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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Germany – Foreign relations – 1918-1933 »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.

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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its

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Dudaiti, A. K. "Iran’s Foreign Policy in 1933-1939: Problems of Diversifying Relations with Leading World Powers." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 28, 2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-12-309-326.

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The article is devoted to the problems of modernizing Iran’s foreign policy strategy on the eve of World War II, the implementation of a set of measures to diversify its relations with the leading world powers. The factors influencing the formation of the conflict relations of Iran with Great Britain and the USSR are revealed. The features of the nationalist policy of the Reza Shah regime, aimed at liberating the country from British control and weakening Soviet influence in the country, are traced. Particular attention is paid to the formation of a pro-German course in Iran’s foreign policy.

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Bondarev, Vitaly. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016180-6.

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The article examines one of the least studied aspects of the Soviet famine of 1932–33, namely the reaction of the international community and foreign governments to this tragedy. Facts are presented that prove that the Stalinist regime failed to conceal information about the famine in the collectivized village and prevent the outrage that broke out in the West over the mass death of Soviet citizens. The authors note that the negative reaction from the international community came in the form of both coverage of the plight of farmers in the press, and the organization of material assistance to

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Kovalov, Denys. "Review of the Monograph by H. Nevynna «German-Finnish Relations in 1933–1939. Kyiv: «Kondor», 2019. 160 p.»." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.19.

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The book «German-Finnish relations in 1933–1939» authored by H. Nevynna is reviewed. The publication is scientific and is intended for readers with the appropriate level of academic education in the humanities. There is in detail by the author’s scientific style presenting in monograph an analysis of key aspects of relations between Hitler’s Germany (Third Reich) and (the first) Republic of Finland in the difficult interwar period, more specifically – the 1930s. Moreover, there are revealed the basic principles and nature of bilateral relations, domestic political processes in Finland, as well

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Datskiv, І., and М. Polych. "Brest-Lithuania peace of 1918 and Ukrainian-German relations." Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету. Серія Історія, економіка, філософія, no. 27 (May 29, 2023): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2412-9321.27.2022.276199.

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This article analyzes the international relations of Ukraine during the national liberation struggle of 1917-1918. The prerequisites for the intensification of Ukrainian-German contacts at the end of the First World War are studied. The peculiarities of contacts between Germany and Ukrainian governments are analyzed, the significant influence of German policy in the context of the formation and development of Ukrainian state-building processes is indicated. The participation of the Ukrainian delegation at the Brest-Litovsk negotiations and the conclusion of a peace treaty with the Central Powe

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Țurcanu, Mihai. "Romanian diplomacy, britain and the sudeten crisis (1938) (Part I)." Dialogica. Revistă de studii culturale și literatură, no. 1 (May 2025): 103–9. https://doi.org/10.59295/dia.2025.1.14.

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This study examines England’s attitude toward German aggression against Czechoslovakia (1933– 1939) and its impact on Anglo-Romanian relations. British foreign policy was heavily influenced by its ties with Hitler’s Germany, adopting a permissive and reactive approach, never seizing the initiative from Berlin – except for the attempted “Stresa Front”. England continually adjusted its stance toward Romania, France, and the USSR based on Anglo-German dynamics, which dictated European politics until the outbreak of war. To understand Britain’s policy toward Romania, one must analyze Anglo-German

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Tischler, Carola. "Behind the Curtains of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in the middle of the 1930s. On the Edition Deutschland und die Sowjetunion 1933–1941. Dokumente aus russischen und deutschen Archiven (2019)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.05.

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Research on international relations today is no longer limited to diplomatic contacts but also includes economic and cultural ties. Another factor that should not be neglected is the people themselves; the personalities who shaped politics. This text focuses on those concerned with German-Soviet relations in the 1930s, both at the “centre” in Moscow and at the Soviet plenipotentiary representation in Berlin. This article deals with this range of problems against the background of Soviet-German relations in the 1930s both in the Kremlin and in the Soviet mission in Berlin. The article is based

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Magadeev, I. E. "Relations between Paris and Berlin in the 1920s in Light of the First World War." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-35-44.

