Articles de revues sur le sujet « Francophone and Anglo-American domains »

For Rothwell (1998: 156) ‘words of ultimately French origin became part of the lexis of English as a result of the myriad daily contacts between Anglo-French and Middle English in the minds and under the pens of a whole literate class’. Although such contact interfaces between Francophone and Anglophone speakers clearly must have existed, not enough is known as to the means by which French-origin lexis was borrowed and diffused. I argue that a principal agency of contact-induced lexical change in Middle English was the clergy in their everyday role of spiritual guidance, whether or not they themselves composed religious texts. French loans in works of spiritual guidance are known to be common from the thirteenth-century Ancrene Wisse onwards (Trotter 2003a). According to contemporaneous sources, English clerics received a Francophone-medium school education (Orme 1973), which would have familiarised them with the French vocabulary used in religious instruction in chantry schools and beyond.The various manuscripts of the Cursor Mundi, a work of lay religious instruction probably composed around 1300, also offer a revealing window on the process of lexical innovation and replacement instigated by the clergy. An analysis of variant lexical forms, native and French-origin, found in the first 10,000 lines of this work shows that the latter would go on to replace native items the majority of the time. The loss of many native variants, e.g. niþ, mensk and þole, and their replacement, respectively, by envy, honour and suffer, can be attributed to the role played by the clergy in diffusing French-origin items in the domains of discourse they dominated. Rather than merely reflecting the pre-existing lexical knowledge of monolingual English speakers, the clergy's use of such items initially introduced and then maintained French-origin lexemes in at least the receptive competence of such speakers. Their regular and widespread contact with the population at large would have enabled the take-up of lexical innovation via the spoken medium, thus motivating the use observed in homiletic and devotional written texts of extensive French-origin lexis.

Cet article interroge les orientations à donner au champ du développement territorial en matière de publication et de valorisation des recherches. Il débute en présentant le contexte actuel de la diffusion des résultats de la recherche dans ce domaine scientifique. Il se focalise ensuite sur le sujet des revues internationales anglo-saxonnes, en analysant l’opportunité pour les chercheurs francophones d’y publier davantage. Il ressort de cette analyse qu’il est souhaitable que les chercheurs francophones publient davantage en anglais. Pour autant, il faudra absolument éviter les deux écueils consistant à délaisser les publications en français et à négliger l’objectif prioritaire de la contribution à la réussite des politiques territoriales.

Interest in organizations first appeared between World War I and World War II, with the American studies led by Mayo. Since then, interest has grown and spread to most industrialized countries. In the sixties, in Anglo-Saxon countries and especially in the United States where research was first conducted, organiza tional analysis developed into an independent field of investigation. Economic growth, the proliferation and expansion of organizations and a marked tendency 'to rationalize the world' have compelled an increasing number of West ern researchers to question the social dynamics of organized groups. This interest has been reinforced over the past few years by the failure of collectivist solutions, the growing popularity of private enterprise as well as by the type of management thinking that presently predominates in Western countries, but more generally by the prevalence of thinking about the world in organizational terms. Given this general tendency, which is observable in most industrialized countries, this paper aims to demonstrate how Francophone analysis has evolved and remains distinct to this day from Anglophone — and more particularly from the American main stream — analysis.

This tribute to the late Dr. Claire Quintal, Founding Director Emerita of Assumption University’s French Institute, traces her productive career as a pioneer and advocate in the field of Franco-American studies, as well as an early proponent of la Francophonie movement. Cet hommage à la regrettée Dr. Claire Quintal, Directrice Fondatrice de l’Institut français de l’Assumption University, suit sa carrière fructueuse en tant que pionnière et porte-parole dans le domaine des études franco-américaines ainsi que protagoniste dès son début du mouvement de la Francophonie.

Résumé Avec la multiplication des documents disponibles, notamment sur le web, la tentation est grande, pour le professeur de français langue maternelle ou seconde, de se passer des manuels balisés et de proposer à ses étudiants un texte à son goût. Cependant, il risque alors de perdre un temps précieux à sélectionner un texte qui convienne au niveau de ses étudiants. Il existe pourtant des outils dont la vocation est de l’assister dans cette tâche : les formules de lisibilité. Peu connues dans la culture francophone, elles jouissent dans la culture anglo-saxonne d’un large succès. Cet article présente une nouvelle synthèse des études en lisibilité du français L1 et L2. Partant du constat que les études récentes sont trop rares, nous présentons le nouveau paradigme dominant dans les études anglo-saxonnes, que nous avons appelé la lisibilité computationnelle. Ces recherches combinent des techniques issues du traitement automatique du langage et de l’apprentissage automatisé afin de prendre en compte l’ensemble des dimensions d’un texte : lexicale, syntaxique, sémantique et organisationnelle. Nous clôturons ce parcours en présentant nos propres travaux dans le domaine et, en particulier, «Dmesure», un prototype de plateforme web pour la lisibilité du FLE.

Theater dance is an interdisciplinary form, and some of the most interesting advances in progressive and experimental dance work in recent years have been interdisciplinary in nature. Where Anglo-American dance scholarship is concerned, however, a “theoretical turn” that has led some dance scholars to develop interdisciplinary methodologies has proved highly controversial. Interdisciplinarity is in danger of becoming a specter haunting dance scholarship.Dance has not been alone in finding this transition difficult. As art historian and cultural theorist Mieke Bal has recently noted, one challenge facing the academy today is to find “a theoretical link between linguistic, visual and aural domains that blend so consistently in contemporary culture but remain so insistently separated as fields of study in the academy” (Bal 1999a, 10). Where dance is concerned, corporeality needs to be added to Bal's list of domains. This essay explores some of the reasons underlying resistance among Anglo-American dance scholars to the use of interdisciplinary methodologies. By doing so it aims to give an account of the public space in which recent examples of theater dance from Europe and the United States map out complex webs of relationships between corporeal, linguistic, visual, and aural levels of signification.

The artistic poetics that significantly define Slovenian drama and theatre after World War II were existentialism and existentialist drama. Authorial influences from the western side of the Iron Curtain were, above all, of Francophone or Anglo-American origin appeared in various directions within Slovenian drama. Existentialist drama experienced a sharp response from the political establishment, along with several polemics in mainstream magazines. The political establishment always had a say and opinion about artistic disciplines and genres. One of the most prominent examples that led the ideological front against the new artistic practices was Boris Ziherl. The article introduces his views alongside critical and playwrights’ reception of the existentialist drama. The period between 1945 and 1970 was a time of changes, as government policy, culture (and attitudes towards it), and the cultural situation changed over the course of the twenty-five years.

Depuis l’entre-deux-guerres où l’on voit apparaître les premières études américaines sur la question, notamment celles d’Elton Mayo, l’intérêt pour les organisations n’a fait que croître dans la plupart des pays industrialisés. Dans les pays anglophones et plus particulièrement aux États-Unis, berceau des premiers travaux dans le domaine, l’analyse des organisations est devenue, dès le début des années soixante, un champ à part entière. La croissance économique, la prolifération des organisations et leur développement, « la rationalisation du monde » ont en effet amené de plus en plus de chercheurs occidentaux à tenter de comprendre la dynamique sociale des ensembles organisés. Au cours des dernières années, cet intérêt a été renforcé par l’échec des solutions collectivistes, l’engouement pour l’entreprise et la gestion que connaît, de nos jours, l’Occident, et plus généralement par l’importance de penser le monde en termes d’organisation. Par rapport à cette tendance générale, que l’on peut aisément relever un peu partout dans les pays industrialisés, l’objet de cet article sera de montrer comment le champ francophone s’est développé et comment il se distingue encore aujourd’hui du champ anglo-saxon, notamment de l’analyse des organisations telle qu’elle se pratique majoritairement en Amérique du Nord.

Résumé La traduction, qu'elle soit littéraire ou techni-co-scientifique, est une activité essentielle pour le développement, la diffusion et la promotion de la connaissance. En Espagne, elle représente, depuis des années, autour de 25 % de la production écrite totale. Cependant, l'espagnol, comme langue de départ, fait piètre figure: la possibilité qu'un ouvrage rédigé en castillan soit traduit dans une autre langue est de un sur 100, alors qu'un ouvrage provenant du monde anglo-saxon ou francophone a une chance sur quatre d'être traduit vers l'espagnol. Tous domaines confondus, la majorité des traductions viennent de l'anglais (50 %), le français vient ensuite (15-20 %, avec une tendance à la baisse), l'allemand suit (10 % environ) et l'italien (8 %). Les autres langues (grec, russe, portugais, etc.) ne dépassent jamais 1 % du nombre total des traductions. Enfin, il faut souligner la contradiction entre le volume de traduction exécuté vers ïespagnol et le peu d'intérêt que les ouvrages en espagnol semblent susciter dans le reste du monde, bien qu'il existe plus de 300 millions de locuteurs espagnols à travers le monde. Les responsables politiques et culturels espagnols sont négligents lorsqu'il s'agit de promouvoir l'espagnol en dehors de l'Espagne. Si la situation ne change pas, l'Espagne restera un pays importateur de produits culturels sans jamais atteindre une diffusion respectable de ses propres produits culturels.

