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1
Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.
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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
2
Dudaiti, A. K. "Iran’s Foreign Policy in 1933-1939: Problems of Diversifying Relations with Leading World Powers." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 28, 2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-12-309-326.
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The article is devoted to the problems of modernizing Iran’s foreign policy strategy on the eve of World War II, the implementation of a set of measures to diversify its relations with the leading world powers. The factors influencing the formation of the conflict relations of Iran with Great Britain and the USSR are revealed. The features of the nationalist policy of the Reza Shah regime, aimed at liberating the country from British control and weakening Soviet influence in the country, are traced. Particular attention is paid to the formation of a pro-German course in Iran’s foreign policy. The author emphasizes that the ideological factor (Nazi propaganda about the common Aryan origin of the Germans and Iranians) played an important role in the rapprochement of the Shah’s regime of Iran with the Nazi leadership of Germany. It is stated that the rapprochement of Iran with Germany contributed to the growth of tension in Europe, the intensification of the confrontation between the bloc of fascist states and the camp of anti-fascist forces. It is also noted that as a result of the Iranian-German rapprochement, Moscow’s relations with Tehran found themselves in a crisis situation: the strengthening of Nazi influence in Iran prompted the USSR leadership to take urgent measures to ensure reliable protection of the country’s southern borders against the threat of a German attack.
3
Bondarev, Vitaly. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016180-6.
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The article examines one of the least studied aspects of the Soviet famine of 1932–33, namely the reaction of the international community and foreign governments to this tragedy. Facts are presented that prove that the Stalinist regime failed to conceal information about the famine in the collectivized village and prevent the outrage that broke out in the West over the mass death of Soviet citizens. The authors note that the negative reaction from the international community came in the form of both coverage of the plight of farmers in the press, and the organization of material assistance to those of them who were “blood brothers” and had relatives abroad. It was found that one of the results of the tragic events of 1932–1933 was the deterioration of the foreign policy positions of the USSR and the complication of its relations with Nazi Germany. The article’s main focus is on the characteristics of the situation and attitudes of the Soviet Germans, who were the largest Diaspora in the territory of the RSFSR. They were a kind of hostage to the complex dynamics of Soviet-German relations in 1933. The study is based on archival materials not previously introduced into scholarly circulation, in particular, letters from German citizens about food and monetary assistance addressed to their compatriots abroad. An important result of the research is the disclosure of the propaganda campaign “Response to fascist slanderers”, which not only created a favourable information background for the Stalinist leadership but also allowed to appeal to the opinion of Soviet Germans in the confrontation with the foreign public. The authors believe that the direct consequence of foreign policy complications caused by the famine of 1932–1933 was the strengthening of the Soviet government's distrust of the Soviet Germans, which affected their fate in the future.
4
Kovalov, Denys. "Review of the Monograph by H. Nevynna «German-Finnish Relations in 1933–1939. Kyiv: «Kondor», 2019. 160 p.»." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.19.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The book «German-Finnish relations in 1933–1939» authored by H. Nevynna is reviewed. The publication is scientific and is intended for readers with the appropriate level of academic education in the humanities. There is in detail by the author’s scientific style presenting in monograph an analysis of key aspects of relations between Hitler’s Germany (Third Reich) and (the first) Republic of Finland in the difficult interwar period, more specifically – the 1930s. Moreover, there are revealed the basic principles and nature of bilateral relations, domestic political processes in Finland, as well as their direct impact on the foreign policy of this northern European country, including cooperation with the Germans. The author highlights the problem of so-called «Northern neutrality» in the context of unequal relations between the Finns and neighboring Scandinavian countries at the state level. It was noted the German-Finnish cooperation in the field of defense, security, economic and sociocultural spheres during 1933–1939. Despite the lack of visual material, but the abundance of qualitatively presented facts, a conclusion was made about the success of the selected issues and prospects for further study of the topic, taking into account the interest of the target audience.
5
Magadeev, I. E. "Relations between Paris and Berlin in the 1920s in Light of the First World War." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-35-44.
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The central question of the article - how the long-term consequences of the First World War influenced the French foreign policy in relation to Germany in the 1920s. Basing on the archival and published French diplomatic sources the author analyses the French political course after 1918 and after 1945 in the comparative way with the attention to the elements of continuity and change in the Paris' conception relating to the over-Rhine neighbor.
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Tischler, Carola. "Behind the Curtains of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in the middle of the 1930s. On the Edition Deutschland und die Sowjetunion 1933–1941. Dokumente aus russischen und deutschen Archiven (2019)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.05.
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Research on international relations today is no longer limited to diplomatic contacts but also includes economic and cultural ties. Another factor that should not be neglected is the people themselves; the personalities who shaped politics. This text focuses on those concerned with German-Soviet relations in the 1930s, both at the “centre” in Moscow and at the Soviet plenipotentiary representation in Berlin. This article deals with this range of problems against the background of Soviet-German relations in the 1930s both in the Kremlin and in the Soviet mission in Berlin. The article is based on archival ma- terials discovered and published in the framework of the edition project “Germany and the USSR 1933–1941” pursued under the aegis of the Joint Commission on the Study of Contemporary History in Russian-German Relations. The methodological guidelines are borrowed from the works of Western historiography. The documents under scrutiny shed the light on the functioning of one of the primary foreign-political instruments — the diplomatic corpus of the Soviet Union and Germany. In the documents published in Volume 2, three main areas of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Relations’ (Narko- mindel) functioning are covered: the personnel responsible for the Soviet-German relations, the inner life of the Soviet mission in Berlin, and the work of the central apparatus in Moscow. On the basis of the interdepartmental correspondence of the Narkomindel staff, their memoranda, and the impressions of the German diplomats, one can get an impression of the level of professionalism of at least some Soviet diplomats. In sum- mary, owing to the publication of such a large amount of documents from the Russian and German archives, historians from different countries can now pursue research on a wide range of problems related to the international relations of the 1930s and early 1940s, which is extraordinarily important for understanding the causes and mechanisms which led to World War Two.
7
Young, John W. "The Foreign Office, the French and the post-war division of Germany 1945–46." Review of International Studies 12, no. 3 (1986): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113944.
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When, in May 1945, the Allies finally defeated Nazi Germany and began their military occupation, no-one expected that within five years the country would be divided into two political halves, one tied to the West and the other to the Soviet Union. Germany, despite its defeat in 1918, had remained the most powerful state in central Europe and had been an undoubted great power since 1870. If anything, the fear was that Germany would revive quickly and become a menace to the peace again. That it did become divided between East and West was of course due to the start of the ‘Cold War’ after 1945, with the Americans and British on the one side and the Russians on the other seeing, not Germany, but each other as the post-war ‘enemy’. In 1946 Winston Churchill was already able to speak of an ‘iron curtain’ stretching from Trieste, on the Adriatic, to Stettin, on the Baltic. By 1949 each side had established control of its own bloc—the Russians predominating in the Eastern European ‘People's Republics’, the Americans drawing the West Europeans together with the Marshall Aid Programme and the North Atlantic Treaty.
8
MULLIGAN, WILLIAM. "CIVIL–MILITARY RELATIONS IN THE EARLY WEIMAR REPUBLIC." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (2002): 819–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002698.
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The historiography on civil–military relations in the early years of the Weimar Republic has concentrated on issues such as the soldiers' councils, the threat of a radical left-wing uprising and the difficulties of demobilization. This article broadens the perspective on co-operation between the officer corps and the government, arguing that the collapse of the Kaiserreich provided an opportunity to remake the state. For very different reasons, liberal and socialist politicians and officers shared a community of interests in centralizing the Reich. Officers believed that a more centralized state was more effective in military and foreign policy terms. Whereas other incidents of co-operation were due to urgent necessity, the establishment of the Reichswehr Ministry showed that the new state could potentially serve the longer term agenda of the officer corps. However the plans for a centralized Reichswehr Ministry were opposed by those who held power in the federal states, particularly in southern Germany. With support from the National Assembly and the cabinet, opposition from the states was overcome. This episode in Weimar history shows that the view of antagonistic civil–military relations must be modified to take account of the ways in which the officer corps sought to exploit the possibilities opened up by the German revolution of 1918.