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The central question of the article - how the long-term consequences of the First World War influenced the French foreign policy in relation to Germany in the 1920s. Basing on the archival and published French diplomatic sources the author analyses the French political course after 1918 and after 1945 in the comparative way with the attention to the elements of continuity and change in the Paris' conception relating to the over-Rhine neighbor.

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Yakub, A. V., and N. V. Yakub. "State and Private Mail: a Postal Episode of Soviet-German Relations During the Period of the Brest-Litovsk Peace of 1918." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 1 (33) (2022): 192–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(1).192-199.

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Mail and postage stamps are a single entity, maintaining such a connection even in times of serious socio-political upheavals. After the events of 1917, the new leadership of the postal and telegraph department was almost immediately concerned to stop the process of further destruction of postal and telegraph communications in Russia, which had begun in the previous period. Attempts were made to maintain the functioning of international postal communications by this time, although in the conditions of the actual state of war of Soviet Russia, primarily with Germany, this was seriously hampered

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Nurislamov, Ruslan Rifovich. "The enlightenment committee Hamburg-Bremen and covert Propaganda of Weimar Germany abroad, 1923-1932." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 10 (October 2023): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.10.38990.

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The subject of the study is the activity of the enlightenment committee Hamburg-Bremen, an organization created after the outbreak of the Ruhr crisis in 1923 by the Hamburg Chamber of Commerce to conduct export propaganda abroad. The article analyzes documents from the funds of the Russian State Military Archive and the German Federal Archives related to the functioning of this structure in 1923-1932. The purpose of the study is to determine how the Hamburg organization managed to deploy large—scale propaganda activity that spread to almost all countries of the world and acquired national sign

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Kwon, Haein. "Nazi Art Era, Two Discourses on the Activities of the Dancer Laban." Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University 6, no. 1 (2023): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2023.6.1.45.

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The purpose of this thesis is to compare the differences between the two discourse on Rudolf von Laban's (1879-1958) activities under the Ministry of Propaganda in Germany from 1933 to 1937. To this end, 'Movement Chorus', 'The German Dance Festival (1934)' and 'Master workshops (1935)' organized by Laban were examined. The research method is a literature study, and research was conducted through domestic and foreign books, academic journal articles, internet articles, news, magazines, and book reviews. It is comprehensively described by considering the people around Laban, a series of events,

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Androsova, Tatiana. "On Guard of Independence: Finnish Security Policy 1918—1922." ISTORIYA 14, no. 11 (133) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028954-8.

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The article is devoted to the problems of Finland&apos;s security policy in the first years of independence. The emphasis is placed on the primacy of the settlement of relations with the eastern neighbor. Official policy was characterized by inconsistency and a penchant for adventures. The first Soviet-Finnish War of 1918—1920 was part of the Russian Civil War and foreign military intervention. In connection with the Genoa Conference of 1922, the Finns were most concerned about the possible revision of the results of the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920 and the possible rapprochement of Russia a

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Dudaiti, Albert K. "Problems of the formation of Soviet-Iranian relations in the interwar period (1918 – 1939)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-28-35.

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The article examines the complex process of the formation of bilateral relations between the RSFSR / USSR and Iran in the period between the two World Wars. The desire of the parties to establish bilateral relations on an equal, mutually beneficial basis-in accordance with the spirit and letter of the Moscow Treaty of 1921 – is revealed. There are permanent difficulties on the way of rapprochement between the two countries, caused, among other things, by the undisguised interference of England in the internal affairs of Iran. The article reveals the colonial essence of the British policy in Ir

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14

Young, John W. "The Foreign Office, the French and the post-war division of Germany 1945–46." Review of International Studies 12, no. 3 (1986): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113944.

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When, in May 1945, the Allies finally defeated Nazi Germany and began their military occupation, no-one expected that within five years the country would be divided into two political halves, one tied to the West and the other to the Soviet Union. Germany, despite its defeat in 1918, had remained the most powerful state in central Europe and had been an undoubted great power since 1870. If anything, the fear was that Germany would revive quickly and become a menace to the peace again. That it did become divided between East and West was of course due to the start of the ‘Cold War’ after 1945,

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MULLIGAN, WILLIAM. "CIVIL–MILITARY RELATIONS IN THE EARLY WEIMAR REPUBLIC." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (2002): 819–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002698.