Notwithstanding the historical persistence of the disproportionate representation of ethnic minority students in special education, there is a scarcity of research on factors affecting the placement of minority students in these programs. The purpose of this study was to identify placement predictors in learning disabilities (LD) programs for Latino, African-American, and Anglo students. We used 12 predictor variables from two key domains (student and family) and used placement data from a national database of eighth-grade students. We found that although some factors predicted placement in LD programs for all ethnic groups, placement predictors also varied by student ethnicity. Based on these findings, we provide implications for research and practice from a sociocultural perspective.

Ce numéro d’Enfances Familles Générations propose de se pencher sur les problématiques actuelles soulevées par les techniques de reproduction assistée (TRA) au regard des questions de parenté et de genre. Si, dans un monde globalisé, diverses possibilités reproductives sont désormais accessibles, celles-ci soulèvent de nombreuses questions socioanthropologiques du point de vue des rapports de pouvoir qu’elles engendrent, des pratiques et des régulations parfois très différentes dont elles font l’objet, ainsi que des significations individuelles et culturelles qui leur sont attribuées. Ces questions ont donné lieu à une littérature riche et abondante au cours des trente dernières années, en particulier dans le monde anglo-saxon. Cet article introductif est ainsi l’occasion de faire dialoguer davantage, en soulignant leurs apports respectifs, des travaux relevant de traditions différentes, en particulier dans les mondes francophones et anglophones. À partir de ce bilan des questionnements majeurs qu’a suscités l’étude des TRA dans les domaines du genre et de la parenté, nous soulignons les enjeux qui restent en suspens et qui mériteraient selon nous de faire l’objet de plus amples investigations. Le fil conducteur de notre propos, sur la base de la littérature disponible et des enquêtes menées jusqu’ici en sciences sociales, est d’insister sur la dimension du genre comme inextricable de l’expérience et de l’étude des techniques de reproduction assistée.

The paper discusses the main directions and topics of research on the phenomenon of territorial identity in the world human geography over the last four decades of the 20th and 21st centuries; studies of territorial identity in Russian geography are not specifically considered, these topics deserve a separate article. Territorial identity is understood as a system of the prevailing ideas of people about their belonging to a certain territorial cultural group. In Western human geography, there is a wide range of opinions on the relationship between the concepts of territorial identity and spatial identity. Sometimes these terms are considered synonymous, but more often they are interpreted in different ways. Thus, territorial identity is always associated with the people themselves, their regional and local communities; spatial identity – mainly with the places where these people live and which they perceive as “theirs”. The main hierarchical levels of territorial identity are local and regional. National identity usually refers in human geography to territories within the borders of national states and is also often interpreted as one of the upper levels of territorial identity. This article compares the national traditions of territorial identity studies in Anglo-Saxon (British-American), Francophone and German-speaking geography and elucidates their contemporary trends. The practical significance of the territorial identity research is discussed, including for Russia.

La pratique du taiji quan dans l’un de ses aspects martiaux, le pousser des mains (tuishou en chinois), relativement peu répandu en Europe est très souvent prétexte à la diffusion de discours emphatiques qui s’inscrivent dans le soft power chinois. On montrera dans cet article un fort décalage entre le milieu rural d’origine du taiji quan et sa récupération à partir du 19ème siècle par les lettrés chinois. Les discours théoriques prenant le pas sur la pratique définissent déjà à l’époque un maître imaginaire formaté par le contexte de la crise existentielle que traverse la Chine aux 19ème et 20ème siècle. Lors de la diffusion du taiji quan en Occident à partir des années 60, ces discours fantasmatiques vont être repris par le petit monde des sinologues. On observe avec intérêt des cultures de recherche différentes entre le monde anglo-saxon plutôt pragmatique et l’engouement d’une partie des intellectuels francophones porté sur la théorisation du domaine, en particulier son association très controversée avec le taoïsme, le chamanisme ou bien l’alchimie interne. Dans une dernière partie, on s’efforcera de montrer que le grand public des pratiquants agit comme une caisse de résonnance de ces discours fantasmés au point d’ignorer l’origine martiale du taiji quan pour en faire une discipline associée essentiellement au bien-être, à l’épanouissement spirituel. Quoi que puissent signifier ces termes au niveau individuel, on constate l’émergence d’un discours de type religieux ayant pour support une représentation culturellement hybride du corps. Le maître chinois en est devenu l’épitome.

The article is aimed at a study of the process of metaphorization involved in the formation of professional jargonisms in the field of Anglo-American jurisprudence. Distinction is made between motivated and unmotivated metaphorical jargonisms. The author highlighted the main source domains of anthropomorphic, socio-morphic, artefactual, and natural-morphic models of formation of jargonisms of English-speaking lawyers. Professionally significant slang names of subjects, objects, substances, places, actions, quantities, qualities are described in accordance with logical categories. Professionally significant slang names of subjects, objects, substances, places, actions, quantities, qualities are described in accordance with logical categories. In accordance with the part of speech of the lexeme that takes on a metaphorical meaning, legal jargonisms are grouped into the following subgroups: substantive, adjectival, verbal, verbal-substantive, and interjectional. Taking into account the semantic structure of the word, monosemantic and polysemantic metaphorical jargonisms are designated. The paper notes the abundance of synonymic relations in the considered layer of non-standard vocabulary.

The pervasive presence of English in Spain is unquestionable; indeed, a vast volume of literature has provided evidence of this fact. In this article, the remarkable presence of Anglicisms in a particular type of social media will be examined, namely the Spanish Internet forum enfemenino. The analysis covers three specific domains: beauty, fashion and leisure. The study focuses on a sample of English borrowings used in news articles published in this forum over the last 2 years (from January 2015 to March 2017). The findings reveal an increasing use of pure Anglicisms in the forum, whereas adapted Anglicisms, along with pseudo-Anglicisms, are not so common. These Anglicisms seem to be used for different reasons: the values of modernity and prestige associated with English, the lack of Spanish equivalents in some cases, the emergence of new concepts and innovations and, last but not least, the increasing influence that the Anglo-American culture is exerting on Spain. This raises the question of the extent to which these factors affect our sense of identity in Spain.

The study of Anglicisms in Spanish has been significant since the last half of the twentieth century. After an initial period of purist publications, the approach to this sociolinguistic phenomenon became more descriptive and academic in the 1980s. Today’s bibliography is relatively extensive, including works which have widely analysed the impact of the Anglo-American culture on different areas, as well as suggested a variety of definitions and taxonomies of Anglicisms. However, some domains that are greatly influenced by the English language in Spain such as the terminology used in gyms have not been examined so far, since the published literature has focused on specific sports (football, tennis, etc.). The aim of this paper is to compile and analyse the most frequent Anglicisms in the lexicon used in sports activities offered by Spanish gyms, as an introductory approach to prospective research. We have studied a sample of 268 Anglicisms taken from the web sites of 15 gyms. Our analysis is not limited to the description of the linguistic features of these Anglicisms but it also explores the possible reasons for their use.

This essay considers some theoretical perspectives which provide interpretations of two significant issues which cut across all the discipline lines in the social sciences and the humanities. The first issue concerns the nature of historical movement. While the world views of modern science and mechanistic Marxism claim that both knowledge and history develop in a continuous progressive manner, this notion has been challenged by historians, philosophers and social scientists who argue that historical movement in knowledge and institutional domains proceeds in a sharply discontinuous manner characterized by abrupt transformations and disjunctions. The second issue considers the compelling question of whether any researcher can proceed on the basis of a value-free research design, or whether all methodological and theoretical claims must be inevitably influenced and conditioned by the values and ideations of the theorist's culture. In terms of this controversy, the lines are clearly drawn between the notions of historical and cultural relativism predominant in Anglo-American historical and social science inquiry, and the claims of certain formalist-structuralist theorists who assert the existence of transhistorical and transcultural structural universals.

The French philosopher Gilles Deleuze might not be well known yet to the Canadian education landscape. So in this paper, I begin with a close-reading of “On the Superiority of Anglo-American Literature”, a chapter in Deleuze’s collaborative works with his colleague Claire Parnet, appropriately titled Dialogue, where they exemplifies their own “deterritorialization” of thought across disciplines and geographical domains. I then give a sketch of his reflection on the major movements in Philosophy as an attempt to envision his own possible orientation of philosophizing that is close to life in its creative force. By introducing some of the important yet creative concepts as well as the fresh spirit of his philosophical movements in thinking, I intend to create a space of openness where we the educators could think anew on the some fundamental theoretical questions in curriculum studies, for instance: what does it mean to attempt to bring Deleuze’s work from the “outside” in the proximity of our educational realm, or rather, to extend our ignorance to the edge of the inter-disciplinary borders, to think about curriculum questions with his diverse philosophical thinking?