9
Vatlin, Alexander. "Bolshevik intellectuals on the foreign policy front: the relationship between Commissar for Foreign Affairs Georgy Chicherin and Plenipotentiary Adolf Joffe in 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021232-3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After coming to power in 1917, the Bolsheviks began to form their own system of foreign policy decision-making, rejecting the traditions and standards of bourgeois diplomacy in the Decree on Peace, and refusing to use the personnel of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The first trial of the new system, built on the principles of revolutionary Marxism, took place during the Brest negotiations and ended in defeat for Soviet Russia. The signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on 3 March 1918 paved the way for the transition from war to peace between the two countries and, consequently, for the exchange of diplomatic representatives. The Soviet legation in Germany, headed by Joffe, was in fact the only 'window to Europe' for the Bolsheviks. Because of the lack of a fine-tuned foreign policy decision-making mechanism and the highly unstable communication between Moscow and Berlin, and because Joffe was not a professional diplomat, the activities of his plenipotentiary representation were determined by his prerevolutionary political experience and personal qualities. Rejecting the hierarchy of the old regime and making no secret of his own ambitions, Joffe came into continuous conflict with his immediate superior, the People' Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Chicherin, and this conflict continued until the Soviet plenipotentiary representative was expelled from Berlin in 1918. The author reconstructs the formation of key decisions in the sphere of Soviet-German relations at the end of the Great War on the basis of official correspondence between the People's Commissar and the Plenipotentiary, shows the role of human factor in the process and the mechanism of departmental and personal conflicts resolution, the core of which was the authority of Lenin. The author concludes that the process of shaping the Soviet foreign policy in 1918 was extremely rapid, generally in line with the pace of events, and developed by trial and error. The traditions and norms laid down in the first year of the work of the People's Commissariat largely influenced the subsequent history of Soviet diplomacy.
10
Dudaiti, Albert K. "Problems of the formation of Soviet-Iranian relations in the interwar period (1918 – 1939)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-28-35.
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The article examines the complex process of the formation of bilateral relations between the RSFSR / USSR and Iran in the period between the two World Wars. The desire of the parties to establish bilateral relations on an equal, mutually beneficial basis-in accordance with the spirit and letter of the Moscow Treaty of 1921 – is revealed. There are permanent difficulties on the way of rapprochement between the two countries, caused, among other things, by the undisguised interference of England in the internal affairs of Iran. The article reveals the colonial essence of the British policy in Iran, reflected in the Anglo-Iranian treaty of 1921. The Iranian people showed growing dissatisfaction with the British dominance, demanded that the authorities put an end to it, and at the same time called on them to strengthen good-neighborly relations with the RSFSR. The paper traces the main milestones in the development of Soviet-Iranian relations after the state transition in Iran in 1921, and states positive results in bilateral cooperation in political, trade, economic and other spheres. Separately, the anti-Soviet foreign policy of the Shah’s regime at the turn of the 20-30s is traced, which caused great damage to the relations of the RSFSR with Iran. When analyzing the process of Iran’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany, it is emphasized that the pro-German course of Reza Shah Pahlavi not only created problems for the safe existence of Iran, but also, in general, threatened peace and stability in the Middle East.
11
Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
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The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
12
LANNIK, L. V. "GERMAN OCCUPATION TROOPS AND THE FORMATION OF ANTI-BOLSHEVIK FORCES IN UKRAINE AND THE SOUTH OF RUSSIA IN 1918(аccording to the German archives)". JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 11, № 2 (2022): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-11-2-154-176.
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The purpose of the article is to reveal the peculiarities of the formation of the German occupation forces and anti-Bolshevik armies in Ukraine and southern Russia in 1918 based upon data of German archives. The author draws attention to the fact that during the German occupation of the western outskirts of the former Russian Empire, one of the basic problems of the stability of the regime was the formation of an armed wing of anti-Bolshevik forces from the remnants of the disintegrated old army and its command staff. The escalation of the Civil War would not have been possible without the organization of thousands of officers and their supply of weapons. As part of the 1918 campaign of the Great War, both the Entente and Germany and its allies did this. The Ukrainian state became a particularly large potential for replenishing the White armies. The policy of the occupying command often came into complete conflict with the course of German diplomacy aimed at normalizing relations with Soviet Russia. Support for the recruitment and transit of officers, financing and arming of the «Great Russian» armies became an increasingly acute problem for both the Ukrainian authorities and the German headquarters, counting on the foreign policy reorientation of the White movement, especially before the death of M.V. Alekseev. As a result, the author draws conclusions that the documents published for the first time allow to reconstruct the process of formation of the Southern and Astrakhan armies, as well as to determine their role in the further consolidation of the White movement in southern Russia.
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Shveitser, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany in the context of the events of the 1920s-1930s." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52020193203.
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The article is dedicated to the Soviet-German relations of the 1920s-late 1930s. It explores the key issues that fit into the General context of the European situation of the interwar period. The most important normative acts of those years – the Treaty of Versailles, the Locarno and Rapallo agreements – are studied. The article analyses the core document of Hitlerism – Mein Kampf, its influence on the formation and development of foreign policy doctrines of Nazi Germany. The position of the Soviet Union towards the policy of the Weimar Republic before and after the national socialists rise to power in 1933 is evaluated. In response to the growing revanchist tendencies to solve the problems created by Versailles, the Soviet Union began to search for optimal options in order to create a collective security system in Europe. Special attention is paid to the initial stage of Hitler's aggressive course – the annexation of the Saarland, the militarization of the Rhineland, and the Anschluss of Austria. The appeasement policy of the leading European powers in these matters manifested clearly in the so-called Munich betrayal of September 1938, which opened the way for Hitler to implement his aggressive plans.
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "The Geopolitical Trap: the Hetmanate and the Entente (1918)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-2.
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The article describes the geopolitical position of the Ukrainian State since the proclamation of P. Skoropadsky as Hetman of all Ukraine until the ousting of the Hetmanate in 1918. It is noted that the beginning of this period is the end of the First World War. Germany, which was an ally of the Ukrainian State, provided its troops to protect it from the Bolsheviks, is defeated. In this regard, there were a number of challenges in the foreign policy of the Hetmanate. The Ukrainian State is forced to look for ways to establish ties with the Entente countries. The author states that first agreements were concluded with neutral states, though it was planned to establish diplomatic relations with the Entente countries. To implement this, reliance was placed on the Ukrainian Embassy in Berlin. However, later this process took place through the mediation of the French Consul E. Enno in the Romanian city of Iași. The author examines the role of I. Korostovets in the implementation of Ukrainian diplomacy. The article provides an insight into the events that took place within the country. There was a confrontation between representatives of different parties and members of the government. The question of the need to change the legal and state status of the country and its foreign policy orientation put the country and its political elite on the brink of a split. It is analyzed the real reasons for the publication of the letters of the Hetman and their impact on internal and external challenges. The author highlights the influence of the Directorate on the external relations of the country. Following its arrival in power, it became known that one of the main goals of the Directorate was to capture Kyiv as soon as possible for the final overthrow of the hetman’s power and proclamation of the UPR with the Directorate at its head before the entire world. Keywords: Hetmanate, Entente, Directorate, Ukrainian diplomacy, Ukrainian statehood, confrontation.
15
Tkachuk, Taras. "Establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany and the position of American politics and diplomacy." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading states of the world in the interwar period: Germany, which withdrew from the First World War as a defeated country and after the establishment of the Nazi regime started preparing revenge, and the United States, proclaimed «isolationism» and, therefore, distanced themselves from European international political problems. The scientific novelty: the author points up primarily political «isolationism», while in the economic sphere the United States has played a leading role in the reconstruction and development of the afterwar Germany. Today, due to the difficult geopolitical situation in the world, caused by the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, which are quite similar to the former Nazi regime, there is a chance to look at the events of the 1930s in the international arena in a somewhat new way. Regarding this, the author sets out an aim of the article to carry out a comprehensive analyze and give his own assessment of the position of American politicians on the establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany. The methodological basis of the study. In the study the author used a descriptive method to identify the essence and features of American-German relations in the 1920s and early 1930s, a comparative-historical method in analyzing the positions of President Roosevelt’s enciclement on German Chancellor A. Hitler’s policy in 1933, the principles of objectivity and systematization using only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. This made it possible for the first time to draw attention to the position of the American leadership on the establishment of the Nazi regime and its role in international diplomacy on the eve of World War II in order to the current geopolitical situation connected with Russia’s aggressive actions. The Conclusions. Finally, the author asserts that President Roosevelt’s encirclement perceived the threat of a new world war from the German Nazis, but did not change the United States’ overall foreign policy toward Europe. The reason was that Franklin Delano Roosevelt chose a wrong strategy to avert new world conflict in the relationship with Berlin. At the same time, the author underlines the differences in the attitudes of American «isolationists» towards Germany and Japan, as well as the differences between Washington’s position on the political and non-political aspects of relations with Hitler’s regime. Therefore, the author points out that not all the American politicians perceived the Nazi «Third Reich» totally negatively. As a result, the United States chose the wrong strategy to deter Nazi Germany, which did not testify its effectiveness. That’s why, the article asserts that the current United States and the Western European countries need to anticipate their past mistakes in building of the strategy of relations with Russian Federation.
