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1
Darchashvili, Manana. "Georgian experience in the field of education and cultural policy: the example of the first democratic republic of Georgia in the years 1918 -1921." Journal of Education Culture and Society 12, no. 1 (2021): 520–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2021.1.520.529.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Aim. The paper aims to study and present the issue of Georgian education, analyze it chronologically and thematically based on past experience. The paper deals with the period of the First Republic of Georgia, 1918-1921, and highlights the place of education and culture in Georgian politics. Moreover, the paper is focused on the connections of modern Georgian politics and the centuries-old traditional heritage and its transformation into the present reality.
 Method. The paper is presented based on a number of researched documents, empirical material, scientific research papers, monographs, analysis of government documents, historical-comparative method.
 Result. The paper presents the reality of the first democratic republic in Georgia in 1918-1921, the effective steps of the state for the development of proper education and cultural policy, and its introduction and development in practice.
 Conclusion. Several empirical materials prove that during the period of the First Republic of Georgia (1918-1921), despite the difficult political situation in Georgia, education in Georgia, with the support of the government and due to the active and creative work of representatives of such field as education, literature, theater, music, cinema, and science. were well developed. This issue is part of the country's internal policy, which is important and relevant today.
2
Pilcher, Lauren. "Racial Ideology in Government Films: The Past and Present of the US Information Service’s Men of the Forest (1952)." Genealogy 6, no. 2 (2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6020041.
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Movies beyond the scope of Hollywood and entertainment have shaped notions of race in American culture since the early decades of cinema. A range of nontheatrical sponsors and creators in the US made films to serve practical functions in society—to inform, to organize, to persuade, to promote, etc. The US federal government was a major sponsor of many of these films, which provided American and foreign audiences depictions of race that differed considerably from popular commercial images. For example, Men of the Forest, a film made in 1952 by the United States Information Service focuses on the Hunters, a Black family who owns land and a forestry business in rural Georgia. A documentary of sorts, the film highlights Black life, work, and land ownership in the South in ways not seen in popular feature films of the day. Yet, in the film and others like it, histories of institutional racism are woven into cinematic form and content in ways that are distinct from the entertainment industry. The creators of Men of the Forest omit details of segregation in the South to emphasize the Hunter family as examples of American democracy, a choice suited to the film’s Cold War purpose: to counter the anti-American message of Soviet propaganda for foreign audiences. On one hand, by producing and distributing the film, the federal government acknowledged Black farmers and landowners in the Jim Crow South. On the other hand, it avoided the structural inequality surrounding the Hunters to frame their reality as an example of American democratic progress for international circulation. Today, government films like Men of the Forest prompt contemporary reflection on the institutional histories they represent and their evolution into the present. The film and many others are available online due to the digitization of collections from the National Archives, Library of Congress, and elsewhere. With this increase in access, contemporary scholars have the ability to investigate how the federal government and its various internal entities mediated racial ideologies with moving image technologies. As an example of such research, this essay examines Men of the Forest by focusing on the past and present contradictions that arise from its depiction of a Black family with land and an agricultural business in rural Georgia. Two recent events shed light on the histories reflected in the film and their contemporary significance. In 2018, Descendants of Men of the Forest, The Legacy Continues—a documentary created by family members of the film’s original participants—contextualized the original production as evidence of the Hunter family’s legacy in the community of Guyton, Georgia. Underlying this local effort, Men of the Forest serves as an important historical event and record of the family and the community. On a broader scale, in March 2021, Congress passed a large relief package for disadvantaged minority farmers, intended to help alleviate decades of systemic racism in government agricultural programs. Lawsuits from white farmers and conservative organizations followed quickly, challenging the provision of government aid based on race. In this federal context, Men of the Forest exposes an institutional image of individual success that downplays the structural racism facing people of color, especially those with agricultural livelihoods. Even as politics and legislation evolve, this vision of democracy once exported by the federal government has widespread currency and accumulating effects. The connections between Men of the Forest and these recent events reveal the racial politics at play in government films and the ways in which they take shape in the real world beyond the screen.
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Khanaliyev, J. "THE FORMATİON OF THE ZSFSR AS THE END OF THE FORMAL İNDEPENDENCE OF THE AZERBAİJAN SSR AND A "NEW STAGE" İN NATİONAL RELATİONS." Slovak international scientific journal, no. 74 (August 8, 2023): 7–13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8223344.
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Although it was expected that the territories of the South Caucasus, considered a multi-ethnic region during the Russian tsarist empire, would turn into a hotbed of national and armed conflicts, under the new Soviet government, the fact that Soviet Russia escalated this situation led to very serious consequences, especially for the Azerbaijan SSR. If territorial-border conflicts, which are a source of tension in relations between Azerbaijan and Georgia, were resolved relatively quickly on the basis of mutual concessions of the parties, then Azerbaijan lost the most territory. The new plot, planned by Moscow against the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh part, was a game of territorial claims launched by various political regimes in Armenia, and subsequently by Soviet Armenia. Another point, which we clarified in our study, in what form the Caucasian Bureau will be granted the status of Nagorno-Karabakh on July 5, 1921, in the future the Transcaucasian Congress of Soviets, changing the borders of the territories to which the status of autonomy will be attributed as a result of amendments and additions to the issue at congresses and plenums of the Azerbaijan Communist Party. Thus, the serious distortion of the officially proclaimed principles of Soviet national policy in practical activity, the serious position of the Bolshevik leadership of the internationalist republic and the unilateral, biased position of the center led to the loss of our historical territories in the first half of the 1920s in favor of Armenia. This policy meant that the people's faith in establishing qualitatively new national relations promised by the Bolshevik government was wasted, and ultimately this led to a significant reduction in our territory within the borders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. Another direction that defines the anti-Azerbaijani essence of Soviet national politics is to change the declarations and commitments of the national Soviet republics that the national Soviet republics will maintain relations with Soviet Russia on the basis of the full equality that the new government promised at the beginning, and that they will work hand in hand in building a socialist society beginning in the summer of 1920. The organization of the Transcaucasian Union was the result of the violent realization of only political ambitions and meticulous plans of the center, which did not abandon any political realities and economic needs.
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Arp, Bjorn. "Georgia v. Russia (I)." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 1 (2015): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0167.
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On July 3, 2014, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (Court) rendered its judgment in Georgia v. Russia, concerning Russia’s collective expulsion of a large number of Georgian nationals between October 2006 and January 2007. The Court held that Russia had violated several provisions of the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Convention or ECHR), in particular Article of Protocol No. 4 to the ECHR (prohibition of collective expulsions). Because the Russian government had failed to cooperate with the Court by providing relevant information, the Court also found a violation of Article 38 of the ECHR, which obliges states to furnish “all necessary facilities” for the effective conduct of the Court’s investigation of the case. The Court deferred its decision on the question of “just satisfaction” under Article 41 pending further submissions by the parties. This was the first of three interstate proceedings that Georgia has brought against Russia under the special procedure of Article 33, and it is the first decision on the merits of these cases.
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Karaia, Tamar. "Memory Strategies in Contemporary Georgia." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 4 (December 30, 2017): 5–22. https://doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2017.4.1.
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Georgia, as a former Soviet republic, began dealing with its Soviet past, but in the 1990s these processes were limited and delayed. Therefore, we cannot speak about a continuous politics of memory and this led to changeable foreign policy priorities. After the Rose Revolution, the new government introduced reforms in most of the key spheres of institutional life. Re-addressing the totalitarian past saw a number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. For the renovation of the state system, it was essential to make corresponding boundaries with the pre-revolution state system. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude in this period. After 2006, when Georgian citizens were deported from the Russian Federation, the tendencies of the politics of memory changed rapidly. Terms such as “occupation,” “repression” etc. appeared in the political discourse. From this period on, the strategies of memory could be associated with a politics of victimization and the formation of the collective memory prioritized as a national security issue.
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Silaev, N. Yu. "Georgia in 2015. An analytical survey." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-97-112.