The Anglo-American “special relationship” has characteristics that make it distinct from other alliances led by the United States. The article covers a set of issues ranging from the bilateral nuclear cooperation to a broad web of military links between the US and the UK. It examines the phenomenon of the “special relationship”, its substance and manifestations in security and defense domains, including recent developments. The victory of Joe Biden in the United States 2020 Presidential election, that reversed ‘America First’ policy of D. Trump, makes the future relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom much more predictable. However, the British departure from the European Union is a milestone event with explicit and implicit implications for the policies of the US and the UK. Although it is premature to predict a resulting outcome of Brexit for their relationship, the prevailing view of American and British analysts is that the UK could lose a substantial part of its value for the United States in European matters. Nevertheless, the cooperation between Washington and London in security and defense issues will be no less intense. Moreover, a concept of ‘global Britain’ that is central to Boris Johnson’s foreign and security policies may prove more helpful to the U.S. strategy, especially beyond Europe. At least, an Indo-Pacific commitment on the part of post-Brexit Britain is a striking feature that lies fully in line with the U.S. strategic interests in the region.

Abstract. The present study investigates the validity and utility of the German adaptations of the two short forms of the Big Five Inventory-2 (BFI-2), the 30-item BFI-2-S, and the 15-item BFI-2-XS, developed by Soto and John (2017b) . Both scales assess the Big Five domains. The BFI-2-S allows, in addition, the brief assessment of three facets per domain. Based on a large and heterogeneous sample, we show that the psychometric properties of these adapted short scales are consistent with those of the Anglo-American source versions, and we demonstrate substantial convergence between the adaptations and the source versions. Extending the original scale development study, we demonstrate high retest stability of the scales and their facets. Our results clearly indicate the construct and criterion validity of the two scales: Both show substantial convergence with the NEO-PI-R domain scales. Moreover, the distinctive correlation pattern found between the facets of the BFI-2 and the NEO-PI-R could be replicated for the facets of the BFI-2-S. Furthermore, we show that the domain scales of both instruments are associated in the hypothesized directions with important life outcomes, such as life satisfaction and intelligence, and that the facets of the BFI-2-S have incremental validity for predicting these outcomes.

Introduction. At the end of the twentieth century, globalization of the economy took place: mass migration, introduction of innovations in transport and communication technologies, growth of international finance, etc. This led to critical tension in a variety of spheres: social, economic, political. The purpose of the paper is to study the features of the theories of the right state. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study are modern theories, concepts, hypotheses. Comparative and anthropological analysis is used. The methodological and information basis of the work are scientific works, materials of periodicals, information resources. Results. It is proved that it was the globalization of the world economy significantly influenced the change of theoretical approaches to the definition of a rule of law. The development of legal pluralism in the system of Anglo-American law school is analyzed. The world trends in the complexity of realization of legal pluralism are determined: re-nationalization of the noosphere, changing domains of the right registration of migration and global trade. The peculiarities of the introduction of legal documents-donors and recipient states are considered. Globalization processes require a creative search of asymmetric bonds, which lead to the creation of a social phenomenon – the law. The policy of global legal pluralism shows the deep involvement of neo-liberal legal projects of all actors. Conclusion. The epistemological understanding of the analytical concept of legal pluralism is that any form of legal configuration affects or confuses statehood, regardless of whether this manifestation of cooperation, neglect, merger. The perception of global legal pluralism restored the meaning of the state in the present fragmented and dependent form in complex multiple social systems.

Linked Open Data (LOD) is a core Semantic Web technology that makes knowledge and information spaces of different knowledge domains manageable, reusable, shareable, exchangeable, and interoperable. The LOD approach achieves this through the provision of services for describing, indexing, organizing, and retrievingknowledge artifacts and making them available for quick consumption and publication. Thisis also alignedwith the role and objective of traditional library cataloging. Owing to this link, majorlibraries of the world are transferring their bibliographic metadata to the LOD landscape. Some developments in this direction include the replacement of Anglo-American Cataloging Rules 2nd Edition by the Resource Description and Access (RDA) and the trend towards the wideradoption of BIBFRAME 2.0. An interestingand related development in this respect arethe discussions among knowledge resources managers and library community on the possibility of enriching bibliographic metadata with socially curated or user-generated content. The popularity of Linked Open Data and its benefit to librarians and knowledge management professionals warrant a comprehensive survey of the subject. Althoughseveral reviews and survey articles on the application of Linked Data principles to cataloging have appeared in literature, a generic yet holistic review of the current state of Linked and Open Data in cataloging is missing. To fill the gap, the authors have collected recent literature (2014–18) on the current state of Linked Open Data in cataloging to identify research trends, challenges, and opportunities in this area and, in addition, to understand the potential of socially curated metadata in cataloging mainlyin the realm of the Web of Data. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this review article is the first of its kind that holistically treats the subject of cataloging in the Linked and Open Data environment. Some of the findings of the review are: Linked and Open Data is becoming the mainstream trend in library cataloging especially in the major libraries and research projects of the world; with the emergence of Linked Open Vocabularies (LOV), the bibliographic metadata is becoming more meaningful and reusable; and, finally, enriching bibliographic metadata with user-generated content is gaining momentum.Conclusions drawn from the study include the need for a focus on the quality of catalogued knowledge and the reduction of the barriers to the publication and consumption of such knowledge, and the attention on the part of library community to the learning from the successful adoption of LOD in other application domains and contributing collaboratively to the global scale activity of cataloging.

THE END OF THE LAW? Law, Theology, and Neuroscience by David W. Opderbeck. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2021. 260 pages. Paperback; $31.00. ISBN: 9781498223898. *"It's not you but your brain." As this powerful meme has begun to characterise our generation, we encounter children under neurological treatment for their behavioral/mental deficits and seniors losing their self-identity due to neurological degeneration. It is indeed evident that our mental experiences are bound to our brain states--yet are we really nothing else than our brain? Many intellectuals of our day argue so--our psyche is an epiphenomenon of our brain state, and so we have no free will. *Recent advances in neuroscience, especially with non-invasive neuroimaging techniques enabling scientists to "read out" one's decision ahead of a person being consciously aware of their own decision, have underpinned a new movement called neurolaw. According to neurolawyers, humans are no longer legally or morally accountable for their behaviors as science leaves no room for the existence of free will; consequently, law should be re-oriented from retribution to treatment of criminals. Indeed, neurolaw seeks "to explain and reform the legal system from the ground up based on neuroscience" (p. 2). Despite, or because of, its radicality, the neurolaw movement can be an attractive alternate to the legal tradition of Western civilization, which is rapidly losing its Greco-Roman/Christian foundations in law and ethics. It is also in line with the trend that our contemporaries increasingly seek justice through facts/science and empathy instead of transcendent values and rationality. *Although neurolawyers optimistically hope that this shift will lead our world from conflicts in subjective values/beliefs to facts of science, and from moral retribution to humane treatment of criminals, in this book Seton Hall University Law School Professor David Opderbeck carefully considers their optimism legally, philosophically, and theologically--and concludes that, with no place for transcendence, their optimism is misplaced. Neurolaw's reductionism loses not only the place of personal responsibility in law and jurisprudence, but loses a rich and complex understanding of human nature and relationality. Opderbeck argues that theology can defend the transcendence of law and human morality, without losing its integrity to science, by understanding the laws of nature as empowering nature to fulfill its telos--its divine purpose. This move is key to a unified epistemological view on science and law, such that human-made laws empower humans with freedom and personhood--physically, legally, and morally. Consequently, the author reframes positive law (i.e., human-made law) as calling humans to the divine law of love. *In the first three chapters, Opderbeck illustrates how Western law made the historical shift from its foundational transcendent values, through legal positivism, to neurolaw. Contrary to the contemporary jurisprudential trend, the four rudiments of Western law, i.e., Ancient Greek, Roman, Hebrew, and Christian jurisprudence, commonly state that positive law has transcendent sources and is preceded by the ideal of law or universal moral principles (chap. 1). In contrast, today's Anglo-American legal scholarship, dominated by legal positivism and instrumentalism, removes transcendent grounds for law, replacing it with a hope that economics and science can guide the law by providing a measurement of "good" and predictions of its outcome (chap. 3). The current reductionist trends in neuroscience paint this picture with a greater hope by revealing detailed biological determinants of human behavior. *In chapters 4 and 5, Opderbeck provides a methodological basis for his analysis in the later chapters. He favors critical realism and fides et ratio approaches as they permit separate and yet complementary research in the two domains. He then demonstrates how together these can help to uncover the meaning of the law from the facts of paleoanthropology and sociobiology. Whereas sociobiologists such as David S. Wilson suggest that the contingent evolution of social orders in animals indicates that law is a construct with no transcendence, Opderbeck highlights the emergence of unique human cognitive abilities such as abstraction, language, and writing, which he argues enable the law to transcend the social orders observed in other species. *After showing that the facts of paleoanthropology and sociobiology can be interpreted differently from a materialist view, Opderbeck continues his philosophical criticism of the reductionism/materialism on which neurolaw is based (chap. 6). He points out that the fields of neuroscience and the philosophy of mind retain positivist assumptions. The author then identifies three problems in materialistic/reductionistic/positivist views of the law. First, reductionism cannot provide a coherent epistemological ground to make a truth statement since reason and consciousness are only illusory. Second, neurolaw proposes social engineering toward achieving behavioral normalcy in the population, but this leads to obscurity in value judgement--and, more seriously, to totalitarianism. Finally, materialism easily leads to nihilism. *Opderbeck's theological vision (and counterproposal to neurolaw) is uncovered in the last three chapters of the book. In chapter 7, he discusses the ontology of the human mind and free will. For this, he rejects the nonreductive physicalism of theologians such as Nancey Murphy and Robert van Gulick. He then finds more promising a neo-Aristotelian, teleological understanding of natural law as "powers and capacities" that emerge within nature (p. 173). These, rather than deterministic neurobiological rules, can be key to theological synthesis of science and law. To him, this view not only provides a plausible causal or explanatory framework but requires complementary room for transcendence: God's trinitarian, perichoretic transcendental love provides the telos for creation, and so the purpose of positive (human-made) law is to fulfill this transcendental telos through the "powers and capacities" of natural law *Opderbeck then assigns his last chapter to an applied problem, namely the problem of violence in the enforcement of law. Indeed, this issue appears to be one of the most important motivations for neurolawyers: neuroscience seeks to transform the means of law enforcement from retributive violence to more humane, neurological treatment. Nonetheless, through discussions of Pascal, Derrida, and Agamben, the author demonstrates that the law cannot bring justice without violent enforcement. Therefore, by forgoing divine transcendence it is impossible for neurolaw to overcome the problem of the violence of law. Opderbeck thereby puts forward the necessity of Christian teleology for an ultimate hope. Law is not a matter of deterministic rules but of love and life, and law is not of enforcement but empowering. What makes humans is not our capacity to make free choices but to be free to love and live; this is our telos. *The End of the Law? is a scholarly interdisciplinary book, which crosses over the philosophies of law, mind, science, and theology in order to challenge or re-orient the current dominance of legal/scientific positivism, reductionism, and physicalism among intellectual groups. This dense book suits those who are already exposed to philosophical analysis on some of these topics (or, for readers unfamiliar with some of this terrain, but willing to do some background reading). Despite the degree to which it engages questions in philosophy, the book ultimately seeks to re-orient the law around Trinitarian theology. As this will limit its plausibility in public legal spheres, I do wonder if the philosophical argument could have been further developed for those who do not hold to Trinitarian theology (or any theology). *As a neuroscientist I would add one further note. There is little interest within neuroscience today in the problem of free will. In fact, students are discouraged from studying the question, as it is considered an unsuitable subject for scientific investigation. Most of us stay "scientifically agnostic," although individual scientists have their own philosophies or perspectives. Given that neuroscience is still restricted to a deterministic regime, free will can only be falsifiable but not verifiable, because it is widely considered beyond the laws of nature. It is, therefore, not surprising that one finds only evidence against free will, which comes from the epistemological constraints of the discipline of neuroscience today. I strongly suggest that proponents of neurolaw scrutinize at what point neuroscience reaches its methodological limits before assuming a particular ontological interpretation of experimental results to be "neuroscientific" or even unfalsifiable. The neurolaw program appears to be built without adequate recognition of these interpretive limits within neuroscience, no doubt due to its positivist assumptions. Overall, in Opderbeck's book readers will encounter rich and complex discussions across different fields integrating law, science, and theology. Although Opderbeck writes from a Roman Catholic perspective, this book does not feel like an in-house discussion--his foundational arguments are rooted in classical Trinitarian metaphysics and Protestants willing to work through Opderbeck's conceptually dense discussions will find much of value in this work. *Reviewed by Kuwook Cha, postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Physiology, McGill University, Montreal, QC H3A 0G4.