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Gorodnia, N., and Y. Protsenko. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE U.S.–SAUDI RELATIONS (1931–1940)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 151 (2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.2.
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This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King Ibn Saud due to commercial interests. Hereafter the Department of State initiated the U.S.–Saudi Provisional Agreement in regard to Diplomatic and Consular Representation, Juridical Protection, Commerce and Navigation, signed in November 1933. It was aimed at protecting the rights of the U.S. citizens, who worked in the Kingdom since 1931, especially after obtaining the oil concession by the California Standard Oil company in May 1933. However, the diplomatic representative to Saudi Arabia was not appointed. This issue was mainstreamed when commercial volumes of oil were discovered in Saudi Arabia in 1938, the U.S. oil company signed its second concession agreement in 1939, and the U. S. commercial interests in Saudi Arabia had significantly increased. Besides, the representatives of Great Britain, Germany and Japan intensified their activities to obtain oil concessions in Saudi Arabia. The King Ibn Saud highly appreciated exclusively commercial U.S. interests, the absence of its intentions to expand political influence or to take over Saudi territories. For these reasons, he preferred cooperation with the United States to other nations. The U.S.–Saudi diplomatic relations were established on February 4, 1940, when B. Fish, who was the U. S. Minister–resident in Egypt, presented his credentials to the King Ibn Saud. The decision to establish diplomatic representation in Saudi Arabia was taken in June–July 1939. It was caused by the increasing competition for Saudi oil, not a beginning of the World War, as some scholars suggest.
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Machovenko, Jevgenij, and Dovile Valanciene. "CONSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATIONS FOR THE COORDINATION OF RECEIPTED AND NATIONAL LITHUANIAN LAW IN 1918–1920." Constitutional and legal academic studies, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2663-5399.2020.2.08.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research object of this study is the provisions of the Provisional Constitutions of 1918, 1919 and 1920 concerning the establishment of the Lithuanian legal system. The aim of the study was to determine what was the basis for the reception of foreign law and the particularism of the law, what law was recepted and what was the relationship between it and the newly created national law. The main methods used are systematic, teleological, historical, linguistic, and comparative. This article presents an original vision of recepted law and a critical assessment of the interwar Lithuanian governmental decision to completely eliminate recepted law. In the authors' opinion, law reception and particularism enshrined in the Provisional Constitutions met the expectations of the citizens, and the government’s ambition to completely eliminate recepted law in all areas of people’s activities in the intensive development of the national law was in line with the strategic interests of the state and society. Particularism was a natural expression of pluralism inherent in the Western legal tradition and had a great potential for the development of Lithuanian law, which was not exploited due to the negative appreciation of particularism and the attempt to eliminate it completely.
 Acts issued by the Russian authorities in 1914-1915 and by the German authorities in 1915-1918 restricted the rights of Lithuanian residents, severely restricted monetary and property relations, made it difficult to rebuild the country’s economy, providing for repressive or restrictive measures against the citizens of hostile states. The restored state of Lithuania endeavoured to establish peaceful relations with all states, including those with whom Russia and Germany were at war. Cancelling the law imposed by the Russian and German authorities during the war was a reasonable and useful decision of the Lithuanian State authorities.
 The interpretation of the constitutional provision «[laws] which existed before the war» as «which existed before August 1, 1914», common in the historical legal literature of Lithuania, is incorrect. The question what laws were recepted has to be addressed not by the date of the adoption o a certain act, but by its content – insofar it is linked or unrelated to the First World War. All acts by which the Russian Empire intervened or were preparing to intervene in this war shall be considered to be excluded from the legal system of the restored State of Lithuania in the sense of the constitutional norm «[laws] which existed before the war» and the general spirit of this Constitution.
 The system of constitutional control entrenched in the Provisional Constitutions, where a court or an executive authority verified the compliance of a recepted law with the Constitution before applying it is subject to criticism from the standpoint of contemporary legal science, but under the conditions of Lithuania of 1918-1920, it was flexible, fast, allowing citizens to raise the issue of the constitutionality of the law and present their arguments.
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Błachut, Michał. "Territorial disputes between Poland and Czechoslovakia 1938–1945." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 38, no. 38 (2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5936.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The historical point of view is important to fully understand foreign affairs. For Polish-Czech relations the crucial period in this respect is 1918–1945. The matter of the conflict were borderlands, with the most important one – Zaolzie, that is, historical lands of the Duchy of Cieszyn beyond Olza River. Originally, the land belonged to the Crown of the Polish Kingdom, then to the Kingdom of Bohemia and Austrian Habsburg dynasty. After World War I, local communities took control of the land. Czechoslovakian military intervention and a conflict with Bolsheviks caused both parties to agree to the division of Zaolzie through arbitration of powers in 28 July 1920. Until 1938, key parts of Zaolzie belonged to Czechoslovakia. In that year, Poland decided to annex territories lost according to the arbitration. After World War II tension between Poland and Czechoslovakia heightened again. Czechoslovakia made territorial claims on parts of Silesia belonging to Germany. Poland once more tried to reclaim Zaolzie, but military invasion was stopped by Stalin. Negotiations failed, but the escalation of the conflict was stopped. Two years later the relationship between the parties was eventually normalized, the final agreement was signed in 1958 and it is still in place today.
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Fox, John P. "German foreign policy, 1917–1933: continuity or break?, Wolfgang Michalka, Hitler and the collapse of Weimar Germany, German white-collar workers and the rise of Hitler, Hitler and the quest for world dominion and Hitler: Selbstverständnis eines Revolutionärs." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 293–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621889.
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Zakharchenko, Petro. "Russia's sanctions policy in the context of the First World War." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 68 (March 24, 2022): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.1.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the sanctions policy of the Russian Empire towards the countries that were its opponents in the First World War. Such states included Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, which joined forces in the military bloc of the Central Powers to fight the Allies.
 The victories of the member states of the Entente bloc were forged not only on the fronts, but also achieved through the partial or complete abolition of trade, financial and economic relations with the countries of the Fourth Bloc. The aim of this paper is to study and comprehend the experience of imposing sanctions by the Russian Empire against states that participated in the war against it during the war of 1914-1918. , which is waging a long-running hybrid war with Ukraine. The article demonstrates an example of an adequate response of state institutions to encroachment on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. It has been proved that immediately after the start of hostilities, measures were taken against the subjects of the states fighting against Russia to limit their legal capacity and legal capacity. They could be deported both outside the country and outside its individual localities.
 These people were allowed to enter Russia only with the permission of the relevant authorities. Merchant ships of countries fighting against Russia, seized in Russian ports, were detained. Merchant ships built for foreign countries were confiscated and converted for military purposes.
 Investment policy has also been revised. This is confirmed by the approval by the Russian emperor in 1915 of the Regulations on the Liquidation of Trade Enterprises Belonging to Enemy Citizens, which referred to the liquidation of enterprises and joint-stock companies that co-owned with Russian nationals. It is noteworthy that only those enterprises that operated at the expense of German, Austrian, Hungarian or Turkish investments were subject to liquidation. Other normative legal acts abolished the right of ownership of land of the same group of foreign citizens.
 The result of the scientific article was the conclusion that by applying the emergency legislation, the Russian government did everything possible to prevent national security from financing the citizens of those countries that were at war with it.
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Kurkov, Konstantin N., and Alexander V. Melnichuk. "Problems of Interactions of the White Army Commanders with Separatist Governments of South Russia in A. I. Denikin’s ‘Defamation of the White Movement’." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1149-1162.
