias sobre a Política
Externa se alteram ou se mantêm ao longo dos anos. O período analisado (1985 a 2018) compreende
a maior parte da atuação brasileira dentro do novo período de democratização, assim permitindo-nos
observar as diferentes interpretações de valores e fazer conexões entre as várias administrações.
Mesmo em governos com distintas ideologias e com o ambiente internacional diferenciado, os
valores de Política Externa que compõem a Identidade de Segurança aparecem, muitas vezes, de
forma similar. As relações com a Argentina mostram-se como um caso desafiador ao passar por
várias mudanças neste período de 32 anos. De uma rivalidade entrincheirada a uma parceria
estratégica incontornável, as relações Brasil – Argentina mostram a capacidade de reinterpretar a si
mesmo e de reimaginar o Outro rapidamente. Utilizando análise de discursos, facilitada por
programas de computador, foi possível perceber as ambições do Brasil para a relação com a
Argentina ao longo dos anos, e as reações argentinas a esses intentos. Conclui-se que, apesar da
perenidade de valores dentro da Identidade de Segurança brasileira, a interpretação dada por cada
governo a esses valores foi distinta. A recepção argentina a tais mudanças na atuação brasileira foi
de cautela e desconfiança, apesar da necessidade do país para melhor se integrar ao mundo, o que se
buscou na parceria bilateral. A ilustração do estudo de caso mostra que percepções de Si e dos Outros
carrega valores não apenas pessoais, baseados em aspectos psicológicos, como defendido pelas
abordagens tradicionais de Análise de Política Externa. Também existem valores intersubjetivos,
compartilhados entre a população, captados pelos decisores de políticas públicas, que impactam na
atuação internacional do Estado.<br>The present work seeks to analyze how a State's Security Identity performs in the realm of strategic
partnerships. Understanding policymakers as Security Identity bearers, institutional values form the
State's ideas and are what distinguishes its collectivity. These policymakers create their perceptions,
which can also create misperceptions based on diffuse society values. Therefore, our research
question is "how do policymakers change strategic partnerships built through Security Identity?".
The case study of Brazilian – Argentinian relations – with a stronger emphasis on the Brazilian case
– allows us to analyze how Foreign Policy ideas and values are modified or maintained throughout
the years. The analyzed period (1985 to 2018) comprehends most Brazilian acting under its new redemocratized period, therefore allowing us to observe different interpretations of values and connect
these to various administrations. Even governments with different ideologies and in different
international environments, will pursue Foreign Policy values that end up forming a Security Identity,
appearing in this way many times along history. Relations with Argentina are a challenging case, as
it went through many changes in these 32 years. From a deeply-rooted rivalry to an unavoidable
strategic partnership, Brazil – Argentina relations show rapid reinterpretation capacity of the Self
and the Other. Using discourse analysis facilitated by computer software, it was possible to perceive
Brazil's ambitions in the relationship with Argentina through the years and the Argentinian reactions
to these intents. We concluded that, although value perennity in the Brazilian Security Identity, each
government's interpretation was distinct. The Argentinian reception to these changes in Brazilian
actions was one of caution and distrust, although the country needed better world integration, sought
through the bilateral partnership. The case study illustration shows that the Self and Other perception
carries not only personal values, psychologic based, as defined by traditional Foreign Policy Analysis
frameworks; there are also intersubjective values shared by the population, captured by
policymakers, that impact the State's international acting.