Private international law belongs to those few exceptional branches of the Czech law which even in the period between 1948 and 1989 preserved a standard level comparable with that in developed States of a continental legal system. The development of this branch was autonomous to a considerable extent and resistant to substantial changes in the regulation of private law in the socialist era. Nevertheless, there are domains to which was not and could not be paid such attention which they deserve. Legal regulation of personal statute of legal persons is in the opinion of the author an appropriate topic on which, at least in partial view, the development of the Czech private international law in this area may be illustrated, viz. on the one hand in comparative law aspect, on the other hand as to the history and the present. 1. Determination of personal statute of legal persons in comparative law aspect. First part deals with the determination of personal statute (lex societatis) of legal persons. The fundamental factors connecting a legal person are the incorporation principle and the seat principle. These two principles, as opposed to a number of ether principles, which were gradually left aside, survived more than one century, some importance also preserving the control principle, which, however, is not a third complete alternative to incorporation and seat principles. The incorporation principle, adopted especially in systems of Anglo-American law area, is governing law in many other States, as e. g. in Netherlands, Italy, Switzerland, Russia, Hungary, Bulgaria, and also in the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. As a rule, the incorporation principle in these regulations is partly “corrected” or revised by the seat principle, that is, it does not occur in a “pure” form. This has its profound rationale. The author points out a number of advantages of the incorporation principle which founds its supporters even in the States adhering to the seat principle. The incorporation principle is considered to be liberal, democratic, respecting above all the free, autonomous will of the parties to the contract of association. Moreover, it preserves legal existence of the entity in the case of transfer of the entity’s seat to another country. It goes without saying that this solution makes easier the development of international commercial relations and leads to a liberal practice of recognition of foreign entities. Perhaps a most relevant objection to the seat principle is the fact that this principle makes it impossible to transfer the seat of a foreign entity without changing its identity. This may lead to serious consequences, e.g., as to the use of trademarks or commercial names. The criticism, however, is more general – the seat principle conflicts with the principle of free movement of persons, which is one of the fundamental freedoms of the internal market of the European Community in the sense of Art. 3 lit. c) of the EC Treaty. 2. Persona] statute of legal persons and the Czech law. As to the question of lex societatis, the Czech law has passed through an interesting development – from the seat principle to the incorporation principle. The “culmination” of the incorporation principle in its purest form is over because in the present regulation, at least in the author’s opinion, some corrections of the incorporation principle in favour of the seat principle appear. The Austrian 1811 Civil Code, which was still in farce in the pre-Munich Czechoslovak Republic, was based on the principle of the effective seat. The author considers in detail opinions of Czechoslovak theory and jurisprudence from that period. She points out that a certain part in determination of lex societatis was played by international treaties. Undoubtedly, this was also caused by the fact that in the autonomous Czech domestic law no proper conflict rule existed, which would expressly and unequivocally resolve this topic. The author opposes the conclusion of some authors that provisions of international commercial treaties bring the combination system, in which the seat principle and the incorporation principle are combined. Such way of argumentation leads to a certain diminishing of a special existence of the autonomous domestic law and a regulation laid down in bilateral international treaties. An international treaty, which is binding for the Czech Republic and valid from the internal view (i.e., also duly published), forms a part of the Czech law. However, its provisions apply only to relations between the nationals of the parties to the treaty, or, more precisely, between the respective addressees of the rules of such a treaty. Another international treaty, concluded between the Czech Republic and another State, provides for other rules, which shall apply only to the addressees of such another treaty. These rules of bilateral treaties, usually different, can hardly be generalized. Private international law was codified in the Act on Private International Law and Legal Status of Aliens No. 41/1948 Coll. This regulation, however, does not throw much light on the question of lex societatis. Under Section 1 of this Act the capacity to act of a person shall be governed, unless the present Act provides otherwise, by the law of the State of which such a person is a national. The situation remains thus unclear. It seems that the pre-war principle of effective seat was deserted without any explanation, more exactly, this principle did not apply as a fundamental principle. A radical change comes with the recodification of main branches of the Czechoslovak private law in the mid sixties, in whose framework were also issued with effect from 1 April 1964 the Act No. 97/1963 Coll. Concerning Private International Law and the Rules of Procedure Relating Thereto (PILA) and the Act No. 101/1963 Coll. on Legal Relations Arising in International Business Transactions (International Trade Code, ITC). The basic conflict rule governing the capacity of persons is included in Section 3 of PILA which has been in farce up to the present. A special norm in this direction was the International Trade Code. The International Trade Code adopts unequivocally the incorporation principle. The conflict rule in Sect. 8 para 1 ITC states that juristic persons are enterprises and other organizations, if the law under which they have been incorporated confers upon them the capacity to enjoy rights and to have obligations. Under Sect. 9 para 1 ITC the legal status of juristic persons is governed by the provisions of the law under which they have been incorporated, or by their articles of association promulgated under such provisions; they shall inter alia set the corporate name, designate the persons authorized to act on the person’s behalf and indicate the manner in which such juristic person will cease to exist. The International Trade Code was repealed by the Commercial Code (ComC) which entered into effect on 1 January 1992. The conflict rule concerning Jex societatis in the present Czech law is included in Sect. 22 ComC: “The legal capacity of a foreigner, other than a foreign natural person, under Czech law shall correspond to the law under which such a juristic person (entity) was founded. The law, under which the foreign entity was founded, shall also govern the foreign entity’s internal relations and its partners’ (members’) liability for the entity’s obligations.” This provision lays down the incorporation principle. The law, under which other than natural foreign person was founded, shall apply, regardless of whether such an entity has in the State of its incorporation also its actual seat or not. In this sense, Commercial Code follows up on the preceding conflict-of-laws regulation concerning capacity of juristic persons under the International Trade Code, provisions of both regulations not being identical, however. As for systematic arrangement, a general conflict rule of Sect. 3 of PILA provides for the law applicable to the legal capacity of a person, and a special conflict rule of Sect. 22 ComC governs the law applicable to the capacity of legal persons. In author’s opinion, it would be more appropriate to include a conflict rule of such character directly into the PILA – such a solution would correspond to modern codifications of private international law which also provide for the law applicable to legal persons. Some questions are inspired by the application of a general conflict rule under Sect. 3 PILA, namely, whether this provision relates only to natural persons or, in general, also to legal persons. There are various opinions – Sect. 3 para 1 PILA is invoked, inter alia, by determining of lex societatis also by practice, as the author indicates on a number of judicial and arbitration decisions. Regardless of the legislature’s intention, it should be openly admitted that even if Section 3 PILA involved not only natural but also legal persons, such a finding does not bring, as a matter of fact, anything new. The question, under which factor the lex societatis should be determined, is not expressly resolved in the rule of Sect. 3 PILA, which only in general refers to “nationality”. Czech law provides for some corrections of the incorporation principle in favour of the seat principle, which are included in Sect. 24 para 2 and Sect. 26 para 3 Corne. These provisions limit the scope of application of a foreign law, under which the legal person was founded, in favour of the Czech law, that is, the law of the actual seat of such an entity. 3. Prospects of the lex societatis in Czech law. The Czech legislature decided in favour of the incorporation principle which takes a favourable position not only towards foreign investors but also towards foreign law and international cooperation. The incorporation principle is, inter alia, considered to be long-term, but prospective principle of lex societatis also within the law of the European Union.