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The paper is devoted to the analysis of internal and foreign political processes in Georgia in 2015. This analytical chronicle is to trace and describe the most important tendencies in such fields as the contention between political parties, the balance within the ruling coalition and the relations with Georgia’s key foreign partners. Though “Georgian Dream” (GD) government met the crisis and had to change premier by the end of the year, it managed to keep the leading position in domestic politics. The main opponent of the GD, the United National Movement (UNM) could not increase its influence. The Republican party of Georgia, the member of ruling coalition that has rather weak support from the voters, was able to strengthen its position in the government by getting some key offices. The expansion of cooperation with NATO does not bring near prospects of membership. Although every single measure the sides are taking seems to be insignificant, as a complex these measures can lead to a deeper involvement of NATO and USA in the South Caucasus. The relations with European Union are inertial and strongly overestimated in Georgian internal politics. The relations with Russia are routinized; both sides acknowledge the achievements of the normalization and do not expect any breakthrough.
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Dundua, Salome, Tamar Karaia, and Zviad Abashidze. "National narration and Politics of Memory in post-socialist Georgia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 2 (2017): 222–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0010.
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Abstract The article is dedicated to analyse the politics of so called “historical memory” during the state-building and nation-building process in post-socialist Georgia After the Rose Revolution 2003, the new government that aimed at building the “new Georgia,” implementing radical changes in many key spheres, including institutions, readdressing the totalitarian past, faced number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. The “politics of memory” became one of the key factors of reconstructing of “new, democratic, western Georgia”. This process can be evaluated as leading toward state nationalism. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude and that is why former President Mikheil Saakashvili used commemorative ceremonies continuously. The authors argue in favour of approach, that the so called “memory politics” is the integral part of one’s legitimacy building, but at the same time, it can be used as tool for reconsidering of Polity’s future and mobilization of population under the “citizenship” umbrella towards the strong loyalty to the actual and future state-building.
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Fedorovskaya, I. "Political Crisis in Georgia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2021): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-1-135-143.
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The Parliament of Georgia operates in a one-party mode. Opposition parties boycott its work demanding annulment of the results of the parliamentary elections due to mass fraud. The ruling “Georgian Dream” is trying to return the opposition to the parliament, offering to discuss and adopt a new election law. On the other hand, the Georgian government threatens to deprive the parties that refuse to work in the parliament of financial support. In the post-election period the top leadership of several major political parties has changed. The founder of the “Georgian Dream” B. Ivanishvili has left politics. N.Melia became the new leader of the United National Movement. After his arrest the internal political situation in Georgia has deteriorated.
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Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan, and Sutiyah. "REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951." International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no. 06 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
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Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
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Shioshvili, Tamar. "Some Observations on Mass Beliefs in the U.S. and Georgia." Journal in Humanities 4, no. 1 (2015): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v4i1.306.
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Debates about the political abilities of the public remain one of the major controversies in political behavior research. This controversy implies normative presumptions about what level of sophistication is required for democracies to achieve their political ideals. For citizen politics to be purposeful, the electorate must have at least a basic level of political skills. Political attention is also very important sign of the public’s political skills. Reflecting and reinforcing the general development of cognitive mobilization, interest in politics and government affairs has increases in the U.S. and Georgia as well. Interest in specific election may vary from campaign to campaign, but statistics suggest a trend of increasing politicization. More people seem to be spreading reliance on social group and partisan cues as a basis of voting. The present level of issues voting is generally higher than during earlier periods.
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Meladze, Aleko. "SOME ASPECTS OF EXCELLENCE OF CUSTOMS POLICY OF GEORGIA." Economic Profile 16, no. 2(22) (2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2021.22.05.
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Customs system and customs activity is an important economic mechanism for the county, which has to follow current modern global and integrative processes in the world. Customs politics based on the reasonable and scientific principles will give the chance to a government to develop priority fields, deepen political and economic relation with the foreign countries, and help social-economic development of the country. Lack of development of real sector in economic Georgia made as import-dependent country. In the whole unit of commercial circulation amount of import exceeds amount of export almost three time. Local market is full with imported products, which is the result that country depends on the import, but, it is possible to create safe economic conditions for the local producers. For that the country should actively use instruments of customs politics While working on above mentioned topic, studying the problem was implemented by using qualitative and quantitative methods. Research of inner information about the topic was fulfilled in the scope of qualitative research. During quantitative research was processed statistic data. Finally, based on the analysis of result corresponding reports were made. Tasks and forms of implementing customs politics, in many cases, harshly oppose each other. That is why, one of the main task is to balance the opposing principles, for this action it is important that customs politics should be flexible, changeable and compatible with current economic occurrence and processes. On modern stage main direction of Georgian customs politics are characterized as having low import tariffs, by being free from customs tax, having less amount of export and import licenses and by not having other quantitative restrictions. But it described as having important gaps in solving modern economic problems and resisting modern challenges. Unfortunately, real sector of economics in Georgia is not developed. According the existed tendencies main priority for the county’s development is tourism. The result is that absolute majority of the product what the population of the country uses, is imported. Given tendency of correlation between import and export results gives us a chance to say that during past years, Political measurements from the state can not reach the aim. Within other factors, given problem is mainly outlined by the level of technological development and innovation problems. Non-existence of subsidiary infrastructure for development export, causes lack of information about potential export markets and not-enough popularity is Georgian products. Except measures taken for stimulating export, state customs politics should be aimed to broaden country’s exporting markets, to diversify exporting countries and export products main part of the export products for today is raw materials, which has low supplemented cost, its export does not need to activate manufacturing processes and local workmen do not take part in this process. Hence it follows that all these positive economic effects which might follow product export from the country, in this case is on low level or does not exist at all. That is why, main factor of the customs politics should be to encourage export ready production and not raw materials. There is cause-effect relation between quality of development of real sector between export and import correlation. Lack of development of real economic sector significantly defines the quality of country’s import-dependence. In order to achieve desired correlation results between import and export for the country, it is important to reduce import index, as well as export index. For the development of real sector of economics it is crucially important to protect economic activities of local manufacturers from the competition with foreign production. The government has got its regulation mechanisms, by using these mechanisms it can achieve above mentioned aim. While implementing customs politics, the government has authority, foreseeing the given situation in the country, use different instruments of customs-tariff regulations, in order to get concrete desired results. For this result it is necessary to fulfill the obligations which the country has towards world trade organization. In order to be recognized Georgia as an equal partner, from the members of the partner countries of World Trade Organization, it is necessary to be legislative basis which will regulate and administrate customs rules and other similar business spheres. Such kind of specific obligations from Georgia were outlined while signing the treaty of partnership with World Trade Organization. It was mentioned not to implement the cases of protection, anti-dumping measures and compensation duties, before other corresponding regulations and legislative acts would be received in the country. One of the main challenge of customs politics for Georgia is to resist with the problems of local manufacturers and protecting domestic market. Finally, we can say that effectiveness of customs politics significantly defines stability of country’s economic development, mainly, stimulating to develop export and protecting domestic market. Accordingly, in this thesis there are reports and recommendations, which represent closing sentences based on the analysis of separate parts of the given work.
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Kostiuchenko, Tetiana, Tamara Martsenyuk, and Svitlana Oksamytna. "Women Politicians and Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, no. 2 (2015): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2x30r.
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<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Post-communist countries undergoing social transformations in the last twenty years needed to implement political and economic reforms. Changes also had to support the principles of equality in the access to power, specifically gender quotas in executive and legislative branches of government and within political parties. The events in Ukraine and Georgia in 2004-2005 known as the “colour revolutions” gave impulse to the promotion of equality and implementation of reforms. However, the number of women participating in national politics in both countries remains low. This paper proposes an analysis of gender equality principles during the parliamentary election campaigns in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012 from the perspective of women’s participation in politics and their self-representation as politicians. This empirical study covers public attitudes towards women in politics and examines networks of female parliamentarians. The findings raise hopes for better representation of women in politics as female politicians promote them from the top down, and mass public perception of gender equality principles set the ground for bottom-up activism. <strong></strong></p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Gender Equality, Women Politicians, Public Attitudes, Social Network Analysis (SNA)</p>
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Darchashvili, Manana. "THE ISSUE OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND TOLERANCE IN MODERN GEORGIAN POLITICS." Journal of Education Culture and Society 11, no. 2 (2020): 490–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2020.2.490.498.