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The article studies some of the more complicated and sensitive issues of the Civil War in the South of Russia – relations of the Armed Forces of South Russia with the Krai governments of the Don and the Kuban and separatist movements as an important factor in the Whites’ defeat in the South of Russia. Both issues are covered in ‘Defamation of the White Movement,’ one of the last works of General A. I. Denikin. Its manuscript has been introduced into scientific use by the authors. Commanders and military authorities of the Volunteer Army with A. I. Denikin at its head were not tied down by regional interests and could pursue national interests in their policy in order to restore an all-Russian unity destroyed by the revolution. Regional concerns of the Don, Kuban, Little Russian, Caucasian independentists were in direct conflict with the national tasks that the Volunteer Army and the Armed Forces of South Russia strove to solve. Unlike the Don Ataman P. N. Krasnov, who was forced to cooperate with the occupation authorities of Imperial Germany, whose troops had occupied the territory of the Great Don Army for the most of 1918, and unlike other regional administrators in the German-occupied territories, the Whites did not cooperate with the occupiers and at times counteracted their anti-Russian policy. Denikin's propaganda successfully used this fact to fall back on traditional patriotic sentiments and to eat away at the Kremlin regime’s support. Centrifugal tendencies in the South of Russia did not allow the Volunteers to consolidate anti-Bolshevik forces and made an armed resistance to the Bolsheviks impossible. Hence A. I. Denikin’s uncompromising stand on separatist aspirations of independentists. In his view, it was the separatists’ activities in different regions of the former Russian Empire that hindered the successful offensive of the armed forces of South Russia, for instance, on the Moscow direction. Internal dissent was exacerbated by intervention of foreign forces – German occupation forces, the Allied Intervention, and active Bolshevik influence on the outskirts of the former Empire. The article compares Denikin’s text with testimonies of contemporaries and writings of historians. Thus, the authors have been able to show that his slender work reliably and accurately recreates the complex and dramatic situation, which led to the defeat of the anti-Bolshevik forces in the Civil War.
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Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvian-Lithuanian Economic Relations 1918–1940." Humanities and Social Sciences Latvia 30, no. 1, 2 (2022): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.30.05.
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This paper provides an overview of Latvian-Lithuanian economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Lithuania were mainly confined to foreign trade, although there were some investments in Latvia from Lithuania, as well as tourism. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Lithuania was regulated by a number of trade treaties and agreements entered into in 1930, 1933, 1935, and 1936. Latvia’s main imports from Lithuania in the interwar period were horses, seed flax, cattle, pigs and piglets, and timber and timber products, whilst Latvia’s main exports to Lithuania were coal, machinery (agricultural and industrial), paper, timber and timber products, rubber goods (including galoshes), cement, as well as radios. In general, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period due mainly to similarities in their agriculturally based economic structures.
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Makar, Vitaliy, Yuriy Makar, Vitaly Semenko, and Andriy Stetsyuk. "Events in Ukraine 1914–1922 their importance and historical background (Part 4)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 214–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.214-252.
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The editorial board continues to publish the most important documents that characterize the state and progress of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, the attitude of other states towards this movement in the early twentieth century. The publication of the selected documents from the first three volumes of the collection of documents “Events in Ukraine 1914-1922 their Importance and Historical Background” was carried out in the 39th, 40th and 41th volumes of the Collection. Currently we are publishing our research from the fourth volume. The compilers selected 27 documents or fragments, which chronologically cover the period from October 19, 1918 to November 14, 1922. They represent the vision of the Ukrainian problem of that time by the ruling circles of Austria and Germany, reflect the final stage of Pavlo Skoropadskyʼs activity at the head of the Ukrainian State. Most of them reveal the historical background and efforts of the Directory, prominent figures of Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic and Western Region of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic in the development and preservation of Ukraine, establishing relations with the victorious states and neighbors, resistance to aggressors. Published documents shed light on the following issues: the military, political, and economic situation in Ukraine before and during the Directoryʼs uprising against Hetman P. Skoropadsky (999, 1019, 1021, 1029, 1030); preconditions and formation of the Western Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic, difficulties of its existence at the initial stage (1003, 1004, 1005); preconditions and principles of unification of the Ukrainian States (1011, 1013); protest of Ukrainian politicians against the decision of the Paris Conference on the occupation of part of the Ukrainian lands by Poland (1015); position and first foreign policy steps of the Directory (1033); unification of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic and the Western Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic, their representations abroad (1049, 1050, 1059); problems of the Directoryʼs relations with the Entente and the Ukrainоphobic regime of A. Denikin, the war with the Soviet-Russian troops in 1919-1920 (1060, 1061, 1064, 1067, 1068); international political recognition of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic and the possibility of restoring Ukrainian statehood in 1920-1921 (1072, 1073, 1082, 1086, 1995); the political situation in Ukraine in 1922 (1109, 1115). We hope that these documents will be insightful and informative for both students and experts of international relations and the history of Ukraine in the early twentieth century. Having selected the documents from different parts of the book, we preserved their serial and page numbers, the style of the titles and captions. We also present a list of abbreviations in the original.
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Jēkabsons, Ēriks. "The Attitude of the United States to the Baltic Region in 1918–1922: The Example of Latvia." TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (2021): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0006.
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Abstract The article discusses the attitude of the USA towards the newborn independent Baltic States in 1918–1922 using the most devastated of them—Latvia—as an example. Relations between Latvia and the United States in 1918–1922 reflect Latvia’s intense foreign policy efforts to ensure its political and social development through relations with one of the world’s most influential and powerful economies in spite of the United States’ reserved behavior. In addition, this unique era in Latvia and the Baltic States as a whole (influenced by the Soviet Russian and German factors, war and its aftermath, and the ethnically diverse and complicated social situation) illustrates the specifics of US policy towards Eastern Europe and Russia.
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Schneider, Ivo. "Acceptance and criticism of science and technology in the German Empire and the Weimar Republic." European Review 7, no. 2 (1999): 229–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004002.
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In the first years after World War I there was a strong reaction against science and technology in Germany that was backed by the Lebensphilosophie and Anthroposophie movements. This sudden change in public opinion was not the result of new concepts and convictions that did not exist before; rather, the spectrum of opinions in the Weimar Republic continued those of the Wilhelminian period. However, the strength of critical voices was increased substantially as a result of the defeat in the war and its consequences. It may be that the enfranchisement of women in Germany in 1918 at least indirectly influenced the substantial shift in opinion after 1918. The continuity of a critical attitude towards science and technology from 1870 to 1933 seems deeply rooted in the German educational system and among the leaders of society, stemming from the so-called Bildungsbürgertum.
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Sakhranov, Viktor R. "First Congress of Soviets of the Don Soviet Republic in the Context of the All-Russian Domestic and Foreign Policy Program." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (208) (December 23, 2020): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-4-107-113.
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The article is devoted to the process of sovietization of the Don region in 1917-1918 as an integral part of the socio-political processes that took place in Russia at that time, namely, the place and role of the First Congress of Soviets of the Don Soviet Republic on April 9-14, 1918 in the context of the all-Russian domestic and foreign policy program. The article describes in detail the mutual influence of processes that took place at the national and regional levels. The purpose of the article is to review and analyze the most important constituent event in the sovietization of the Don region, which is of high significance in the conditions of the Civil war and military intervention by Germany. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the consideration of regional events in an integral connection with the processes that took place at the national level. The study puts forward questions such as the place and role of national measures and events in the preparation and holding of First Congress of Soviets of the Don region, the effect of the danger of German invasion into the territory of the Don Soviet Republic, the relation of the Don to the leadership of the Brest peace Treaty and others. As a result of the research, it was possible to conclude that the fact of holding First Congress of Soviets of the Don Soviet Republic met the goals of the all-Russian foreign and domestic policy.
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Desyatnychuk, Ihor. "CZECH POLITICS AND DECAY OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARY (1917-1918)." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-127-133.
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The article analyzes the development and manifestations of the Czech national movement at the final stage of the First World War in the crisis of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The reasons for the decline of the policy of Czech «activism» at the level of the Czech parliamentary representation and leading political parties have been clarified. At the same time, the growth of anti-war and anti-Austrian sentiments among the population of the Czech Republic is highlighted. The changes in Czech-German relations caused by the attempts of German nationalists to establish German rule in the Czech Republic on the one hand and the resistance of Czech politics on the other are described. At the same time, emphasis was placed on the fluctuations of the domestic political course of the monarchy, which gradually lost its traditional role of arbiter in interethnic relations and a safeguard against political radicalism during the war. The main projects of reforming the empire, which directly concerned the Czech lands, are highlighted. The influence of foreign policy factors that accelerated the collapse of the Habsburg Empire in this period is highlighted: changes in the attitude to the preservation of Austria-Hungary, the Entente, USA entry into the war, the Russian Revolution, the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace. The aspirations of Czech and German national radicalism based on the right of nations to self-determination are analyzed. The circumstances of the approval of the concept of an independent sovereign Czechoslovak Republic as the main project of Czech state-building among emigrant circles and its popularization in the Czech lands are clarified.