This paper is devoted to the developments concerning the issue of disciplinarity and non-disciplinarity of tourism studies. The topic is embedded in a wider context of the academic identity of the community of tourism researchers. As the theoretical foundations for the discussion some concepts of non-classical sociology of science (rooted in Thomas Kuhn’s theory of development of science and ideas of the “Strong Programme”) were used. In order to analyze the problem theoretically and empirically, a three-stage research framework was adopted, commencing with a directed review of Anglo-American and Francophone literature, followed by a survey of a purposeful sample of tourism academics and concluding with a further analysis of the literature, this time confronting empirical findings with the identified scholars’ stances. The empirical research included a survey carried out among approximately 270 scholars of tourism from almost 50 countries from all the continents.

The Rwandese genocide dramatically reveals the senseless nature of French policy in Africa-determined by personal relationships, speculation, and corruption. As the "reserved domain" of the French President for the past 35 years, French policy on the African continent has been dominated by personal relationships between the French President and his African counterparts, the military lobby, the francophone lobby (Fachoda Syndrome), and some French enterprises (EL Bouygues, Bolloré), all of which have escaped from an democratic control. Hence in Rwanda, France armed, financed, and trained a regime that exhibited Nazi-like features with its guard presidential, militia, hatred ropaganda (Radio Mille Collines), pogroms throughout 1992, and finally the genocide of April 1994. Since the coming into power of the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF)-perceived as pro-Anglo- Saxon because of its link with Uganda-France has multiplied its efforts to fill the (pro-French) vacuum left in the region, by calling upon the Zairean dictator Mobutu to "stabilize" the region, and by selling the usual military "package" (arms and training) to the Sudanese regime. [The author is calling upon] the French population and the international community to mobilize against the present French policy in Africa, and identifies three French organizations that are currently lobbying for a human, pro-democratic and non-secretive French policy in Africa.

Fitz outlines and defines Inter-American Studies as an emergent field and examines the profound effect it is already having on a great variety of disciplines, from literature to law, and from music to medicine. He argues that Inter-American Studies provides a solid methodological basis for the comparative study of the nations and cultures of the Americas: indigenous peoples, past and present; English and French-speaking Canada; the United States, Spanish America, Brazil, and the Caribbean. <br><br> Fitz perfila y define estudios interamericanos como una disciplina emergente y examina el efecto profundo que ya tiene sobre una gran variedad de disciplinas, desde la literatura a la ley, y de la música a la medicina. Él argumenta que los estudios interamericanos proporcionan una base sólida metodológica para el estudio comparativo de las naciones y las culturas de América: nuestros pueblos indígenas, del pasado y del presente; el Canadá de habla inglés y francés; los Estados Unidos, la América Hispana, el Brasil, y el Caribe. <br><br> Fitz esboça e define Estudos Inter-Americanos como uma especialidade emergente e examina o efeito profundo que já tem sobre uma grande variedade de disciplinas, desde a literatura ao direito, e da música à medicina. Ele argumenta que Estudos Inter-Americanos provêm uma base sólida da metodologia para estudos comparativos das nações e culturas da América: nossos povos indígenas, do passado e da presente; a Canada que fala francês e a que fala inglês; os Estados Unidos, a América Hispânica, o Brasil e o Caribe. <br><br> Fitz dresse le portrait des « études inter-américaines », les définit comme un domaine d’études nouveau et examine son influence profonde sur un grand nombre de disciplines, allant de la littérature au droit, ou de la musique à la médecine. Il affirme que les études inter-américaines offrent une base méthodologique solide pour l’étude comparative des nations et cultures du continent américain: nos peuples indigènes d’hier et d’aujourd’hui ; le Canada anglophone et francophone ; les Etats-Unis, l’Amérique hispanique et le Brésil, et les Caraïbes.

Cette recherche multilingue contrastive (anglais, français, roumain, portugais du Brésil) est une analyse jurilinguistique portant sur le domaine de la garantie des droits pour les personnes âgées, réalisée à partir d’un corpus constitué de textes juridiques (législatifs et judiciaires), normatifs, administratifs et médiatiques. Les interrogations principales ont été menées sur Légifrance, le Corpus of US Supreme Court Opinions (SCOTUS), le Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), le portail de la jurisprudence du ministère de la Justice roumain Portalul Instanțelor de Judecată (PortalJust), la base de données législatives roumaines de la chambre des députés (Repertoriul legislativ), la base de données jurisprudentielles et législatives brésiliennes JusBrasil, l’ Interactive Terminology for Europe (IATE) – la base de données terminologique de l’Union européenne (UE) –, le corpus parallèle OPUS EuroParl7. Différents médias francophones, anglophones, roumains et brésiliens ont été également consultés. Nous avons étudié les points de convergence et de divergence des emplois du mot senior et d’autres expressions de la vieillesse, dans les discours juridiques et journalistiques des quatre langues sélectionnées, ainsi que le poids de l’influence de l’anglais sur les trois langues-cultures romanes dans le domaine de la protection des personnes âgées. Cette analyse a permis de réfléchir aux motivations des évolutions terminologiques et sémantiques du point de vue de la jurilinguistique affective afin de mettre en lumière les modalités de construction des perceptions relatives aux droits des personnes âgées dans quatre sociétés confrontées à des défis comparables. S’agissant de la réception de la signification des termes, ou ce que F. Rastier appelait la « perception sémantique », il est observé que l’inhibition ou l’activation de certains sèmes (Rastier, 1990 : 24) peut mener à l’invisibilisation ou la mise en lumière de parties significatives des mots, ce qui peut donner naissance à des réactions affectives de la part des récepteurs. Ainsi, les traducteurs et les jurilinguistes doivent avoir recours à la contextualisation et prendre en considération les facteurs extralinguistiques et affectifs dans les choix linguistiques.