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Aim. Georgia has traditionally been a country of cultural diversity. Due to the proper political approach, Georgian authorities of all times have managed to successfully govern the peaceful coexistence of people of different nationalities and religions. It is true that in the post-Soviet period, there was some disagreement between the cultures inspired by external forces; however, generally, all the authorities made every effort to legally strengthen the inherited tolerant habit. The paper does not deal with the conflicts of ethnopolitical nature, staged by Russia. The mentioned issue is a part of the country’s domestic policy, which is important and still is relevant nowadays, therefore the paper aims to study the role of cultural diversity and tolerance in modern Georgian politics, the attitude to it, and how the country managed to preserve the centuries-old heritage.
 Methods. Based on several empirical materials, various researched-studied documents, scientific papers, analysis of government documents, the use of the method of historicism is presented in the paper.
 Results. The paper presents the current existing reality in Georgia in the field of cultural diversity and the effective steps of the state for the proper development of cultural diversity.
 Conclusion. Modern Georgian politics is motivated to involve ethnic and religious minorities in the process of monitoring and implementing the Culture Policy Action Plan, based on the recent history and new current worldwide tendency, which will guarantee the establishment of a tolerant society and democracy in Georgia.
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Gumbaridze, Zhuzhuna, and Zeinab Gvarishvili. "On Politically-Driven Language Discrimination in Post-Soviet Space (from the Example of Occupied Abkhazia)." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 3 (2023): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.16.
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The aim of this paper is to reflect the policy of the government of Georgia towards creating higher education opportunities for the youth residing in Abkhazia and outline the supporting measures taken by the Georgian side that contribute to Abkhazian youth’s integration into the mainstream of academia locally and worldwide. Accordingly, as the background of the issue, we start with a brief description of the language ideology in the occupied area and then move to a discussion of the factors which demonstrate the opportunities that ensure and simplify access to higher quality education in Georgia as well as abroad for the targeted group. There are two substantive issues: first, Russian language ideology imposition on Abkhaz youth and, second, the benefits of acquiring a degree in Georgia. We argue that the collapse of the Soviet Union and Georgia’s recent pro-Western politics have paved the road to new possibilities for cultivating a linguistically diverse, multiethnic, and tolerant society throughout Georgia. Young people living in both the occupied region and Georgia represent the generation that should cohabitate and find a common path of understanding and peace in order to build a common better future.
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Purdy, Michelle A. "Blurring Public and Private: The Pragmatic Desegregation Politics of an Elite Private School in Atlanta." History of Education Quarterly 56, no. 1 (2016): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12149.
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The school desegregation narrative often references historically white public schools as sites of massive resistance and historically white private schools as segregationist academies. Yet some historically white elite private schools or independent schools, such as The Westminster Schools (plural in name only), established in 1951 in Atlanta, Georgia, chose to desegregate. Such elite institutions, which have served as one catalyst for the creation and maintenance of social and cultural capital, became more accessible after Brown v. Board of Education through a combination of private and public decisions galvanized by larger social, political, and federal forces. Westminster's 1965 decision to consider all applicants regardless of race was emblematic of the pragmatic desegregation politics of Atlanta's city leaders during the civil rights movement and a national independent school agenda focused on recruiting black students. Drawing on institutional, local, regional, and national archival records and publications, this article examines the import of schools like Westminster to civic and business leaders, to the politics of race and desegregation occurring in large cities, and to the range of educational opportunities available in metropolitan areas. This examination yields an analysis of the leadership and politics of a southern historically white elite private school that black students desegregated in 1961.
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Long, Michael. "Collaboration, confrontation, and controversy: the politics of monument restoration in Georgia and the case of Bagrati Cathedral." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 4 (2017): 669–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1261100.
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This paper examines the history of the restoration, or more accurately, reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral in western Georgia. Constructed in 1003, Bagrati Cathedral is an important cultural monument in the political and architectural history of Georgia. Destroyed by an explosion in 1691, the cathedral was inscribed on UNESCO's World Heritage List in 1994 in its ruined state. However, the Georgian government under President Mikheil Saakashvili and Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) officials made the reconstruction and reconsecration of the cathedral a priority. The reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral, completed in September 2012, brought the differing aims of Georgian politicians, GOC officials, and architectural historians – the major players in the process – into sharp focus. This paper maintains that the rebuilding of Bagrati Cathedral was part of Saakashvili's political agenda, which merged with the interests of the GOC and worked against the objectives of architectural historians and the aims of academic principles of restoration and preservation. The result is that Bagrati has been rebuilt but is under threat of removal from the World Heritage List. The story of Bagrati's reconstruction has implications for the future of monument preservation and restoration in Georgia.
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Asif, Nusrat. "Electoral Politics during 1951 Provincial Elections in the Punjab: A Progression of Authoritarian Legacy." Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, no. 3 (2024): 692–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00098.
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This research paper explored electoral patterns in the Punjab after independence focusing on the first provincial elections of Punjab. Did the voters have any real choice? How was the religion card employed in the absence of non-Muslims? And how important were ethnic and geographical affiliations in a newly independent, conventional Punjab. How fluidity of displaced people affected the electoral behaviour and results. These important inquiries have important implications for the present scenario. Muslim League became a major political party and incumbent government during the early years of independence. The provincial election helped its splinter groups into new political parties. Victimhood, blaming, national unity, and the Kashmir issue were top trends in campaign rhetoric. Rural election campaigns focused on biradri, clan or village heads. Both male and female voter registration and vote casting still needed to improve. Muslim League was accused of using officials and rigging. Research noticed that the electoral reforms improved the election process while acceptance of election results could not make its place. Press lacked objectivity and the government imposed censorship on its critics. The Punjabi electors voted Muslim League as well as opposition with conventional thinking rejecting radical call against Muslim League, popular at that time in East Bengal. This article contributes to understanding early electoral behaviour of Punjab, particularly and the present scenario of elections in both Punjab and Pakistan in general.
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Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.
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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.
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Saleh, Majd, and Natasha Howard. "Socio-political and organizational influences on national infectious disease surveillance for refugees: A qualitative case study in Lebanon." PLOS Global Public Health 3, no. 6 (2023): e0001753. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001753.
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Infectious disease surveillance provides actionable information on displaced populations and helps identify outbreaks. Though not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, Lebanon has experienced large refugee influxes (e.g. Palestinians in 1948, Syrians in 2011), yet information on socio-political and organizational influences shaping surveillance targeting refugees is limited. We thus aimed to examine how Lebanese socio-politics affected infectious disease surveillance for refugees in Lebanon. We conducted a qualitative multimethod single case study of government engagement with refugee infectious disease surveillance (2011–2018) drawing from document analysis, semi-structured observations, and semi-structured key informant interviews at four surveillance sites in Lebanon. We analysed data thematically, using deductive and inductive coding. National politics delayed government and thus its epidemiological surveillance program’s (ESU) engagement with refugee disease surveillance, largely due to Lebanon not being a 1951 Refugee Convention signatory and internal policy disagreements. Thus, it was initially difficult for the ESU to lead surveillance activities, though it later became more active. The ESU was limited by unclear reporting mechanisms and resources and its reliance on aggregated surveillance data prevented provision of data-informed responses. Though the ESU led surveillance nationally, and we identified positive provincial level collaborations due to individual efforts, some partners still conducted parallel surveillance. We found no systematic approach to infectious disease surveillance for refugees. The ESU could improve surveillance for refugees by collaborative strategic planning with partners for preparedness, surveillance, reporting, and sustainable resource allocation during refugee crises. Further suggestions include collecting disaggregated data, and piloting potentially more efficient syndromic surveillance, based on symptom clusters, for refugee populations.
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Darchashvili, Manana. "Post-Soviet School Education Policy in Georgia." Journal of Education Culture and Society 14, no. 2 (2023): 484–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2023.2.484.493.