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The historiography on civil–military relations in the early years of the Weimar Republic has concentrated on issues such as the soldiers' councils, the threat of a radical left-wing uprising and the difficulties of demobilization. This article broadens the perspective on co-operation between the officer corps and the government, arguing that the collapse of the Kaiserreich provided an opportunity to remake the state. For very different reasons, liberal and socialist politicians and officers shared a community of interests in centralizing the Reich. Officers believed that a more centralized sta

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Vatlin, Alexander. "Bolshevik intellectuals on the foreign policy front: the relationship between Commissar for Foreign Affairs Georgy Chicherin and Plenipotentiary Adolf Joffe in 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021232-3.

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After coming to power in 1917, the Bolsheviks began to form their own system of foreign policy decision-making, rejecting the traditions and standards of bourgeois diplomacy in the Decree on Peace, and refusing to use the personnel of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The first trial of the new system, built on the principles of revolutionary Marxism, took place during the Brest negotiations and ended in defeat for Soviet Russia. The signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on 3 March 1918 paved the way for the transition from war to peace between the two countries and, consequently, for

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Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.

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The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one se

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Durov, Viktor I. "Modern Russian Historiography about the Polish Question in 1880s - 1918." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 10, no. 3 (39) (2023): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2023.10(3).59-66.

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The article provides a review of the works of Russian historians on the Polish question in the 1880s - 1918. At the same time, studies were considered both affecting the situation in the Russian Empire, and in Germany and Austria-Hungary. The author analyzed the Russian historiography of the period from 1991 to 2021. During this period, the research field expanded, new methodological approaches appeared, academic mobility increased, foreign and Russian archives became more accessible. Few monographs on the history of Poland were published. Let us especially note the book by G.F. Matveev «Pilsu

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19

LANNIK, L. V. "GERMAN OCCUPATION TROOPS AND THE FORMATION OF ANTI-BOLSHEVIK FORCES IN UKRAINE AND THE SOUTH OF RUSSIA IN 1918(аccording to the German archives)". JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 11, № 2 (2022): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-11-2-154-176.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal the peculiarities of the formation of the German occupation forces and anti-Bolshevik armies in Ukraine and southern Russia in 1918 based upon data of German archives. The author draws attention to the fact that during the German occupation of the western outskirts of the former Russian Empire, one of the basic problems of the stability of the regime was the formation of an armed wing of anti-Bolshevik forces from the remnants of the disintegrated old army and its command staff. The escalation of the Civil War would not have been possible without the org

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Պետրոսյան, Գեղամ. "Հայաստանի Հանրապետության հարաբերությունները Վրաստանի հետ Կոստանդնուպոլսի և Բեռլինի բանակցությունների նախօրեին (1918 թ. մայիս-հունիս)". Bulletin of Yerevan University D: International Relations and Political Sciences 13, № 1 (37) (2022): 3–8. https://doi.org/10.46991/bysu:d/2022.13.1.003.

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The article examines in details the fact that on the eve of the negotiations of the countries of the Central Powers in Constantinople and Berlin, related to the republics of Transcaucasia, the relations of the Republic of Armenia with its direct neighbors, Georgia and Azerbaijan, were unstable, uncertain and contradictory, due to their different political goals, orientation and territoriality. Particular attention was paid to the fact that after gaining independence by the three peoples of Transcaucasia, a very favorable situation arose for Georgia and Azerbaijan. The direction of their foreig

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Shveitser, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany in the context of the events of the 1920s-1930s." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52020193203.

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The article is dedicated to the Soviet-German relations of the 1920s-late 1930s. It explores the key issues that fit into the General context of the European situation of the interwar period. The most important normative acts of those years – the Treaty of Versailles, the Locarno and Rapallo agreements – are studied. The article analyses the core document of Hitlerism – Mein Kampf, its influence on the formation and development of foreign policy doctrines of Nazi Germany. The position of the Soviet Union towards the policy of the Weimar Republic before and after the national socialists rise to

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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "The Geopolitical Trap: the Hetmanate and the Entente (1918)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-2.