Handicap : nom commun d’origine anglo-saxonne dont l’étymologie proviendrait de Hand in Cap, une pratique populaire pour fixer la valeur d'échange d’un bien. Dans le domaine des courses de chevaux, le handicap vise à ajouter du poids aux concurrents les plus puissants pour égaliser les chances de gagner la course pour tous les participants. Il apparait dans le dictionnaire de l’Académie française dans les années 1920 dans le sens de mettre en état d’infériorité. Son utilisation pour désigner les infirmes et invalides est tardive, après les années 1950 et se généralise au début des années 1970. Par un glissement de sens, le terme devient un substantif qualifiant l’infériorité intrinsèque des corps différentiés par leurs atteintes anatomiques, fonctionnelles, comportementales et leur inaptitude au travail. Les handicapés constituent une catégorisation sociale administrative aux frontières floues créée pour désigner la population-cible de traitements socio-politiques visant l’égalisation des chances non plus en intervenant sur les plus forts mais bien sur les plus faibles, par des mesures de réadaptation, de compensation, de normalisation visant l’intégration sociale des handicapés physiques et mentaux. Ceci rejoint les infirmes moteurs, les amputés, les sourds, les aveugles, les malades mentaux, les déficients mentaux, les invalides de guerre, les accidentés du travail, de la route, domestiques et par extension tous ceux que le destin a doté d’un corps différent de la normalité instituée socio-culturellement dans un contexte donné, ce que les francophones européens nomment les valides. Dans une perspective anthropologique, l’existence de corps différents est une composante de toute société humaine (Stiker 2005; Fougeyrollas 2010; Gardou 2010). Toutefois l’identification de ce qu’est une différence signifiante pour le groupe culturel est extrêmement variée et analogue aux modèles d’interprétation proposés par François Laplantine (1993) dans son anthropologie de la maladie. Ainsi le handicap peut être conçu comme altération, lésion ou comme relationnel, fonctionnel, en déséquilibre. Le plus souvent le corps différent est un corps mauvais, marqueur symbolique culturel du malheur lié à la transgression d’interdits visant à maintenir l’équilibre vital de la collectivité. La responsabilité de la transgression peut être endogène, héréditaire, intrinsèque aux actes de la personne, de ses parents, de ses ancêtres, ou exogène, due aux attaques de microbes, de virus, de puissances malveillantes, génies, sorts, divinités, destin. Plus rarement, le handicap peut être un marqueur symbolique de l’élection, comme porteur d’un pouvoir bénéfique singulier ou d’un truchement avec des entités ambiantes. Toutefois être handicapé, au-delà du corps porteur de différences signifiantes, n’implique pas que l’on soit malade. Avec la médicalisation des sociétés développées, une fragmentation extrême du handicap est liée au pouvoir biomédical d’attribuer des diagnostics attestant du handicap, comme garde-barrière de l’accès aux traitements médicaux, aux technologies, à la réadaptation, aux programmes sociaux, de compensation ou d’indemnisation, à l’éducation et au travail protégé ou spécial. Les avancées thérapeutiques et de santé publique diminuent la mortalité et entrainent une croissance continue de la morbidité depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Les populations vivant avec des conséquences chroniques de maladies, de traumatismes ou d’atteintes à l’intégrité du développement humain augmentent sans cesse. Ceci amène l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) à s’intéresser non plus aux diagnostics du langage international médical, la Classification internationale des maladies, mais au développement d’une nosologie de la chronicité : la Classification internationale des déficiences, des incapacités et des handicaps qui officialise une perspective tridimensionnelle du handicap (WHO 1980). Cette conceptualisation biomédicale positiviste situe le handicap comme une caractéristique intrinsèque, endogène à l’individu, soit une déficience anatomique ou physiologique entrainant des incapacités dans les activités humaines normales et en conséquence des désavantages sociaux par rapport aux individus ne présentant pas de déficiences. Le modèle biomédical ou individuel définit le handicap comme un manque, un dysfonctionnement appelant à intervenir sur la personne pour l’éduquer, la réparer, l’appareiller par des orthèses, des prothèses, la rétablir par des médicaments, lui enseigner des techniques, des savoirs pratiques pour compenser ses limitations et éventuellement lui donner accès à des subsides ou services visant à minimiser les désavantages sociaux, principalement la désaffiliation sociale et économique inhérente au statut de citoyen non performant ( Castel 1991; Foucault 1972). À la fin des années 1970 se produit une transformation radicale de la conception du handicap. Elle est étroitement associée à la prise de parole des personnes concernées elles-mêmes, dénonçant l’oppression et l’exclusion sociale dues aux institutions spéciales caritatives, privées ou publiques, aux administrateurs et professionnels qui gèrent leur vie. C’est l’émergence du modèle social du handicap. Dans sa tendance sociopolitique néomarxiste radicale, il fait rupture avec le modèle individuel en situant la production structurelle du handicap dans l’environnement socio-économique, idéologique et matériel (Oliver 1990). La société est désignée responsable des déficiences de son organisation conçue sur la performance, la norme et la productivité entrainant un traitement social discriminatoire des personnes ayant des déficiences et l’impossibilité d’exercer leurs droits humains. Handicaper signifie opprimer, minoriser, infantiliser, discriminer, dévaloriser, exclure sur la base de la différence corporelle, fonctionnelle ou comportementale au même titre que d’autres différences comme le genre, l’orientation sexuelle, l’appartenance raciale, ethnique ou religieuse. Selon le modèle social, ce sont les acteurs sociaux détenant le pouvoir dans l’environnement social, économique, culturel, technologique qui sont responsables des handicaps vécus par les corps différents. Les années 1990 et 2000 ont été marquées par un mouvement de rééquilibrage dans la construction du sens du handicap. Réintroduisant le corps sur la base de la valorisation de ses différences sur les plans expérientiels, identitaires et de la créativité, revendiquant des modes singuliers d’être humain parmi la diversité des êtres humains (Shakespeare et Watson 2002; French et Swain 2004), les modèles interactionnistes : personne, environnement, agir, invalident les relations de cause à effet unidirectionnelles propres aux modèles individuels et sociaux. Épousant la mouvance de la temporalité, la conception du handicap est une variation historiquement et spatialement située du développement humain comme phénomène de construction culturelle. Une construction bio-socio-culturelle ouverte des possibilités de participation sociale ou d’exercice effectif des droits humains sur la base de la Déclaration des droits de l’Homme, des Conventions internationales de l’Organisation des Nations-Unies (femmes, enfants, torture et maltraitance) et en l’occurrence de la Convention relative aux droits des personnes handicapées (CDPH) (ONU 2006; Quinn et Degener 2002; Saillant 2007). Par personnes handicapées, on entend des personnes qui présentent des incapacités physiques, mentales, intellectuelles ou sensorielles dont l’interaction avec diverses barrières peut faire obstacle à leur pleine et effective participation à la société sur la base de l’égalité avec les autres. (CDPH, Art 1, P.4). Fruit de plusieurs décennies de luttes et de transformations de la conception du handicap, cette définition représente une avancée historique remarquable autant au sein du dernier des mouvements sociaux des droits civiques, le mouvement international de défense des droits des personnes handicapées, que de la part des États qui l’ont ratifiée. Malgré le fait que l’on utilise encore le terme personne handicapée, le handicap ne peut plus être considéré comme une caractéristique de la personne ni comme un statut figé dans le temps ni comme un contexte oppressif. Il est le résultat d’une relation dont il est nécessaire de décrire les trois composantes anthropologiques de l’être incarné : soi, les autres et l’action ou l’habitus pour en comprendre le processus de construction singulier. Le handicap est situationnel et relatif , sujet à changement, puisqu’il s’inscrit dans une dynamique interactive temporelle entre les facteurs organiques, fonctionnels, identitaires d’une part et les facteurs contextuels sociaux, technologiques et physiques d’autre part, déterminant ce que les personnes ont la possibilité de réaliser dans les habitudes de vie de leurs choix ou culturellement attendues dans leurs collectivités. Les situations de handicap ne peuvent être prédites à l’avance sur la base d’une évaluation organique, fonctionnelle, comportementale, identitaire ou de la connaissance de paramètres environnementaux pris séparément sans réintroduire leurs relations complexes avec l’action d’un sujet définissant le sens ou mieux incarnant la conscience vécue de cette situation de vie. Suite au succès de l’expression personne en situation du handicap en francophonie, on remarque une tendance à voir cette nouvelle appellation remplacer celle de personne handicapée. Ceci est généralement interprété comme une pénétration de la compréhension du modèle interactionniste et socio constructiviste. Toutefois il est inquiétant de voir poindre des dénominations comme personnes en situation de handicap physique, mental, visuel, auditif, intellectuel, moteur. Cette dérive démontre un profond enracinement ontologique du modèle individuel. Il est également le signe d’une tendance à recréer un statut de personne en situation de handicap pour remplacer celui de personne handicapée. Ceci nécessite une explication de la notion de situation de handicap en lien avec le concept de participation sociale. Une personne peut vivre à la fois des situations de handicap et des situations de participation sociale selon les activités qu’elle désire réaliser, ses habitudes de vie. Par exemple une personne ayant des limitations intellectuelles peut vivre une situation de handicap en classe régulière et avoir besoin du soutien d’un éducateur spécialisé mais elle ne sera pas en situation de handicap pour prendre l’autobus scolaire pour se rendre à ses cours. L’expression personne vivant des situations de handicap semble moins propice à la dérive essentialiste que personne en situation de handicap. Le phénomène du handicap est un domaine encore largement négligé mais en visibilité croissante en anthropologie. Au-delà des transformations de sens donné au terme de handicap comme catégorie sociale, utile à la définition de cibles d’intervention, de traitements sociaux, de problématiques sociales pour l’élaboration de politiques et de programmes, les définitions et les modèles présentés permettent de décrire le phénomène, de mieux le comprendre mais plus rarement de formuler des explications éclairantes sur le statut du handicap d’un point de vue anthropologique. Henri-Jacques Stiker identifie, en synthèse, cinq théories du handicap co-existantes dans le champ contemporain des sciences sociales (2005). La théorie du stigmate (Goffman 1975). Le fait du marquage sur le corps pour indiquer une défaveur, une disgrâce, un discrédit profond, constitue une manière de voir comment une infirmité donne lieu à l’attribution d’une identité sociale virtuelle, en décalage complet avec l’identité sociale réelle. Le handicap ne peut être pensé en dehors de la sphère psychique, car il renvoie toujours à l’image de soi, chez celui qui en souffre comme celui qui le regarde. Le regard d’autrui construit le regard que l’on porte sur soi mais en résulte également (Stiker 2005 :200). La théorie culturaliste qui met en exergue la spécificité des personnes handicapées, tout en récusant radicalement la notion même de handicap, est enracinée dans le multiculturalisme américain. Les personnes handicapées se constituent en groupes culturels avec leurs traits singuliers, à partir de conditions de vie, d’une histoire (Stiker 2005). Par exemple au sein des Disability Studies ou Études sur le handicap, il est fréquent de penser que seuls les corps différents concernés peuvent véritablement les pratiquer et en comprendre les fondements identitaires et expérientiels. L’exemple le plus probant est celui de la culture sourde qui se définit comme minorité ethno-linguistique autour de la langue des signes et de la figure identitaire du Sourd. On fera référence ici au Deaf Studies (Gaucher 2009). La théorie de l’oppression (Oliver 1990). Elle affirme que le handicap est produit par les barrières sociales en termes de déterminants sociologiques et politiques inhérents au système capitaliste ou productiviste. Les personnes sont handicapées non par leurs déficiences mais par l’oppression de l’idéologie biomédicale, essentialiste, individualiste construite pour empêcher l’intégration et l’égalité. Ce courant des Disability Studies s’inscrit dans une mouvance de luttes émancipatoires des personnes opprimées elles-mêmes (Stiker 2005 : 210; Boucher 2003) La théorie de la liminalité (Murphy 1990). Par cette différence dont ils sont les porteurs, les corps s’écartent de la normalité attendue par la collectivité et sont placés dans une situation liminale, un entre-deux qu’aucun rite de passage ne semble en mesure d’effacer, de métamorphoser pour accéder au monde des corps normaux. Cette théorie attribue un statut anthropologique spécifique au corps handicapé sans faire référence obligatoire à l’oppression, à l’exclusion, à la faute, ou au pouvoir. Marqués de façon indélébile, ils demeurent sur le seuil de la validité, de l’égalité, des droits, de l’humanité. La théorie de l’infirmité comme double, la liminalité récurrente de Stiker (2005). L’infirmité ne déclenche pas seulement la liminalité mais en référant à la psychanalyse, elle est un véritable double. La déficience est là, nous rappelant ce que nous n’aimons pas et ne voulons pas être, mais elle est notre ombre. Nous avons besoin de l’infirmité, comme de ceux qui la portent pour nous consoler d’être vulnérable et mortel tout autant que nous ne devons pas être confondus avec elle et eux pour continuer à nous estimer. Ils sont, devant nous, notre normalité, mais aussi notre espoir d’immortalité (Stiker 2005 : 223)