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Aim. The purpose of the work is to find, study, thematically, chronologically present, and analyse the place of education and especially school education in Georgian politics in the post-Soviet period in Georgia, as well as to determine the attitude to the issue, highlight the ongoing activities, and show the existing results and future perspective. Methods. The work is presented based on several researched-studied official government documents, empirical materials, analysis of scientific research papers, and the use of the comparative method in the Georgian reality of the post-Soviet period. Results. The paper identifies the current situation at the level of public education in Georgia following the goals of modern-sustainable development since the 1990s, which is known as the most difficult period of Georgia's history; it highlights the existing legal framework in the school education system and the implementation of the set plans; it shows effective steps of the state to develop and implement education policy. Conclusion. By studying a number of materials, it is confirmed that the political course of Georgia for the promotion of school education in Georgian reality, despite the existing difficult political situation, was characterised by great support when all political teams were in power because the mentioned issue is a part of the domestic policy in the country, which is always important and relevant.
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Stanković, Nikola. "The Yugoslav colony of Egypt 1941-1951." Bastina, no. 65 (2025): 227–40. https://doi.org/10.5937/bastina35-57602.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Yugoslav community settled in Egypt had a heterogeneous composition. It consisted of mainly of Slovenes from the unliberated regions of Italy, but it also contained a considerable number of settlers from Macedonia, then Montenegro and other Serbian regions of the then Yugoslav kingdom. The most direct contact between the Yugoslav state administration and the colony in Egypt was achieved after the collapse of the resistance of the Yugoslav army and the departure of the state apparatus into exile in the Middle and Near East in April 1941. The drama of Yugoslav internal politics took place precisely in Egypt during the military rebellion that we call the 'Cairo Affair', throughout 1942. After the arrival of the government and the king from London in October 1943, the seat of the state apparatus was moved to Cairo. With the arrival of partisan refugees and officials in the Middle East at the end of the same year and the beginning of the following year, the Yugoslav colony was forever divided into supporters of the Communist movement and royalists. The confidential reports of the agents of the new Communist Yugoslavia, established in 1945, on which the article is based, provide insight into the situation in the colony on a micro level. Providing us with an opportunity to observe the leading members of the community, its internal strife and its position in relation to the official policy of the Egyptian state in the specified time frame.
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DUARTE, REGINA HORTA. "‘It Does Not Even Seem Like We Are in Brazil’: Country Clubs and Gated Communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, 1951–1964." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 3 (2012): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000429.
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AbstractThis study focuses on the first gated communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, which were developed between 1951 and 1964. In an era of democracy and economic growth, the Brazilian government promoted infrastructural improvements and attracted foreign capital. However, there was a concomitant increase in inequality and poverty, and deep-rooted political conflicts. Notwithstanding the varying motivations of those who chose to live in gated communities, this article argues that the attempt by elites to establish a lifestyle of leisure and European-style sophistication in these enclaves had political, ethnic, class and gender implications. Their self-segregation strengthened the patrimonialism and authoritarianism in politics that would prevail during the ensuing military dictatorship.
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Amiantova, Irina S., and Nikoloz Bitsadze. "Gender Quotas for Political Participation and the Case of Georgia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (2022): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-136-147.
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The current study focuses on the key elements limiting the political representation of women in the modern world. In order to eliminate discrimination, some countries introduce gender quotas for political participation. Studying the legal framework of modern Georgia shows that, despite the existing common legal basis for the equality of women and men, the reality in political life is different. The lack of effective quota mechanisms significantly weakens the realization of womens civil and political rights. Stereotypical attitudes and perceptions about the role of women in society are the main barriers to recruiting in the political and administrative deployment. Considering the gender aspect of political representation as a complex problem necessitated a systematic approach. The historical and comparative method was used to study the evolution of gender equality. A separate group of methods used in the article was made up of the political and legal analysis of empirical database national statistics. The article shows how the Georgian Parliament affects the position of women in politics by introducing mandatory quotas for national and local government elections, increasing the likelihood of women running, being elected and appointed.
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Beacháin, Donnacha Ó., and Frederik Coene. "Go West: Georgia's European identity and its role in domestic politics and foreign policy objectives." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 6 (2014): 923–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.953466.
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This article sheds light on the Euro-Atlantic discourse in Georgia by situating it in a wider frame. It provides an analysis of its Euro-Atlantic orientation by presenting it as a continuation of past efforts to involve European powers in Georgian affairs and highlights changing trends in this aspect of contemporary foreign policy. Far from determining whether or not the Georgians are European, the different arguments that have been used to support Georgian “Europeanness” are evaluated to assess its role in the national identity construction process. Focusing primarily on the United National Movement government led by Mikheil Saakashvili, we demonstrate how the Euro-Atlantic discourse has been employed domestically by the political elite as a legitimacy management strategy and explore its function in seeking Western patronage, a key foreign policy goal.
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Schields, Chelsea. "“This is the Soul of Aruba Speaking”." New West Indian Guide 90, no. 3-4 (2016): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09003002.
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In 1951, at the onset of major decolonization initiatives in the Netherlands Antilles, thousands of residents on Aruba successfully joined in protest to defeat Campo Alegre, a proposed brothel near the Aruban oil-refining city of San Nicolas. This article considers the protest movement within the context of Antillean decolonization and argues that debates over sexual politics played an important role in popularizing an Aruban identity separate from neighboring Curaçao—then seat of the government of the Netherlands Antilles and site of the first Campo Alegre brothel. Through analysis of Aruban archival sources, this article examines how the protest movement exploited decolonization policy while also drawing on the rhetoric of leading local political parties who claimed racial and cultural superiority to Curaçao.
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van Peski, Caecilia J. "Good Cop, Bad Cop." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 1 (2013): 49–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02401008.
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Over the summer month of August 2008, Georgia launched a large-scale military offensive against South Ossetia in an attempt of reconquering the territory. Four years later, on October 1, 2012, Georgia is holding its first Parliamentary Elections after the conflict that caused so much harm. The Parliamentary Elections constitute the 7th legislative elections held since Georgia’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. It is however the first time for Georgia to elect an alternative party from the ruling party solely based on principle of democratic vote. The article examines the almost ten years of President Saakashvili’s Administration. During this decade, Saakashvili’s United National Movement government realized many positive works. Works like the successful reform of police forces and the determined force-back of corruption. These liberating works were all eagerly welcomed by Europe and other western nations. However, in the apparent loss of sense of reality towards the end of its reign, Georgia’s United National Movement government turned to dictating and ordering as a main style of governing. This in turn pushed citizens away from Saakashvili’s politics into voting for the opposition. Unforeseen by even the most experienced Southern Caucasus and Georgia experts, Georgia’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections gave way to the opposition coalition Georgian Dream to sweep to victory, leaving President Saakashvili to ceded defeat. Despite President Saakashvili’s statement that he would go into opposition there has not been a complete paradigm shift in Georgia’s domestic politics. With the Georgian Dream’s failure to gain a constitutional majority and questions over the ideological compatibility of the coalition – along with the fact that United National Movement still has the greatest representation in Parliament relative to the other parties, Saakashvili and his supporters keep hold to substantial political leverage. Also, Saakashvili will remain President until the October 2013 election. His opponent, Prime Minister Ivanishvili is expected to manifest himself, bringing in a less contentious, more pragmatic approach to relations with the country’s giant neighbour to the north. Overall, it can be said that Georgia’s unrivalled ballot-box transfer of power elevated the country to a category fundamentally higher in terms of democratic development than virtually all other post-Soviet states. This has been the more remarkable even since Georgia had been widely cited as an example case of a failed state, with a destroyed infrastructure and economy, dysfunctional state institutions and something approaching anarchy as its governance model. The impact of the ongoing reform of Georgia’s constitution and electoral law has lead to major shifts in Georgia’s political landscape. However, opinions vary as to whether the farsighted amendments made to the Georgian constitution on the initiative of the United National Movement are a genuine attempt to improve the country’s system of governance or that they rather are an effort by the incumbent president to cling on to power. The adoption of the amendments and the timing of their entry into force strongly suggest that the latter might be the case. Meanwhile, as a result of the changes to the Georgian constitution, a system of dual power has come in place. These and other factors suggest that Georgia’s political landscape is set to become more predictable. The article examines the degree to which this can be held true. In the streets of Tbilisi, hundred days into the reign of the new government, there is an air of optimism amongst the people. This holds especially true when it comes to youth. The hope is that the Georgian Dream becomes a Georgian reality. The disappointment otherwise might be shattering. In spring 2013, the new leadership offers new opportunities for Georgia. It can improve its democratic system and economic growth and establish a dialogue with Russia and the breakaway districts of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. This would alleviate the frozen conflict and tense security dilemma’ on the Administrative Boundary Lines. Yet, if the transition of power does not go well, there will be prolonged power struggles that could cripple the policy making and cast Georgia back to pre-Saakashvili times. The article addresses the overall question whether the smooth transfer of power Georgia achieved after October’s election sets a standard for democracy in the region depending on whether the new government can strengthen the independence and accountability of state institutions in what remains a fragile, even potentially explosive political climate. The victory of the Georgian Dream Coalition over the United National Movement has brought pluralism into Georgian policymaking. However this political pluralism also includes that awkward dual powers; Georgia’s good cop and bad cop.