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The article describes the geopolitical position of the Ukrainian State since the proclamation of P. Skoropadsky as Hetman of all Ukraine until the ousting of the Hetmanate in 1918. It is noted that the beginning of this period is the end of the First World War. Germany, which was an ally of the Ukrainian State, provided its troops to protect it from the Bolsheviks, is defeated. In this regard, there were a number of challenges in the foreign policy of the Hetmanate. The Ukrainian State is forced to look for ways to establish ties with the Entente countries. The author states that first agreeme

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Ivanov, Nikolai. "Uruguay and the Soviet Union in the 1920—1930s." ISTORIYA 15, no. 3 (137) (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840030565-0.

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The author analyzes the relationship between the Soviet Union and Uruguay in the period of the 20—30s, one of the most difficult in the history of the two countries. The main subjects are the termination of diplomatic relations in 1917, the establishment of trade relations in the early 20s, the activities of trade societies ARCOS, AMTORG, Yuzhamtorg, the resumption of relations in 1926, the development of trade and economic relations, the world economic crisis and the spread of anti-communist hysteria in Latin America, the «oil issue» and its role in the preparation of the coup d&apos;etat

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Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s." Journal of Austrian-American History 6, no. 2 (2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.6.2.0105.

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Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris trea

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Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s." Journal of Austrian-American History 6, no. 2 (2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/pennhistory.6.2.0105.

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Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris trea

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Tkachuk, Taras. "Establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany and the position of American politics and diplomacy." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.6.

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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading states of the world in the interwar period: Germany, which withdrew from the First World War as a defeated country and after the establishment of the Nazi regime started preparing revenge, and the United States, proclaimed «isolationism» and, therefore, distanced themselves from European international political problems. The scientific novelty: the author points up primarily political «isolationism», while in the economic sphere the United States has played a leading role in the reconstruction and development of the afterwar

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Zubko, Olha, and Olga Koliastruk. "MONEY RELATIONS OF THE UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION CENTER OF INTERWAR CZECHOSLOVAKIA (1918–1939)." Siverian chronicle (2022) 5-6 (March 17, 2023): 129–39. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7747339.

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   <strong>The purpose of the article.</strong> Highlighting the spectrum of monetary relations in the Ukrainian emigration center of interwar Czechoslovachchyna through the prism of a share of the «gold reserve of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic» that ended up on the territory of the interwar Czechoslovachchyna; the amount of monetary subsidies within the framework of the «Russian Aid Action» and the bank rates of such currencies as the Czechoslovak krona, Austrian krona, German «gold» mark and Reichsmark, Polish zloty, Soviet ruby and Soviet cher

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Gorodnia, N., and Y. Protsenko. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE U.S.–SAUDI RELATIONS (1931–1940)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 151 (2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.2.

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This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King I

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Grigaravičiūtė, Sandra. "The Role of Spain in Lithuanian Communication During the First World War." Sabiedrība un kultūra: rakstu krājums = Society and Culture: conference proceedings, no. XXIV (March 24, 2023): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/sk.2022.24.034.

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The research reveals the contacts between the authorized representatives of the Lithuanian Society, the members of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne), the members and the head of the Lithuanian Information Bureau (in Lausanne), the members of the committee Lituania and the heads and servants of Spanish legations abroad, Prince Alfonso of the Bourbon dynasty of Spain and the representatives of the Spanish society in Barcelona. It also covers information about Spain, Spanish legations abroad, their functions in forwarding letters and transferring money to the territory under German oc

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Machovenko, Jevgenij, and Dovile Valanciene. "CONSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATIONS FOR THE COORDINATION OF RECEIPTED AND NATIONAL LITHUANIAN LAW IN 1918–1920." Constitutional and legal academic studies, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2663-5399.2020.2.08.