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Kudrzycki, Zbigniew. "German-Soviet relations in the aspect of Eastern Prussia during the Polish-Bol-shevik war on the forum of the Legislative Sejm of 1919–1922." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 308, no. 2 (2020): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134773.
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Regaining independence after 123 years of partitions led to various difficult problems faced by the Polish state. The main issue of the first months of freedom was the appointment of crucial organs of state authorities that would be legitimised by the nation to rule lawfully. On 28 November 1918, Józef Piłsudski, the interim Head of State, issued a second decree on the Legislative Sejm elections and set its date to 26 January 1919. The First Sejm of the 2nd Republic of Poland handled a wide array of internal problems and relations with other countries, which was an obvious scope of duties for the time of its operation. When it came to the relations with neighbours, its mem-bers devoted the majority of their attention to Polish-Russian (Soviet) arrangements. The issue of German-Russian relations was also discussed. It was caused by the interest of political parties in the state’s foreign policy and their fears for Poland’s security. The parties aimed at presenting their stands on the contemporary problems in Pol-ish-Russian relations in the context of German-Russian cooperation, but also wanted to affect said relations with their activities and interpellations.
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Yudina, Taisiya. "Sociocultural Perception and Living Conditions of Foreign Citizens in Stalingrad in the 1920s – 1930s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.10.
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Introduction. In the late 1920s Stalingrad was undergoing major industrial construction and reconstruction. Due to the shortage of local labor resources, foreign labor resources were required. The study highlights the nationality and number of the labor force, arrival dates and participation in the city’s public life. Methods and materials. The study used sources from the State Archive of Volgograd Oblast. The Research is based on comparative-historical and descriptive-historical methods. Analysis. Housing was the main issue in Stalingrad. Foreign specialists (Americans, Germans, Austrians, Czechs, Swedes) and their families were provided with housing, but living conditions were harsh. Moreover, despite the fact that salary of foreign labors was higher than salary of locals, foreign specialists still considered it insufficient. Providing foreign specialists with better living conditions, special product delivery and essential goods irritated the locals, whose standard of living was low. Results. Construction of buildings for foreign specialists began in the late 1920s. For local workers of such plants as the Stalingradskiy traktornyy zavod (Stalingrad Tractor Plant), the Barrikady (Titan-Barrikady) and the Krasny Oktyabr construction began in 1933. This helped to improve the city’s housing situation and increase the standard of living and the number of citizens. In 1933 Stalingrad became a major industrial center; by the end of the 1930s, it had become a city with a large population, including foreigners who stayed in Stalingrad, provided training for local specialists, adapted to an unfamiliar social life, and mastered the Russian language.
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Rébay, Magdolna. "Learning Languages among Aristocrats in Hungary (1867-1918)." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 8, no. 2 (2021): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.358.
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In the present study, by means of private letters, memoirs, as well as school registry forms, we focus on aristocratic children’s language education: what languages did they study, with whom did they study them, with what methods and for what purpose – whether at home or in school. After 1867, the aristocracy retained its multilingual facility. The daughters of the family typically continued studying at home, guided by foreign governesses and Hungarian home tutors. Besides Hungarian, they usually acquired three languages (French, German, English) to a proficient level, by help of a method that placed the emphasis on speaking. The boys’ language studies progressed in a similar way, the difference being that they were more likely to study in public schools – abroad or in Hungary. Within the high society, the two most sought-after foreign institutions were the Theresianum in Vienna and the Jesuit secondary grammar school in Kalksburg. In these, the students had the chance to choose from among several classical and modern languages to study; moreover, however surprising it might seem at first glance, they also placed a great emphasis on nurturing the Hungarian language. Thus, by the time they reached adulthood, the daughters and sons of high nobility became polished speakers and readers of foreign languages, which, besides cultivating their international family relations, also helped them in keeping abreast on world events, as well as in literature and the sciences, not to mention – in the case of the boys – constituting an advantage in their career fields.
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Romanova, Ekaterina Vladimirovna. "Perception of the Policy of Soviet Russia in British Government Circles in November 1917 – August 1918 ." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 5 (May 2022): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38704.
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The problem of Anglo-Russian relations in the first months after the October revolution (and the question of the British perception of the Soviet government’s policy as one of its aspects) has been more than once studied by both Russian and foreign historians. However, it still deserves attention both because in the majority of works the period indicated was considered within a longer time span of the Allied intervention, being shadowed by the latter, and due to disagreements among scholars over which factors were fundamental in determining the British attitude towards Soviet Russia. The fact that the revolution in Russia broke out during the World War to a large extent determined London’s perception of the Soviet government’s policy, which was considered primarily from the point of view of its actual and potential influence on the course of the military confrontation with the Central Powers. Although British policy towards Soviet Russia lacked unanimity and consistency, some general trends can be discerned. In spite of the armistice and then the peace treaty between Russia and the Central Powers, until the summer of 1918 Britain did not deny the possibility of military and economic cooperation with Soviet Russia on the anti-German basis. The growing perception of the Bolsheviks weakness in summer 1918, the apprehension of the prospect of their complete subordination to the German influence or a pro-German coup in Russia, along with other factors, determined a clear anti-Soviet turn in the British policy.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Nicolae Titulescu’s new eastern policy and the upgrading of Romania’s diplomatic ties with Lithuania." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 1 (2010): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i1_4.
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In 1933 Nicolae Titulescu, widely regarded as the main driving force behind many of Romania’s decisions in the field of foreign affairs for a decade and a half, started to ponder about the idea of opening a diplomatic representation of Romania in Kaunas. Reasons such as the necessity of advancing Romania and the Little Entente’s interests in the area, the usefulness of gaining access to information about Soviet Union circulating in the area and the importance of the geopolitical location of Lithuania at the intersection of Soviet, German and Polish interests were offered by the Romanian envoy to Riga to convince Titulescu. Yet, only in late 1935 and early 1936 was the decision being implemented and Constantin Văllimărescu was appointed to represent his country in Lithuania’s temporary capital. This paper analysis these new evolutions in the Romanian-Lithuanian relations and the reasons behind them and approaches the diplomatic relations between the two countries in mid-1930s.
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Ciechanowski, Jan Stanisław. "The years 1918–1921: the recovery of Polish independence in the international context." Acta de Historia & Politica: Saeculum XXI, no. 04 (October 1, 2022): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/ahpsxxi2022.04.007.
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The article highlights Poland’s foreign policy in 1918-1921 and emphasizes that the key role in the restoration of independent Poland was played by Józef Piłsudski, a moderate socialist leader of the independent forces of Poland, and the conservative Polish National Committee in Paris led by Roman Dmowski. At the beginning of 1919, a new Polish government was formed, which included members of both these political parties. The decision on Poland’s western borders was made at the Paris Conference. The new Bolshevik Russia and its imperialism became the most terrible threat to the newly created Polish state, as it was demonstrated in 1920 during the Polish-Bolshevik war. The idea of a friendly Ukrainian independent state in the East was not achieved, despite efforts in this direction. Another threat was associated with German revisionism. However, Poland defended its independence, and new borders of the country were established. Relations with other neighbours, Czechoslovakia and Lithuania, were strained due to border disputes. The exceptions were Romania and Latvia.
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Koljanin, Milan. "The Jewish Community and Antisemitism in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia 1918-1941." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.010.