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Carter, Jimmy. "Cushing Oration, 1990: Role of the United States in a changing world." Journal of Neurosurgery 73, no. 6 (1990): 813–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/jns.1990.73.6.0813.
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✓ In discussing the role of the United States in world politics, President Jimmy Carter described the changes in Europe as it prepares for unification into one economic bloc; the deteriorating conditions in the third world; the impact of the recent changes in communist countries; and the persistence of regional wars and civil disputes. He summarized the policies and activities of The Carter Center in Atlanta, Georgia. This nonprofit organization receives no government funds and can act as an independent agent in areas such as disease eradication and promotion of food production in the third world countries, and can intercede on behalf of peace in countries with civil unrest. He urged the members of the Association, as leaders of society, to use their influence in alleviating worldwide suffering.
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Matos, Yalidy. "Geographies of Exclusion: The Importance of Racial Legacies in Examining State-Level Immigration Laws." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 8 (2017): 808–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217720480.
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In this article, I examine the decisions of Arizona, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah, Indiana, and most recently, Texas to pass restrictive immigration omnibus bills and analyze the factors associated with the decision of a state to pass its own immigration law, sometimes without explicit warrant. I focus on state omnibus legislation for two main reasons. First, this type of legislation has been the focus of much media attention. Second, omnibus legislation mimics comprehensive immigration legislation over which the federal government has sole authority. Additionally, I focus on the regional proliferation of restrictive immigration laws, and then bring my attention to the seven states that passed similar legislation. Individually, I examine the roll call votes by each state’s House of Representatives. By looking at immigration politics at a sub-national level, this article provides a more nuanced understanding of the political and ideological work of immigration policies. I argue that contemporary immigration politics at sub-national levels should not only be understood as a story about demographic changes and strictly partisan politics but also a story about the sociohistorical legacies of localities. The historical processes of race, and the differing ways in which places get racialized, influences, beyond partisanship, which representatives voted for and against restrictive immigration legislation. These differences, alongside state-level differences, I argue, continue to affect politics and policy today. Immigration policy has become a vessel through which to contest the politics of race, place, and power.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Nambara Shigeru (1889–1974): how a Japanese liberal conceptualized eternal peace, 1918–1951." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (2018): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000373.
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AbstractNambara Shigeru was a rara avis of Japanese liberal academics at hard times in that he survived difficult times without being punished by the oppressive government in the pre-war Japan and the occupation authorities in the immediate post-war Japan. He specialized in Western political philosophy especially in Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottlieb Fichte, known as proponents of German idealism and nationalism. His magnum opus was published, without being punished, in 1944, arguing that the Nazi politics was totally against the Western political tradition. In 1945–46, he made clear his opposition to the draft new Constitution in which the emperor be symbolic and the armed forces be abolished. In 1949–1950, he made clear his view that Japan, once Japan admitted to the United Nations, what would become Japanese Self-Defense Forces should donate portions to what would become United Nations Peace Keeping Operations. On the basis of his writings in the war period and the occupation period, comparisons of his positions with Roger Scruton, Vladislav Surkov, Yanaihara Tadao, Akamatsu Kaname, Nitobe Inazo, and Yanagida Kunio on such concepts as democracy promotion, national self-determination, peace keeping are attempted to see the extent to which the pent-up Wilsonian moment burst in the immediate post-war period.
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Cattini, Giovanni C. "Franco’s Spain and Italy’s Christian Democracy: The Anti-Francoism of the Italian Magazine Politica (1955–1968)." Religions 14, no. 8 (2023): 976. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14080976.
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This paper sets out to study the transnational relations between progressive sectors of the Italian and Spanish Catholic worlds. The aim is to focus on various groups of Italian Catholics who took action against the Spanish dictatorship between 1955 and 1968. To this end, the paper examines Politica, a magazine of the Christian Democratic left and an important publication that criticised both Spanish and Italian Catholicism for appeasing the Francoist dictatorship. The magazine served as the mouthpiece of one of the most dynamic sectors among the new generations of Christians committed to the renewal of Italian politics. Moreover, this current of Christian Democracy was bolstered by the local government activities of Giorgio La Pira, the emblematic mayor of Florence between 1951 and 1964, who embodied a political praxis of staunch commitment to the underclasses and in favour of peace in the world.
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ROBISON, WILLIAM B. "Victor L. Slater, Noble government: the Stuart lord lieutenancy and the transformation of English politics. Athens (Georgia) and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1994. Pages x+261. $45.00." Continuity and Change 13, no. 3 (1998): 497–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416096213104.
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ROBISON, WILLIAM B. "Victor L. Slater, Noble government: the Stuart lord lieutenancy and the transformation of English politics. Athens (Georgia) and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1994. Pages x+261. $45.00." Continuity and Change 13, no. 3 (1998): 497–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416098215104.
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Karaia, Tamar. "THE OBSTACLES AND BARRIERS WOMEN FACE IN GEORGIAN REALITY." Gulustan-Black Sea Scientific Journal of Academic Research 49, no. 06 (2019): 04–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/gbssjar04.
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The following article reviews women’s problems in Georgia and the attitude of society toward the subject. Due to the fact, that country tries to develop into a European state with worthy European values, there still is a huge problem in gender issues. Thus, it is clear that Gender politics is one of the main and essential indicators for the country’s democratic development. Many non-government organizations and other social bodies are working on the problem; they have gradually introduced gender equality into the political discourse and placed it on the list of required reforms. However, along with many other emerging social problems and political tensions, this issue has not yet paid any closer attention. It is crucial to realize that without gender equality we cannot succeed as a democratic-developed country - because there is no democracy without gender equality.
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Ekhvaia, Luka. "Rewriting History: Allocating the Ganmukhuri Patriot Youth Camp in the Memory Politics of the Post-Rose Revolution Regime." International Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (2022): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.55367/iscf6920.
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The article allocates the opening of the Ganmukhuri Patriot Youth Camp (GPYC) near the border of the conflict region of Abkhazia to a timeline of other historical processes unfolding in the same region. By doing so, the broader historical context is rebuilt and the chronological sequence of the events is reconstructed. The orderly investigation of the historical processes that led to the erection of the Ganmukhuri patriot camp only a kilometer from the administrative Abkhazian border and its demolition by Russian military forces reveals the motives standing behind the initiative to build the youth patriot camp in the conflict area. The United National Movement (UNM) government built the camp in 2007 as a part of an extension of the state-sponsored programme, planning to set up youth patriot camps across Georgia. The GPYC was sheltering approximately six hundred youngsters during the summer vacation. By reconstructing a chronological sequence of the events, the article addresses whether or not the Ganmukhuri camp was part of the revanchism of the UNM government and if these spaces, like other patriot camps, were used to reinforce the official memory politics of the ruling party. In the process of analysis, we are to disclose whether participants of the camp were used as a human shield against Russian military aggression and if the building of the camp was a well-planned provocation of the UNM to justify their aggressive campaign of reclaiming the territories lost in the near past. For this, the paper examines the historical context and looks closely at the environment, disposition, and inner structure of the camps.