By most accounts, “resilience” is a pretty resilient concept. Or policy instrument. Or heuristic tool. It’s this last that really concerns us here: resilience not as a politics, but rather as a descriptive device for attempts in the humanities—particularly in rhetoric and cultural studies—to adequately describe a discursive event. Or rather, to adequately describe a class of discursive events: those that involve rhetorical resistance by victimised subjects. I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Descriptive; Reading) that Peircean semiosis, inflected by a rhetorical postulate of genre, equips us well to closely describe a discursive event. Here, I want briefly to suggest that resilience—“discursive” resilience, to coin a term—might usefully supplement these hypotheses, at least from time to time. To support this suggestion, I’ll signal some uses of resilience before turning briefly to a case study: a sensational Argentine homicide case, which occurred in October 2002, and came to be known as the caso Belsunce. At the time, Argentina was wracked by economic crises and political instability. The imposition of severe restrictions on cash withdrawals from bank deposits had provoked major civil unrest. Between 21 December 2001 and 2 January 2002, Argentines witnessed a succession of five presidents. “Resilient” is a term that readily comes to mind to describe many of those who endured this catastrophic period. To describe the caso Belsunce, however—to describe its constitution and import as a discursive event—we might appeal to some more disciplinary-specific understandings of resilience. Glossing Peircean semiosis as a teleological process, Short notes that “one and the same thing […] may be many different signs at once” (106). Any given sign, in other words, admits of multiple interpretants or uptakes. And so it is with resilience, which is both a keyword in academic disciplines ranging from psychology to ecology and political science, and a buzzword in several corporate domains and spheres of governmental activity. It’s particularly prevalent in the discourses of highly networked post-9/11 Anglophone societies. So what, pray tell, is resilience? To the American Psychological Association, resilience comprises “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity.” To the Resilience Solutions Group at Arizona State University, resilience is “the capacity to recover fully from acute stressors, to carry on in the face of chronic difficulties: to regain one’s balance after losing it.” To the Stockholm Resilience Centre, resilience amounts to the “capacity of a system to continually change and adapt yet remain within critical thresholds,” while to the Resilience Alliance, resilience is similarly “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure” (Walker and Salt xiii). The adjective “resilient” is thus predicated of those entities, individuals or collectivities, which exhibit “resilience”. A “resilient Australia,” for example, is one “where all Australians are better able to adapt to change, where we have reduced exposure to risks, and where we are all better able to bounce back from disaster” (Australian Government). It’s tempting here to synthesise these statements with a sense of “ordinary language” usage to derive a definitional distillate: “resilience” is a capacity attributed to an entity which recovers intact from major injury. This capacity is evidenced in a reaction or uptake: a “resilient” entity is one which suffers some insult or disturbance, but whose integrity is held to have been maintained, or even enhanced, by its resistive or adaptive response. A conjecturally “resilient” entity is thus one which would presumably evince resilience if faced with an unrealised aversive event. However, such abstractions ignore how definitional claims do rhetorical work. On any given occasion, how “resilience” and its cognates are construed and what they connote are a function, at least in part, of the purposes of rhetorical agents and the protocols and objects of the disciplines or genres in which these agents put these terms to work. In disciplines operating within the same form of life or sphere of activity—disciplines sharing general conventions and broad objects of inquiry, such as the capacious ecological sciences or the contiguous fields of study within the ambit of applied psychology—resilience acts, at least at times, as a something of a “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer). Correlatively, across more diverse and distant fields of inquiry, resilience can work in more seemingly exclusive or contradictory ways (see Handmer and Dovers). Rhetorical aims and disciplinary objects similarly determine the originary tales we are inclined to tell. In the social sciences, the advent of resilience is often attributed to applied psychology, indebted, in turn, to epidemiology (see Seery, Holman and Cohen Silver). In environmental science, by contrast, resilience is typically taken to be a theory born in ecology (indebted to engineering and to the physical sciences, in particular to complex systems theory [see Janssen, Schoon, Ke and Börner]). Having no foundational claim to stake and, moreover, having different purposes and taking different objects, some more recent uptakes of resilience, in, for instance, securitisation studies, allow for its multidisciplinary roots (see Bourbeau; Kaufmann). But if resilience is many things to many people, a couple of commonalities in its range of translations should be drawn out. First, irrespective of its discipline or sphere of activity, talk of resilience typically entails construing an object of inquiry qua system, be that system an individual, a community of circumstance, a state, a socio-ecological unit or some differently delimited entity. This bounded system suffers some insult with no resulting loss of structural, relational, functional or other integrity. Second, resilience is usually marshalled to promote a politics. Resilience talk often consorts with discourses of meliorative action and of readily quantifiable practical effects. When the environmental sciences take the “Earth system” and the dynamics of global change as their objects of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the elaboration and implementation of natural resource management policy. Proponents of socio-ecological resilience see the resilience hypothesis as enabling a demonstrably more enlightened stewardship of the biosphere (see Folke et al.; Holling; Walker and Salt). When applied psychology takes the anomalous situation of disadvantaged, at-risk individuals triumphing over trauma as its declared object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the positing and identification of personal and environmental resources or protective factors which would enable the overcoming of adversity. Proponents of psychosocial resilience see this concept as enabling the elaboration and implementation of interventions to foster individual and collective wellbeing (see Goldstein and Brooks; Ungar). Similarly, when policy think-tanks and government departments and agencies take the apprehension of particular threats to the social fabric as their object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience—or of a lack thereof—is critical to the elaboration and implementation of urban infrastructure, emergency planning and disaster management policies (see Drury et al.; Handmer and Dovers). However, despite its often positive connotations, resilience is well understood as a “normatively open” (Bourbeau 11) concept. This openness is apparent in some theories and practices of resilience. In limnological modelling, for example, eutrophication can result in a lake’s being in an undesirable, albeit resilient, turbid-water state (see Carpenter et al.; Walker and Meyers). But perhaps the negative connotations or indeed perverse effects of resilience are most apparent in some of its political uptakes. Certainly, governmental operationalisations of resilience are coming under increased scrutiny. Chief among the criticisms levelled at the “muddled politics” (Grove 147) of and around resilience is that its mobilisation works to constitute a particular neoliberal subjectivity (see Joseph; Neocleous). By enabling a conservative focus on individual responsibility, preparedness and adaptability, the topos of resilience contributes critically to the development of neoliberal governmentality (Joseph). In a practical sense, this deployment of resilience silences resistance: “building resilient subjects,” observe Evans and Reid (85), “involves the deliberate disabling of political habits. […] Resilient subjects are subjects that have accepted the imperative not to resist or secure themselves from the difficulties they are faced with but instead adapt to their enabling conditions.” It’s this prospect of practical acquiescence that sees resistance at times opposed to resilience (Neocleous). “Good intentions not withstanding,” notes Grove (146), “the effect of resilience initiatives is often to defend and strengthen the political economic status quo.” There’s much to commend in these analyses of how neoliberal uses of resilience constitute citizens as highly accommodating of capital and the state. But such critiques pertain to the governmental mobilisation of resilience in the contemporary “advanced liberal” settings of “various Anglo-Saxon countries” (Joseph 47). There are, of course, other instances—other events in other times and places—in which resilience indisputably sorts with resistance. Such an event is the caso Belsunce, in which a rhetorically resilient journalistic community pushed back, resisting some of the excesses of a corrupt neoliberal Argentine regime. I’ll turn briefly to this infamous case to suggest that a notion of “discursive resilience” might afford us some