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The Jewish Community and Antisemitism in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia 1918-1941The Jews in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia made up about 0.5 percent of the total population. The new national framework provided the ability to accept the new state and national idea, but also gave impetus to strengthening their own identity embodied in Jewish nationalism, Zionism. Jews adapted to the new political circumstances relatively quickly and without major turmoil, at least as a whole. A liberal political foundation enabled the Jews to identify relatively easily with the new state. However, over a shorter or longer period, there were earlier national identifications as well. The spread and acceptance of antisemitism in Yugoslavia was affected by different traditions of the attitude towards the Jews in the political culture, political relations in the country and international circumstances. These factors were cumulative, although international circumstances certainly had a crucial impact, especially the coming to power of National Socialists in Germany. The manifestation of antisemitism in Yugoslavia can be divided into three main periods: 1918-1933, from the establishment of the Yugoslav state to the intensification of antisemitic propaganda, 1934-1938, from the intensification of antisemitic propaganda to the start of Jews’ conditioned loyalty, and 1939-1941, from the start of Jews’ conditioned loyalty to the Axis powers’ invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941. Hostility towards Jews was manifested much more strongly in the Habsburg Monarchy than in the Kingdom of Serbia. Therefore, the new state in the former monarchy territories inherited latent and sometimes open antisemitism. The spread of antisemitic propaganda and legislation in Yugoslavia should be associated with the state leaders’ attempts to find a modus vivendi with the totalitarian revisionist neighbors, primarily Germany. As a result, in early October 1940 the government adopted two anti-Jewish decrees. The destruction of the Yugoslav state in April 1941 heralded the beginning of the Holocaust there. Społeczność żydowska i antysemityzm w Królestwie Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców/Jugosławii 1918-1941Żydzi w Królestwie Jugosławii stanowili około pół procenta całej populacji. Nowe ramy narodowe dały im możliwość zaakceptowania nowego państwa i idei narodowej, ale jednocześnie wytworzyły impuls do umocnienia własnej tożsamości ucieleśnionej w żydowskim nacjonalizmie, syjonizmie. Żydzi, jeśli się patrzy całościowo, stosunkowo szybko i bez większych wstrząsów przystosowali się do nowych okoliczności politycznych. Liberalne podstawy polityczne sprawiły, że utożsamienie Żydów z nowym państwem było stosunkowo łatwe. Jednak przez krótszy lub dłuższy okres istniały wcześniejsze identyfikacje narodowe. Na rozprzestrzenianie się i akceptację antysemityzmu w Jugosławii miały wpływ kultura polityczna, stosunki polityczne w kraju oraz uwarunkowania międzynarodowe. Czynniki te działały łącznie, ale z pewnością kluczowe były okoliczności międzynarodowe. Chodzi tu przede wszystkim o dojście do władzy narodowych socjalistów w Niemczech. Manifestację antysemityzmu w Jugosławii można podzielić na trzy okresy: 1918-1933, od powstania państwa jugosłowiańskiego do wzmocnienia propagandy antysemickiej; 1933-1938, od wzmocnienia propagandy antysemickiej do początków warunkowania lojalności Żydów; oraz 1939-1941, od momentu warunkowania lojalności Żydów do ataku państw Osi na Jugosławię w kwietniu 1941 r. Wrogość wobec Żydów była znacznie silniejsza w Monarchii Habsburskiej niż w Królestwie Serbii. Dlatego nowe państwo odziedziczyło przejawy ukrytego, a niekiedy otwartego antysemityzmu na terenach dawnej monarchii. Rozprzestrzenianie się propagandy antysemickiej w Jugosławii i ustawodawstwo należy wiązać z próbą ustanowienia przez kierownictwo państwa modus vivendi z totalitarnymi rewizjonistycznymi sąsiadami, przede wszystkim z narodowosocjalistycznymi Niemcami. W rezultacie na początku października 1940 r. rząd przyjął dwa antyżydowskie dekrety. Zniszczenie państwa jugosłowiańskiego w kwietniu 1941 roku oznaczało jednocześnie początek w nim Holokaustu.
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Jarząbek, Wanda. "Dialog naukowy czy element polityki – spotkania polskich historyków emigracyjnych i historyków niemieckich w 1956 i 1964 roku." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 22 (April 30, 2014): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2014.22.04.
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The international realities which existed after the end of World War II and, in particular, after the Cold War began, including the status of the authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile and the fundamentals of the Federal Republic of Germany’s foreign policy, ruled out any possibility of establishing political contacts. However, contacts of social nature were possible. Some, though, involved considerable risk, such as, for instance, the undertaking of conversations with communities of Germans expelled from the territories incorporated into Poland after 1945. The émigrées exposed themselves to criticism on the part of both the émigré milieux as well as those in Poland.Meetings between Polish and émigré historians became one of the forms of contact of this nature. However, browsing through the newspapers of the day leads to the conclusion that they met with mixed reactions among the Polish émigré community.The first meeting was held from 10th to 14th October 1956 in Tübingen and the second, from 17th to 19th March 1964, in London. At both, the German side was represented by numerous professional historians and directors of academic institutes dealing with East Europe and, or including, Poland. Professor Tytus Komarnicki, a pre-war diplomat, was particularly active on the part of the Poles. For the Germans, these contacts were valuable, inter alia, because the Polish expatriate milieu in London, as well as those in the U.S. and France, were very knowledgeable as regards archive resources for the period from 1918 to 1945 and had access to a great many documents concerning the history of Poland and held, for instance, by the Polish Institute and the General Sikorski Museum. There were also numerous witnesses to history among those communities, as well as eminent pre-war scholars. No further bilateral meetings between Polish émigrée historians and German historians were ever held. This resulted, to a large degree, from the fact that their formula had been exhausted. The pre-war generation of Polish historians was passing away. The next generations of Polish émigrée historians moved in general academic circles and were less enclosed within a milieu of their own.The bilateral relations between the FRG and the PRP were changing as well. Interest in a more active Ostpolitik was on a continuing upsurge in Bonn, which resulted in more extensive opportunities for academic contacts as well. The PRP authorities, for their part, were interested in overcoming the state of suspension in relations with the FRG. The domestic academic milieu was changing, too.Both the meetings were a form of academic contact, but they were also of significance to the reconciliation of the two nations, or to the search for opportunities of overcoming their enmity.
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Riaubienė, Arida. "Censorship of Foreign Publications in Lithuania of the Interwar Period." Knygotyra 75 (December 28, 2020): 218–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2020.75.67.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the years 1918 through 1940, the public opinion of the society was formed not only by the local press, but also by the publications in foreign languages, which reached Lithuania. Therefore, in order to ensure the security of the state and society, the publications – not only local, but also those published abroad, and also imported in Lithuania – were censored in Lithuania in the interwar period. During the discussed period, the censorship of foreign publications was aimed to protect the country from publications that propagated anti-state ideas and instigated national discord. Institutions for the supervision and control of the press watched that content disagreeing with the moral values of the time and various publications by religious sects would not get into Lithuania.
 Already in the year 1919, the Law on Press established that the Minister of the Interior had the right to prohibit the import and distribution of publications in Lithuania, contrary to the establishment of the independent state of Lithuania. The censorship of foreign publications was performed by the Units of the Citizen Protection Department of the Ministry of the Interior, the names of which changed. After the year 1923, the censorship of foreign publications was related to the stages of development of the security service in the Ministry of the Interior. The books published and printed abroad were inspected at the customs posts near the state border of Lithuania. The customs officers inspected the publications in the presence of the railway police. When performing the censorship of foreign publications, an important position was taken by the border police, especially that which protected the wall with Germany, through which many smuggled goods were carried. The censorship of foreign publications intensified in the year 1933, after the establishment of the State Security Department. The activities of this institution are illustrated by the records about the detention of books in post offices, made by the officers of the Press Unit of this Department, the private persons’ requests to issue the permits for taking the publications from the post office, the permits to subscribe to the books or to import them by applying preventive censorship, and the other documents in the Office of the Chief Archivist of Lithuania. Lists of prohibited books also illustrate the foreign censorship activities. One of the earliest lists is a list of publications prohibited for import and distribution in Lithuania, compiled since 1926. Sixteen lists of still nowhere announced foreign publications and books prohibited by censorship to be distributed are provided in the Appendix to the Article.
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Riaubienė, Arida. "Censorship of Foreign Publications in Lithuania of the Interwar Period." Knygotyra 75 (December 28, 2020): 218–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2020.75.67.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the years 1918 through 1940, the public opinion of the society was formed not only by the local press, but also by the publications in foreign languages, which reached Lithuania. Therefore, in order to ensure the security of the state and society, the publications – not only local, but also those published abroad, and also imported in Lithuania – were censored in Lithuania in the interwar period. During the discussed period, the censorship of foreign publications was aimed to protect the country from publications that propagated anti-state ideas and instigated national discord. Institutions for the supervision and control of the press watched that content disagreeing with the moral values of the time and various publications by religious sects would not get into Lithuania.