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Struthers, James. "Regulating the Elderly: Old Age Pensions and the Formation of a Pension Bureaucracy in Ontario, 1929-1945." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 3, no. 1 (2006): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031051ar.
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Abstract This article examines the emergence of means-tested old age pensions in Ontario in the context of the Great Depression and World War II. Ontario's old age pension scheme, it argues, was launched in 1929 with weak political commitment, little bureaucratic-preparation, and an almost complete absence of administrative experience at the provincial and municipal level in assessing and responding to need on a mass scale. The article examines the complex interplay among federal, provincial, and local government authorities in the politics of pension administration throughout the 1929-1945 era, arguing that local control of pension decision-making in the early years of the Depression provided two divergent models of pension entitlement both as charity and as an earned social right. After 1933 governments at both the provincial and federal level centralized decision-making over pension administration in order to standardize and restrict pension entitlement, contain its rapidly rising costs, and enforce more efficiently the concept of parental maintenance upon children. World War II undermined the concept of pensions as charity by broadly expanding the boundaries of entitlement both for the elderly and their children. By 1945 means-tested pensions had few supporters within or outside of government, laying the basis for the emergence of a universal system of old age security in 1951.
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Rachmat, Angga Nurdin. "FAKTOR DOMESTIK DALAM KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH HUNGARIA TERHADAP PENGUNGSI DAN MIGRAN DARI TIMUR TENGAH PERIODE TAHUN 2015-2019." Jurnal Academia Praja 4, no. 1 (2021): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jap.v4i1.241.
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Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.
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Nekoliak, Andrii. "‘Shaming’ the Court: Ukraine’s Constitutional Court and the Politics of Constitutional Law in the Post-Euromaidan Era." Review of Central and East European Law 47, no. 3-4 (2022): 298–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10069.
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Abstract Since the Euromaidan events of 2014, Ukraine has embarked on a reformist trajectory to ‘Europeanize’ the country and deliver the promise of good governance to its citizens. The series of legislative and public policy reforms that followed had financial and ideological support from Ukraine’s Western partners. To date, studies have focused on documenting and analyzing the course of international donors’ involvement in Ukraine’s reforms. What is lacking, however, is an analysis of the many different domestic responses to external pressure from donors to implement reforms. Examining Ukraine’s Constitutional Court case law on judicial self-government and anti-corruption from 2020, this article examines this court’s legal response to the politics of reform led by international donors and domestic actors in Ukraine. It reveals the problematic nature of constitutional decision-making in a country that has recently been facing considerable pressure from political incumbents and civil society. The article identifies a pattern that characterizes the political process (a ‘troubled nexus’) around the reforms in Ukraine and draws a parallel between Ukrainian developments and the situation in Moldova and Georgia, two countries that have been confronted with similar reform challenges since the enactment of the respective Association Agreements with the EU in 2016.
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Brusylovska, Olga, and Yuliia MAISTRENKO. "Russia in the politics of South Caucasus countries after 2022." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 4 (October 25, 2024): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17868.1.
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The research question is how national governments and civil societies reflect Russian involvement in the decision-making process of South Caucasus countries in 2022–2024? The structure of the research includes two sections: 1) Strategic interests of the countries of the South Caucasus and Russia in 2022–2024; 2) Changing the role of Russia in the South Caucasus in 2022–2024. In result of the research it was revealed that opting for a policy of normalization Georgia cannot renounce its territory (Abkhazia and South Ossetia). Azerbaijan has been the most consistent among the Caucasian countries in challenging Russian hegemony in the region. This trend intensified after the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine: Azerbaijan increased humanitarian aid to Ukraine; pro-Ukrainian sympathies in Azerbaijani society were expressed through a number of leading media outlets that openly supported Kyiv. Baku unilaterally reviewed the ceasefire agreement - 2020, mediated by Russia. Amid the international isolation of the Kremlin, Azerbaijan began to play a much larger role for Russia. Baku is important link in the chain of diplomatic and economic ties of Putin's regime. Russia tries to maintain productive relations with Baku, even at the expense of its long-time ally Armenia. Yerevan revises its foreign policy, favouring a pro-Western vector. In Yerevan, the pro-Russian opposition organized rallies against the current government. Moscow and Baku both gained mutual benefits: Russia destabilized the situation in Armenia, and Azerbaijan restored its territorial integrity. However, these actions of Moscow struck at its influence in the region, marginalizing Russia and its "guarantees." The Caucasus provides a clear example of Russia's inability to continue playing the role of a major power: it simply lacks the strength and means.
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Widiyono, Try. "Legal Aspects Of Identity Politics Under The Auspices Of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika." Asian Journal of Engineering, Social and Health 2, no. 7 (2023): 424–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/ajesh.v2i7.76.
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The meaning of identity can be interpreted as names, tribes, races, groups and so on. In relation to political identity, the meaning of the above ideas is still relevant to provide color or identity characteristics for a political organization or political strategy in achieving the goals of a nation. The purpose of the Republic of Indonesia is stated in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution (UUD 1945) alenia 4 which states that the Republic of Indonesia was formed in order to improve the welfare of all Indonesian people based on Pancasila. Furthermore, it was affirmed, among others, in Article 28 of the 1945 Constitution that association and assembly are regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Specifically related to "Political Party" associations regulated in Law 2 of 2011 concerning Amendments to Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties. In Government Regulation Number 66 of 1951, the State emblem has been assigned. Thus it is clear the scope and boundaries of identity politics as stated above. Hans Kohn asserted that a nation grows and develops from factors and roots formed through a historical process. Hans Kohn considered nations to be formed because of similarities in language, race, religion, civilization, region, state and citizenship, and this is the identity of the nation. Considering the cross-opinions regarding the understanding of identity politics, it is appropriate to raise a legal issue, namely how does the law regulate identity politics under the auspices of Bhinika Tunggal Ika in Indonesia? The legal research used in this paper is normative legal research, which is to solve the legal issues or problems raised. The results to be achieved will give a description of what should be.
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Huber, Katherine M. "Aural Interruptions: The Politics of Sound in Teresa Deevy's Radio Plays." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 7, no. 1 (2024): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v7i1.3240.
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Despite becoming deaf at a young age from Ménière’s disease, Teresa Deevy uses sound in radio dramas to critique how conceptions of the past were materially constraining the possible futures for women in mid-century Ireland. While Deevy remains an understudied playwright, scholars like Caoilfhionn Ní Bheacháin have shown how Deevy’s stage plays challenge gender hierarchies during the Cumann na nGaedhael government and rework forms of naturalism. Few scholars offer sustained analyses of Deevy’s later plays or work on radio, though Emily Bloom’s foundational work on Irish radio modernisms and theorisation of Deevy’s unique forms of engagement with radio and radio dramas inform my examinations of four plays Deevy wrote specifically for radio. Building on current scholarship, this article examines how Deevy drew on the aurality of radio and the in medias res feel of the one-act radio play to reimagine gendered relationships to narrative, place, history and material and built environments amid shifting media and cultural landscapes in mid-century Ireland. In heeding Deevy’s contributions to radio modernism through feminist, ecofeminist and media studies lenses, my analyses demonstrate methods for reading sounds in scripts that reframe how scholars approach Deevy’s later work as they expand studies of Irish radio modernism. Reading sound elements in Dignity (1939) and Within a Marble City (1949) shows how Deevy reworks realist and naturalist forms limiting women’s agency. The auralities in Going Beyond Alma’s Glory (1951) and One Look and What It Led To (1964) meta-critically reflect on the medium of radio to point to a more modernist multiplicity for women’s self-determination. Sounds and silences in and across Deevy’s four radio dramas revise and expand understandings of mid-century Irish naturalisms, realisms and modernisms as they establish an overlooked feminist Irish radio modernism that points to multiple narrative possibilities for women’s self-determination literally hanging in the air.