purchase when it comes to describing discursive events. To be clear: we’re considering resilience here not as an anticipatory politics, but rather as an analytic device to supplement the descriptive tools of Peircean semiosis and a rhetorical postulate of genre. As such, it’s more an instrument than an answer: a program, perhaps, for ongoing work. Although drawing on different disciplinary construals of the term, this use of resilience would be particularly indebted to the resilience thinking developed in ecology (see Carpenter el al.; Folke et al.; Holling; Walker et al.; Walker and Salt). Things would, of course, be lost in translation (see Adger; Gallopín): in taking a discursive event, rather than the dynamics of a socio-ecological system, as our object of inquiry, we’d retain some topological analogies while dispensing with, for example, Holling’s four-phase adaptive cycle (see Carpenter et al.; Folke; Gunderson; Gunderson and Holling; Walker et al.). For our purposes, it’s unlikely that descriptions of ecosystem succession need to be carried across. However, the general postulates of ecological resilience thinking—that a system is a complex series of dynamic relations and functions located at any given time within a basin of attraction (or stability domain or system regime) delimited by thresholds; that it is subject to multiple attractors and follows trajectories describable over varying scales of time and space; that these trajectories are inflected by exogenous and endogenous perturbations to which the system is subject; that the system either proves itself resilient to these perturbations in its adaptive or resistive response, or transforms, flipping from one domain (or basin) to another may well prove useful to some descriptive projects in the humanities. Resilience is fundamentally a question of uptake or response. Hence, when examining resilience in socio-ecological systems, Gallopín notes that it’s useful to consider “not only the resilience of the system (maintenance within a basin) but also coping with impacts produced and taking advantage of opportunities” (300). Argentine society in the early-to-mid 2000s was one such socio-political system, and the caso Belsunce was both one such impact and one such opportunity. Well-connected in the world of finance, 57-year-old former stockbroker Carlos Alberto Carrascosa lived with his 50-year-old sociologist turned charity worker wife, María Marta García Belsunce, close to their relatives in the exclusive gated community of Carmel Country Club, Pilar, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. At 7:07 pm on Sunday 27 October 2002, Carrascosa called ambulance emergencies, claiming that his wife had slipped and knocked her head while drawing a bath alone that rainy Sunday afternoon. At the time of his call, it transpired, Carrascosa was at home in the presence of intimates. Blood was pooled on the bathroom floor and smeared and spattered on its walls and adjoining areas. María Marta lay lifeless, brain matter oozing from several holes in her left parietal and temporal lobes. This was the moment when Carrascosa, calm and coherent, called emergency services, but didn’t advert the police. Someone, he told the operator, had slipped in the bath and bumped her head. Carrascosa described María Marta as breathing, with a faint pulse, but somehow failed to mention the holes in her head. “A knock with a tap,” a police source told journalist Horacio Cecchi, “really doesn’t compare with the five shots to the head, the spillage of brain matter and the loss of about half a litre of blood suffered by the victim” (Cecchi and Kollmann). Rather than a bathroom tap, María Marta’s head had met with five bullets discharged from a .32-calibre revolver. In effect, reported Cecchi, María Marta had died twice. “While perhaps a common conceit in fiction,” notes Cecchi, “in reality, dying twice is, by definition, impossible. María Marta’s two obscure endings seem to unsettle this certainty.” Her cadaver was eventually subjected to an autopsy, and what had been a tale of clumsiness and happenstance was rewritten, reinscribed under the Argentine Penal Code. The autopsy was conducted 36 days after the burial of María Marta; nine days later, she was mentioned for the second time in the mainstream Argentine press. Her reappearance, however, was marked by a shift in rubrics: from a short death notice in La Nación, María Marta was translated to the crime section of Argentina’s dailies. Until his wife’s mediatic reapparition, Carroscosa and other relatives had persisted with their “accident” hypothesis. Indeed, they’d taken a range of measures to preclude the sorts of uptakes that might ordinarily be expected to flow, under functioning liberal democratic regimes, from the discovery of a corpse with five projectiles lodged in its head. Subsequently recited as part of Carrascosa’s indictment, these measures were extensively reiterated in media coverage of the case. One of the more notorious actions involved the disposal of the sixth bullet, which was found lying under María Marta. In the course of moving the body of his half-sister, John Hurtig retrieved a small metallic object. This discovery was discussed by a number of family members, including Carrascosa, who had received ballistics training during his four years of naval instruction at the Escuela Nacional de Náutica de la Armada. They determined that the object was a lug or connector rod (“pituto”) used in library shelving: nothing, in any case, to indicate a homicide. With this determination made, the “pituto” was duly wrapped in lavatory paper and flushed down the toilet. This episode occasioned a range of outraged articles in Argentine dailies examining the topoi of privilege, power, corruption and impunity. “Distinguished persons,” notes Viau pointedly, “are so disposed […] that in the midst of all that chaos, they can locate a small, hard, steely object, wrap it in lavatory paper and flush it down the toilet, for that must be how they usually dispose of […] all that rubbish that no longer fits under the carpet.” Most often, though, critical comment was conducted by translating the reporting of the case to the genres of crime fiction. In an article entitled Someone Call Agatha Christie, Quick!, H.A.T. writes that “[s]omething smells rotten in the Carmel Country; a whole pile of rubbish seems to have been swept under its plush carpets.” An exemplary intervention in this vein was the work of journalist and novelist Vicente Battista, for whom the case (María Marta) “synthesizes the best of both traditions of crime fiction: the murder mystery and the hard-boiled novels.” “The crime,” Battista (¿Hubo Otra Mujer?) has Rodolfo observe in the first of his speculative dialogues on the case, “seems to be lifted from an Agatha Christie novel, but the criminal turns out to be a copy of the savage killers that Jim Thompson usually depicts.” Later, in an interview in which he correctly predicted the verdict, Battista expanded on these remarks: This familiar plot brings together the English murder mystery and the American hard-boiled novels. The murder mystery because it has all the elements: the crime takes place in a sealed room. In this instance, sealed not only because it occurred in a house, but also in a country, a sealed place of privilege. The victim was a society lady. Burglary is not the motive. In classic murder mystery novels, it was a bit unseemly that one should kill in order to rob. One killed either for a juicy sum of money, or for revenge, or out of passion. In those novels there were neither corrupt judges nor fugitive lawyers. Once Sherlock Holmes […] or Hercule Poirot […] said ‘this is the murderer’, that was that. That’s to say, once fingered in the climactic living room scene, with everyone gathered around the hearth, the perpetrator wouldn’t resist at all. And everyone would be happy because the judges were thought to be upright persons, at least in fiction. […] The violence of the crime of María Marta is part of the hard-boiled novel, and the sealed location in which it takes place, part of the murder mystery (Alarcón). I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Belsunce) that the translation of the case to the genres of crime fiction and their metaanalysis was a means by which a victimised Argentine public, represented by a disempowered and marginalised fourth estate, sought some rhetorical recompense. The postulate of resilience, however, might help further to describe and contextualise this notorious discursive event. A disaffected Argentine press finds itself in a stability domain with multiple attractors: on the one hand, an acquiescence to ever-increasing politico-juridical corruption, malfeasance and elitist impunity; on the other, an attractor of increasing contestation, democratisation, accountability and transparency. A discursive event like the caso Belsunce further perturbs Argentine society, threatening to displace it from its democratising trajectory. Unable to enforce due process, Argentina’s fourth estate adapts, doing what, in the circumstances, amounts to the next best thing: it denounces the proceedings by translating the case to the genres of crime fiction. In so doing, it engages a venerable reception history in which the co-constitution of true crime fiction and investigative journalism is exemplified by the figure of Rodolfo Walsh, whose denunciatory works mark a “politicisation of crime” (see Amar Sánchez Juegos; El sueño). Put otherwise, a section of Argentina’s fourth estate bounced back: by making poetics do rhetorical work, it resisted the pull towards what ecology calls an undesirable basin of attraction. Through a show of discursive resilience, these journalists worked to keep Argentine society on a democratising track. 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