 Already in the year 1919, the Law on Press established that the Minister of the Interior had the right to prohibit the import and distribution of publications in Lithuania, contrary to the establishment of the independent state of Lithuania. The censorship of foreign publications was performed by the Units of the Citizen Protection Department of the Ministry of the Interior, the names of which changed. After the year 1923, the censorship of foreign publications was related to the stages of development of the security service in the Ministry of the Interior. The books published and printed abroad were inspected at the customs posts near the state border of Lithuania. The customs officers inspected the publications in the presence of the railway police. When performing the censorship of foreign publications, an important position was taken by the border police, especially that which protected the wall with Germany, through which many smuggled goods were carried. The censorship of foreign publications intensified in the year 1933, after the establishment of the State Security Department. The activities of this institution are illustrated by the records about the detention of books in post offices, made by the officers of the Press Unit of this Department, the private persons’ requests to issue the permits for taking the publications from the post office, the permits to subscribe to the books or to import them by applying preventive censorship, and the other documents in the Office of the Chief Archivist of Lithuania. Lists of prohibited books also illustrate the foreign censorship activities. One of the earliest lists is a list of publications prohibited for import and distribution in Lithuania, compiled since 1926. Sixteen lists of still nowhere announced foreign publications and books prohibited by censorship to be distributed are provided in the Appendix to the Article.
38
Kornat, Marek. "Problemy bezpieczeństwa II Rzeczypospolitej. Koncepcje polskie a realia geopolityczne (1919–1932)." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 4 (2020): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.035.12489.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Security of the Second Polish Republic: Polish ideas and geopolitical realities (1919–1932) The aim of the paper is to provide a critical perspective on the concepts of the international security of Poland as defined by the policy makers responsible for the international policy in 1918–1932, that is, before Józef Beck became the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which gave rise to the doctrine of balance between Germany and the Soviet Union. The author’s main conclusion is that the attempts to provide the Polish state with real “material”security in the reality of unstable international order were like squaring the circle. The hopes for alliance with the victorious superpowers of the Entente were not fulfilled because the United States had returned to isolationism and Great Britain did not give any guarantees to any state of continental Europe except France in Locarno. The multilateralism offered by the League of Nations did not yield any fruit because the idea of the collective security turned out to be an illusion. Both the Central-European Bloc and the Intermarium project were merely theoretical concepts. Basically, it is impossible for a historian to provide an ex post outline of a convincing alternative to the activities of Polish diplomacy in relation to those of which we know, no matter how critical their assessment of those actions would be.
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Blavatskyy, Serhiy. "The cartographic propaganda in the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Europe (1900―1920s)." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper seeks to develop new avenues for a study of the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Europe during the Ukrainian Revolution (1917―1921s). Specifically, it aims to explore the so-called «cartographic» argument in the editorial policies and content of these periodicals issued in West European languages in the West European countries. More specifically, we seek to study map propaganda on the basis of the content of the Ukrainian press published in the West European languages in Europe during the Paris Peace Conference (1919―1920s). The latter aimed at justifying the territorial integrity of Ukraine in terms of the Ukrainian terrains in the Eastern Europe and its representation in the European maps. It originated in the early 1900s, specifically, in Austria, and more specifically ― in the Ukrainian German-language reviews («Ruthenische Revue» and «Ukrainische Rundschau»). In our view, the Ukrainian post-WWI map propaganda was inspired by the Count M. Tyshkevych (Tyszkiewicz) and S. Sheloukhine, specifically, their groundbreaking work «Documents historiques sur l’Ukraine et ses relations avec la Pologne, la Russie et la Suede (1569―1764) publies avec notices explicatives et cartes par le C-te Michel Tyszkiewicz…» (Lausanne, 1919). We argue a specific correlation between map representation of respective stateless people and a justification of its nationstate aspirations in the European public sphere. Specifically, it has been argued that the cartographic propaganda was an element of strategic communication of the «territorialization of national identity» of Ukrainians in the internationally recognized borders of the UNR (according to the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty of Feb. 1918). The findings of this research prove an existence of continuum of map propaganda in the transnational media discourse transcending temporal and spatial boundaries. The follow-up studies on the research subject are to explore a persistence of the media patterns of map representation of the Ukrainian ethnic terrains in the media discourse, specifically, in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian «hybrid war» (since 2014). More specifically, a promising and relevant avenue is to study «map propaganda» over the question of belonging of the Crimea and its map representation in Ukrainian, Russian or in the Western public realms. Keywords: map propaganda, historical maps, ethnic terrains, Ukraine, Ukrainian, press.
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Nogalski, Bogdan, Andrzej Kozłowski, and Iwona Zofia Czaplicka-Kozłowska. "Financial Security of the Public Sector Versus the Indebtedness of Local Self-Government." Internal Security 10, no. 1 (2018): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7522.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 19th and 20th century in the history of Poland was primarily a time of foreign domination by neighbouring countries, mainly Russia and Germany. Except for the inter-war period of 1918–1939 when there was an attempt to rebuild an independent country, Polish culture in its social and economic dimension underwent a vicious destruction for almost 2 centuries. For that reason, political changes initiated in Poland in 1989 resulted in the emergence of new hope for the revival of its sovereignty and its restoration as a sovereign and democratic country. After years of enslavement the regenerated Poland was economically weak in almost all its dimensions. Due to decisions made in the 1990s and the first years of the 21st century there was a hope for a clear acceleration of social and economic growth. The activities required the necessity of implementation of economic and rational procedures in financial management as well as the allocation of huge financial resources mainly for investment in the area of public utilities, and also for the implementation of modern technologies and methods in nearly all areas of economic and social life. The article is dedicated to the problem of the financial security of the country in relation to the burdens of debt of local authorities, particularly those at the lowest level of the governance structure of the country. Assuming that local authorities in the Polish legal system are public-legal unions equipped with a legal identity that act in their own name and at their own responsibility, it is the members of organisations who are directly responsible for an excessive indebtedness which can affect not only the financial security of the whole public-legal union which is a local self-government, but also the financial security of citizens.
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Matiash, Iryna. "Activities of the Consulate of Greece in Kyiv and the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the Ukrainian People's Republic in Greece in 1917-1920: a Role in the Establishment of Ukrainian-Greek Relations." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 29 (November 10, 2020): 10–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2020.29.010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the study is to clarify the main activities of the Greek Consulate in Kyiv in 1917 - 1918 and the UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Greece in 1919 - 1920 through the prism of activity of Ukrainian and Greek diplomats (Pericles Hripari, Fedir Matushevskyi, Modest Levytskyi) and determining the peculiarities of the establishment of Ukrainian-Greek relations in 1917-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, and systematicity. General and special scientific methods are used, in particular archival heuristics, historiographical analysis, external and internal criticism of the sources. The scientific novelty of the results of the study is the reconstruction on the basis of the archival information, found by the author in published and unpublished sources, of activities of the Greek Consulate in Kyiv, the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Athens and clarification of the participants in the Ukrainian-Greek relations in 1917 - 1920, functions and tasks of diplomatic and consular representatives. Conclusions. The mutual diplomatic and consular presence of Ukraine and Greece in 1917-1920 was due to different reasons. The Greek Consulate in Kyiv was established as a Greek consulate in the Russian Empire and continued to perform its functions primarily in the field of guardianship of Greek citizens after the proclamation of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Greek Consul Pericles Hripari acted as the doyen of the consular corps and managed to ensure active cooperation with the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry. At the time of the Central Council, it developed within the norms of international law. During the Hetmanate, at the insistence of the German administration, P. Hripari, as a representative and ally of Entente, was expelled from Kyiv. The Ukrainian diplomatic mission as an Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission was sent to Greece after the victory of the Directory and the restoration of the UPR in order to achieve recognition of its independence by as many states and spread information about the struggle of Ukrainians against the Bolsheviks for independent existence. The Mission was headed successively by F. Matushevskyi and M. Levytskyi. Greece's position on recognizing the independence of the UPR depended on the position of the Entente states. Despite the lack of official recognition of the mission, information about Ukraine, its people and its struggle for independence was communicated to Greek society and government agencies through a special memorandum, local newspapers and a thematic bulletin
42
Kulesza, Władysław. "Konstytucja z 17 marca 1921 r. na tle powojennych konstytucji republikańskich w Europie 1919–1922." Przegląd Konstytucyjny, no. 1 (2022) (June 2022): 25–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442031pko.22.002.15728.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Constitution of 17 March 1921 against the background of the post-war republican constitutions in Europe 1919–1922 After Poland regained its independence in November 1918, the parliament, acting as a constitutional body, enacted the Constitution of the Republic of Poland on 17 May 1921. It is worth setting this event against a broader background. After the First World War, new constitutions were created in Eastern Europe, in particular in those states that had to build their political system from scratch, for example because they appeared on the map of Europe for the first time in history or were reinstated after a long break. These states, or more precisely their elites, had to draw on foreign ideas and achievements due to lack of their own experience. For the states that chose the republican system and disregarded the solutions contained in the constitutions of the United States and Switzerland, the Third Republic of France became a very important source of inspiration, thanks to the regulations contained in the three constitutional acts of 1875, as well as constitutional practice. Admittedly, from 1879 onwards, the constitutional practice increasingly diverged from the letter of the law set out in these three acts. Another source of inspiration for some of the new states in Eastern Europe was the constitution of the German Reich, adopted in 1919. In our part of Europe, if we exclude Estonia, Finland, and Austria – which made an effort to develop their own, sometimes unique, political solutions – it can be noted that the achievements of the Third Republic, in terms of the letter of law and political practice, became a decisive source of inspiration for Poland and Czechoslovakia, while the German Basic Law served as a model for Latvia (to a greater extent) and Lithuania (to a lesser extent). The choices made by the political elites of Poland and Czechoslovakia, however, differed in one fundamental aspect. Poland took as its point of departure the constitutional practice of the Third Republic, formed since 1879, while Czechoslovakia took the letter of the Constitutional Act of 1875. This substantially and differently moulded the form of the political system of each of these states, and subsequently its functioning in practice. Already in the interwar period, it became clear that the decisions taken in Warsaw to make the Sejm the highest organ in the state, modelled after the Chamber of Deputies in France, were less “correct” than the solutions adopted in Prague. In Czechoslovakia, the principle of the separation of powers was taken as the starting point. The principle of the balance of powers was then referred to and the roles of the legislative and executive branches were precisely defined so that this balance would really exist. In this way, the smooth operation of both powers was guaranteed, not only in their relations with each other, but also on a national scale. In Czechoslovakia, the architects of the constitution took into account the principle of the separation of powers alongside the principle of their balance, while in Poland the latter principle was absent, at first in the text of the constitution, and then in practice in the years 1922–1926.