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Dube, Thembani. "Kalanga culture and the nature of resistance against the Native Land Husbandry Act of 1951 in colonial Zimbabwe." New Contree 81 (December 30, 2018): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v81i0.71.
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In this article the nature of resistance to the implementation of the Native Land Husbandry Act of 1951 (NLHA), popularly known as amagandiya in Bulilimamangwe, in colonial Zimbabwe is explored. It looks at two Kalanga chiefs, Madlambuzi Ncube and Masendu Dube, who were deposed by colonial administrators in the 1950s and replaced by an Ndebele chief, Mpini Ndiweni. It is argued that the implementation of the Act, the demotion of the two Kalanga chiefs and the subsequent imposition of Chief Mpini Ndiweni can be perceived as the imposition of a type of cultural hegemony which was then resisted by the two Kalanga chiefs and their subjects by the reassertion of their own culture and identity in colonial Zimbabwe. It demonstrates how it was not violent or military resistance but rather cultural resistance, which was expressed through various modes, which took the centre stage in challenging both the white colonial government and Ndebele hegemony over the Kalanga. In contributing to the argument over the use of cultural resistance against the NLHA, the article draws from oral interviews which were conducted in Bulilima and Mangwe districts, on archival research and on secondary literature to demonstrate that this cultural resistance drew on a variety of signifiers of Kalanga identity such as Kalanga history, the politics of land, ideas around Kalanga chieftainship, Mwali/Ngwali religion and the possession of cattle.
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Zulkarnain, Zulkarnain. "History Curriculum Policy of Senior High School during Sukarno Era." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 30, no. 2 (2020): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v30i2.23151.
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This article aims to investigate the history curriculum policy of senior high school during the Sukarno era. The method used is qualitative research by using the historical approach. Also, this research used document study as the primary method. A document study was conducted to both the primary and secondary sources for the source triangulation. Additionally, the complementary approach used interviews with several practitioners and academics, including the practitioners of the Indonesia history curriculum. Data analysis used an interactive analysis model. The results show that during 1945-1951, the history curriculum of senior high school still used AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) curriculum as the inheritance from the Dutch Indies era, so it is directed to the political policy, and the materials are clearly oriented to politics, doctrine, national ideology. The philosophical foundation of history curriculum policy in senior high school during the Sukarno Era is based on Pancasila and UUD 1945. But its implementation refers to government politics and essentialism and perennialism philosophy. The position of history subject in senior high school during the Sukarno era has a strategic role in creating historical awareness and nationalism. However, Manipol USDEK indoctrination was very visible. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kebijakan kurikulum sejarah SMA pada era Sukarno. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah. Selain itu, penelitian ini menggunakan studi dokumen sebagai metode utama. Studi dokumen dilakukan pada sumber primer dan sekunder untuk triangulasi sumber. Selain itu, pendekatan komplementer menggunakan wawancara dengan beberapa praktisi dan akademisi, termasuk praktisi kurikulum sejarah Indonesia. Analisis data menggunakan model analisis interaktif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa selama tahun 1945-1951, kurikulum sejarah sekolah menengah atas masih menggunakan kurikulum AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) sebagai warisan dari jaman Hindia Belanda, sehingga mengarah pada kebijakan politik, dan materi yang jelas berorientasi pada politik, doktrin, ideologi nasional. Landasan filosofis kebijakan kurikulum sejarah di Sekolah Menengah Atas pada masa Sukarno berpijak pada Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Namun implementasinya mengacu pada filosofi politik pemerintahan dan esensialisme dan perenialisme. Kedudukan mata pelajaran sejarah di sekolah menengah atas pada era Soekarno memiliki peran strategis dalam menciptakan kesadaran sejarah dan nasionalisme. Namun, indoktrinasi Manipol USDEK sangat terlihat.
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Martišius, Mantas, and Vilija Navickaitė. "Rusijos ir Gruzijos 2008 metų karinio konflikto pateikimas Lietuvos ir Italijos periodinėje spaudoje informacinio karo aspektu." Informacijos mokslai 51 (January 1, 2009): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2009.0.3204.
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Straipsnyje informacinio karo aspektu nagrinėjamas 2008 metų rugpjūtį kilusio penkių dienų konflikto tarp Rusijos ir Gruzijos atspindėjimas Lietuvos ir Italijos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje. Nagrinėjamas informacinio karo vaidmuo 2008 metų Rusijos ir Gruzijos kare. Aptariamas karinio konflikto pateikimas pasirinktose žiniasklaidos priemonėse tiriamuoju laikotarpiu. Nagrinėjama, kaip buvo pristatoma didėjanti įtampą Šiaurės Kaukazo regione. Gvildenama, kokią poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiuužėmė Lietuvos ir Italijos tyrimui pasirinktos žiniasklaidos priemonės. Nagrinėjama informaciniame kare pasireiškianti tendencija, kai žiniasklaida ima palaikyti savo valdžios oficialiąją poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiu.Presenting the 2008 Russia–Georgia war in Lithuanian and Italian press in information warfare aspectMantas Martišius, Vilija Navickaitė SummaryThe five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world’s mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia’s position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia’s expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia’s position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania’s governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure.By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude.According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia.The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia’ s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was “their” and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.
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Stašulāne, Anita. "ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS: THEOSOPHY." Via Latgalica, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.
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Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter Nicholas Roerich (1874–1947) and his spouse Helena Roerich (1879–1955) who developed a new form of Theosophy. The aim of this article is to analyse the interference between Theosophy and politics paying special attention to its historical roots, which, in the context of Roerich groups, are to be sought in the political activities of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of the movement. The following materials have been used in the analysis: first, writings of the founders of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics; second, the latest studies in the history of Theosophy made in the available archives after the collapse of the soviet regime; third, materials obtained from the interviews of a field research (2006–2008). The author has made use of an interdisciplinary approach combining anthropological methods with the method of systematic analysis. The historical roots of the political activity of contemporary theosophists stretch into the political aspirations of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics. Opening of the USSR secret archives and publication of several formerly inaccessible diaries and letters of theosophists offer an opportunity to study the “spiritual geopolitics” of the Roerichs. Setting off to his Central Asian expeditions (1925–1928; 1934–1935), Nicholas Roerich strived to implement the Great Plan, i.e. to found a New State that would stretch from Tibet to South Siberia comprising the territories governed by China, Mongolia, Tibet and the USSR. The new state was conceived as the kingdom of Shambhala on the earth, and in order to form this state, Nicholas Roerich aspired to acquire the support of various political systems. During the Tzarist Empire, the political world outlook of Nicholas Roerich was markedly monarchic. After the Bolshevik coup in Russia, the artist accepted the offer to work under the wing of the new power, but after his emigration to the West Roerich published extremely sharp articles against the Bolsheviks. In 1922, the Roerichs started to support Lenin considering him the messenger of Shambhala. Roerich’s efforts to acquire Bolshevik support culminated in 1926 when the Roerichs arrived in Moscow bringing a message by Mahatmas to the soviet government, a small case with earth for the Lenin Mausoleum from Burhan-Bulat and paintings in which Buddha Maitreya bore strong resemblance to Lenin. The plan of founding the Union of Eastern Republics, with Bolshevik support, failed, since about the year 1930 the soviet authorities changed their position concerning the politics of the Far East. Having ascertained that the Bolsheviks would not provide the anticipated support for the Great Plan, the Roerichs started to seek for contacts in the USA which provided funding for his second expedition (1934–1935). The Roerichs succeeded even in making correspondence (1934–1936) with President Roosevelt who paid much larger attention to Eastern states especially China than other presidents did. Their correspondence ceased when the Security Service of the USA grew suspicious about Roerich’s pro-Japanese disposition. Nicholas Roerich has sought for support to his political ambitions by all political regimes. In 1934, the Russian artist tried to ascertain whether German national socialists would support his efforts in Asia. It may seem that the plans of founding the Union of Oriental Republics have passed away along with Roerich; yet in 1991 his son Svyatoslav Roerich (1904–1993) pointed out once again that the Altai is a very important centre of the great future and Zvenigorod is still a great reality and a magnificent dream. Interference between esotericism and politics is observed also among Latvian theosophists: the soviet regime successfully made use of Roerich’s adherents propagating the communist ideology in the independent Republic of Latvia. In the 1920s and 1930s, the embassy of the USSR in Riga maintained close contacts with Roerich’s adherents in Latvia and made a strong pressure on the Latvian government not to ban the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society who actively propagated the success of soviet culture and economy. On 17 June 1940, the soviet army occupied the Republic of Latvia, and Haralds Lūkins, the son of the founder of the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society, was elected to the first government of the soviet Latvia. Nevertheless, involvement of theosophists in politics was unsuccessful, since after the official annexation of Latvia into the USSR, on 5 August 1940, all societies including the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society were closed. Since the members of the movement continued to meet regularly, in 1949, Haralds Lūkins was arrested as leader of an illegal organization. After the Second World War, theosophists were subjected to political repressions. Arrests of Roerich’s followers (1948–1951) badly impaired the movement. After rehabilitation in 1954, the repressed persons gradually returned from exile and kept on their illegal meetings in small groups. To regain their rights to act openly, Roerich’s followers started to praise Nicholas Roerich as a supporter of the soviet power. With the collapse of the soviet regime, Roerich’s followers in Latvia became legal in 1988 when the Latvian Roerich Society was restored which soon split up according to geopolitical orientation; therefore, presently in Latvia, there are the following organisations: Latvian Roerich Society, Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, and Aivars Garda group or the Latvian National Front. A. Garda fused nationalistic ideas with Theosophy offering a special social reorganization – repatriation of the soviet-time immigrants and a social structure of Latvia that would be formed by at least 75% ethnic Latvians. Activity of A. Garda group, which is being criticized by other groups of theosophists, is a continuation of the interference between theosophical and political ideas practised by the Roerichs. Generally it is to be admitted that after the crush of the soviet regime, in theosophist groups, unclear political orientation between the rightists and leftists is observed, characterised by fairly radical ideas.
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MORGAN, IWAN. "Unconventional Politics: The Campaign for a Balanced-Budget Amendment Constitutional Convention in the 1970s." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 3 (1998): 421–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898006008.
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The drive to enact a constitutional amendment requiring balanced federal budgets has been a defining issue of American politics in the final decade of the twentieth century. Supporters of this measure deemed it the only way to break the cycle of huge deficits that inflated the national debt to almost unmanageable proportions in recent years. In 1995, 1996 and 1997 only the Senate's narrow failure to deliver the requisite two-thirds majority – latterly by a single vote – prevented Congress proposing an amendment for ratification by the states. Nevertheless the balanced-budget amendment campaign is not a product of the deficit-conscious 1990s. It originated in the 1970s as a movement by the states to impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Between 1975 and 1979 thirty states petitioned Congress for a convention to write a balanced-budget amendment. The convention method of constitutional reform had lain unused since the Founding Fathers devised it as an alternative to congressional initiative, but the support of only four more states would have provided the two-thirds majority needed for its implementation. The states' campaign stalled at this juncture in the face of opposition from the Carter administration and congressional Democrats. By then, however, it had done much to popularize the balanced-budget amendment and make it part of the nation's political agenda.This article seeks to analyze the development of the balanced-budget amendment constitutional convention campaign and to assess its historical significance. Aside from its relevance to today's fiscal politics, the movement merits attention as an important episode in the history of the 1970s, an era when economic problems at home and defeat abroad underlined the limits of America's prosperity and power. In this troubled time, popular confidence in the nation's political leaders underwent marked decline. The Watergate scandal, failure in Vietnam and economic stagflation created doubts about their trustworthiness and competence to deal with America's problems. The budget revolt by the states was a manifestation of this anti-Washington mood. In style as well as substance, the campaign challenged conventional politics: it manifested distrust in elected leaders to manage public finances without constitutional restraint and sought to bypass establishment control of the orthodox forms of politics through adoption of an untested process of constitutional change. In many respects the drive for a balanced-budget amendment convention was an expression of the same populist impulse that was the mainspring of Jimmy Carter's campaign for president in 1976. The former Georgia governor's status as a political outsider untainted by previous connection with Washington had been his greatest electoral asset, but in office this man-of-the-people aligned himself with the nation's political establishment against the convention campaign. Analysis of Carter's response to this movement casts light on the ambiguity and complexity of his presidential politics.
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Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. "The Labour government and the end of empire, 1945–1951. Parts 1–4: high policy and administration; economics and international relations; strategy, politics and constitutional change; race relations and the Commonwealth." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (1993): 584–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622369.
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Harrison, Sarah. "Victor L. Stater, Noble Government: The Stuart Lord Lieutenancy and the Transformation of English Politics, Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1994. Pp. x + 261. $45.00 (ISBN 0-8203-1613-X)." Law and History Review 15, no. 1 (1997): 166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827713.
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Drifte, Reinhard. "Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1097–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003280632.
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This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.
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Holmes, Clive. "Victor L. Stater. Noble Government: The Stuart Lord Lieutenancy and the Transformation of English Politics. Athens, Ga.: The University of Georgia Press. 1994. Pp. x, 261. $45.00. ISBN 0-8203-1613-X." Albion 28, no. 1 (1996): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051971.
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O’Neill, Maggie, and Ramaswami Harindranath. "Theorising narratives of exile and belonging : the importance of Biography and Ethno-mimesis in “understanding” asylum." Qualitative Sociology Review 2, no. 1 (2006): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.2.1.04.
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The article explores the use and importance of taking a biographical approach to conducting participatory action research (PAR) with asylum seekers and refugees in order to: better understand lived experiences of exile and belonging; contribute to the important field of Biographical Sociology; provide a safe space for stories to be told; and in turn for these stories to feed in to policy and praxis. The authors’ combined work on the asylum-migration nexus, the politics of representation and participatory action research methodology (PAR) as ethno-mimesisi argues for the use of biography to contribute to cultural politics at the level of theory, experience and praxis, and is constitutive of critical theory in praxis. PAR research undertaken with Bosnian refugees in the East Midlands and Afghan refugees in London will be the focus around which our analysis develops. We develop a case for theory building based upon lived experience using biographical materials, both narrative and visual, as critical theory in practice towards a vision of social justice that challenges the dominant knowledge/power axis embedded in current governance and media policy relating to forced migration. The dominant power/knowledge axis related to forced migration is embedded in current (New Labour) governance and re-presented in some media texts as identified below. New Labour governance is symbolised in the competing discourses of a) strong centralised control and b) more open systems, network and partnership based governance (Newman, 2003: 17-23; Clarke, 2004; Lewis, 2000). Open systems are made up of partnerships and networks – “joined up government”, “that transcends the vertical, departmental structures of government itself” (Newman, 2003: 20). to develop or foster a consensual style of governing. Progressive governance is defined by Newman (2003:15) as involving a significant shift from governance through hierarchy and competition to governance through networks and partnerships with an emphasis upon inclusion. Progressive governance involves the production of techniques and strategies of responsibilisation of citizens operationalised through the development of networks, alliances, and partnerships, with a strong focus upon active citizenship. Thus, spreading responsibility for social control to non state agencies and “communities” (Garland, 2001). In relation to forced migration/asylum discourses around the exclusion of the “other” (involving criminalisation, detention and deportation) and the maintenance and control of borders (developing ever more tighter controls on entry and asylum applications) exist in tension with discourses that speak of human rights, responsibilities and possibilities for multi-cultural citizenship especially in the community cohesion literature. There is a conflict at the heart of New Labour’s approach to asylum policy linked to the “alterity” of the asylum seeker that promulgates hegemonic ideologies and discourses around rights to belonging and citizenship, perceived access to resources (redistribution) and misrecognition fostering suspicion of the “stranger”. Alongside discourses of fairness and rights to enter and seek refuge, there exist regressive discourses that water down the vitally important actual and symbolic 1951 UN convention, and foster a split between “bogus” and “genuine” refugees, making it extremely hard to seek asylum in the UK.