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Nastasă-Matei, Irina. "Transnational Far Right and Nazi Soft Power in Eastern Europe: The Humboldt Fellowships for Romanians." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures, June 2, 2021, 088832542093779. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325420937791.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign students and researchers in Germany became, after 1933, a tool of Nazi propaganda. Those receiving financial support from the Germans, such as the recipients of the Humboldt fellowships, were further compromised. This article aims to shed light on the role played by Humboldt fellowships in the political and ideological transfer between Nazi Germany and Romania. It aims to re-create the profile of the fellows and the influence of the fellowship on the Romanian fellows’ political and ideological development, in order to establish how they functioned as Nazi propaganda tools. Throughout the 1930s, the number of young Romanians going to study and carry out research in Nazi Germany increased considerably, while the financial support they received from the Germans became more significant—including a larger number of Humboldt fellowships. This shows not only that Nazi Germany had a special interest in developing its relations with Romania but also that Romania was embarked on a path of far-right radicalization, with students and youth becoming sympathizers of Nazi Germany and sometimes members of the Iron Guard. The Romanian Humboldt fellows were politically instrumentalized by the Third Reich: they were engaged in far-right political activism, were influenced in their professions and writings by the Nazi ideology, and sometimes they even went on to occupy various positions in the Romanian bureaucratic or diplomatic apparatus.
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Шнелле, Й. "«The enemy of my enemy»: actions of Azerbaijan «Musavat» party in Germany (1933–1939)." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 32(2020) (August 20, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2020.2020.32.005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
В данной статье рассматриваются отношения "Мусават", бывшей правящей партии Азербайджанской Республики и наиболее активной партии азербайджанских эмигрантов, с Третьим Рейхом в довоенный период. В 1933–1939 гг. Германия сыграла большую роль для партии «Мусават» в поисках союзников в борьбе против СССР. Мусаватисты некоторое время сотрудничали с Антикоминтерном в области антикоммунистической пропаганды и в 1939 г. были под покровительством Внешнеполитического управления НСДАП. Тем не менее положение «Мусават» в Германии оставалось неустойчивым вплоть до начала Второй мировой войны, надежды этой партии на эффективную поддержку со стороны Берлина не оправдались. The article examines relations between «Musavat», the former leading party of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the most active party of Azerbaijan immigrants, and the Third Reich during the pre-war period. In 1933–1939 Germany helped the party in search for anti-Soviet allies. Members of «Musavat» collaborated with the Anti-Comintern in Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda activities in 1939, they were under the NSDAP Office of Foreign Affairs protection. Never the less «Musavat» party haven’t gained a steady position till the beginning of the Second World War, it’s hopes for effective help and support from Berlin were not realized.
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Krausz, Tamás. "Hungarian Troops in World War II: The Bitter Truth of Archival Documents and an Attempt at Revision." Quaestio Rossica 8, no. 2 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2020.2.483.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is not primarily focused on presenting arguments and views held by Polish political groups with reference to the territorial shape of the Polish state after the First World War. Instead, its aim is to draw attention to actions taken by these groups towards the defence of Polish western lands. One of the key problems of Poland’s foreign policy after 1918 was the question of relations with its neighbours, chiefly Germany and Russia (and the Soviet Union). For many years, the most serious problem faced by post-Versailles Europe was that of the Germans striving to revise the legal order, to break their political isolation, and return to the prestigious circle of world powers. Those endeavours threatened the security of Poland in a direct way. Defence of the Polish state and its territories on the western outskirts of the Second Republic lay at the heart of establishing socalled “Western thought” in the country. Related to Western Europe, this ideology played a significant role in shaping society’s views on, and attitudes towards, the most vital problems of the Polish nation and state.
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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Paul Hymans’ Forgotten Negotiations: The Dispute over the Vilnius Region in Brussels and Geneva in 1921." Lituanistica 64, no. 1 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.6001/lituanistica.v64i1.3693.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dispute over the Vilnius Region was one of the most complicated political issues of the interwar period. Politicians of the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) proclaimed Vilnius the country’s capital. However, the authorities of neighbouring Poland treated Vilnius and the surrounding areas as an inseparable part of their state. Thus, in April 1919 and in October 1920 Polish troops occupied the territory. The dispute was long negotiated by the Council of the League of Nations. Authorised by the League, the well-known Belgian politician Paul Hymans mediated the negotiations between Lithuania and Poland in 1921. Two projects for the resolution of this issue were linked to his name. Paul Hymans’ archive at the Université Libre de Bruxelles and related materials from the archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France document consultations with numerous French, British, and Belgian politicians, diplomats, and the militaries. George Curzon, British Foreign Secretary, and Aristide Briand, Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, were actively involved in the formulation of the projects of the resolution. Hymans’ first resolution noted a great impact of Poland for it was closely related to the agreement proposed by Alexander Babiański, a left-wing Polish general. A proposal for a federal state, most likely based on this project, was sent from Warsaw to London and Paris by the envoys of the Entente states. However, it was unacceptable to the right-wing government of Poland, which proposed an unconditional incorporation of Lithuania. Slightly changed, Hymans’ second resolution was to some extent more beneficial to Lithuania and therefore even less acceptable to Poland, and caused significant dissensions in both states. The negotiations tended to the loss of independence of Lithuania, and the government of Lithuania was the first to abandon these later in 1921. Hymans successfully negotiated the separation of the Malmedy region from Germany and its annexation to Belgium; he also took a part in defining the international status of the Scheldt River (Dutch: Schelde) in France, Belgium, and the Netherlands. He participated in the process of the consolidation of political and trade relations with France and especially with Luxembourg and the Netherlands. Meanwhile, his negotiations for Lithuania and Poland had failed. In his memoirs, this mission was mentioned only fleetingly, as though deemed to be forgotten.
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Retter, Hein. "How William H. Kilpatrick’s Project Method Came to Germany: “Progressive Education” Against the Background of American-German Relations Before and After 1933." International Dialogues on Education Journal 6, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.53308/ide.v6i1.52.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study shows which contacts and events were decisive for the publication of essays by John Dewey and William Kilpatrick as a German book in connection with Kilpatrick’s ensuing discussion after 1918 of the project method – in the middle of the Nazi era. The volume was edited in 1935, by Peter Petersen, at the University of Jena, the founder of the Jenaplan (Jena Plan). A number of previously unknown letters, information from various archives and Kilpatrick’s diaries, which are now available in digital form, were used. It was not possible to clarify all the details. However, it is certain that personal contacts and the educational exchange in American-German relations were not completely broken off with the beginning of Nazi rule in Germany in 1933.