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The research object of this study is the provisions of the Provisional Constitutions of 1918, 1919 and 1920 concerning the establishment of the Lithuanian legal system. The aim of the study was to determine what was the basis for the reception of foreign law and the particularism of the law, what law was recepted and what was the relationship between it and the newly created national law. The main methods used are systematic, teleological, historical, linguistic, and comparative. This article presents an original vision of recepted law and a critical assessment of the interwar Lithuanian gover

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Ратушняк, О. В., та Н. В. Евдошенко. "Правовые основы создания и деятельности благотворительных организаций и обществ взаимопомощи русской эмиграции в Германии и Франции в 1919–1939 годах". Nasledie Vekov, № 3(39) (30 вересня 2024): 104–15. https://doi.org/10.36343/sb.2024.39.3.007.

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Целью статьи является исследование исторического контекста и правовой базы создания и деятельности благотворительных организаций российской эмиграции в Германии и Франции 1919–1939 гг. Работа базируется на материалах, хранящихся в фондах Национального архива Франции и отечественных архивов (Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Российского государственного архива литературы и искусства). Анализируются факторы, влиявшие на создание и деятельность русских благотворительных организаций за границей. Выявлено, что законодательство в отношении иммигрантов было довольно либеральным в Германи

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Błachut, Michał. "Territorial disputes between Poland and Czechoslovakia 1938–1945." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 38, no. 38 (2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5936.

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The historical point of view is important to fully understand foreign affairs. For Polish-Czech relations the crucial period in this respect is 1918–1945. The matter of the conflict were borderlands, with the most important one – Zaolzie, that is, historical lands of the Duchy of Cieszyn beyond Olza River. Originally, the land belonged to the Crown of the Polish Kingdom, then to the Kingdom of Bohemia and Austrian Habsburg dynasty. After World War I, local communities took control of the land. Czechoslovakian military intervention and a conflict with Bolsheviks caused both parties to agree to

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Makarchuk, Volodymyr. "Timeo danaos et dona ferentes, or how the Kremlin was friends with independent lithuania against another common thing (1918–1940): historical and historical-legal intelligence." Visnik Nacional’nogo universitetu «Lvivska politehnika». Seria: Uridicni nauki 11, no. 41 (2024): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/law2024.41.173.

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Soviet foreign policy in the interwar (1918–1939) period was carried out on the basis of the strategy and tactics of the "world revolution", which, in turn, provided for the rallying of all "anti-imperialist forces", including the so-called oppressed peoples. While supporting the struggle of the Hindus against the British colonialists or the Chinese Kuomintang against imperial Japan, the Kremlin manipulators did not let the European continent out of their sight. One of the powerful knots of contradictions at that time became the Polish-Lithuanian relations, caused by the forceful annexation of

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Stankov, Nikolay. "Vera Olivová: Historian and Time." Central-European Studies 6 (2023): 129–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2023.6.6.

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The author of the article investigates the main stages of scientific activity of the famous Czech professor of history at Charles University in Prague Vera Olivová (1926–2015). This paper is based on the analysis of her publications. In the 1950s and 1960s Vera Olivová published a fundamental monograph on Czechoslovak-Soviet relations from 1918 to 1922 with a large appendix of documents, as well as a series of articles on the relations of the Czechoslovak Republic with neighbouring countries — Germany, Austria, Poland, and Hungary. Despite the fact that they were written in line with the Marxi

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Zakharchenko, Petro. "Russia's sanctions policy in the context of the First World War." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 68 (March 24, 2022): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.1.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the sanctions policy of the Russian Empire towards the countries that were its opponents in the First World War. Such states included Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, which joined forces in the military bloc of the Central Powers to fight the Allies. The victories of the member states of the Entente bloc were forged not only on the fronts, but also achieved through the partial or complete abolition of trade, financial and economic relations with the countries of the Fourth Bloc. The aim of this paper is to study and comprehend the

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Fox, John P. "German foreign policy, 1917–1933: continuity or break?, Wolfgang Michalka, Hitler and the collapse of Weimar Germany, German white-collar workers and the rise of Hitler, Hitler and the quest for world dominion and Hitler: Selbstverständnis eines Revolutionärs." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 293–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621889.

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LYTVYN, Mykola. "UKRAINE AS AN OBJECT OF GLOBAL GEOPOLITICS: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND LESSONS OF THE RESOLUTION OF THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS IN MARCH 14, 1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 37 (2023): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2023-37-80-94.

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The report reconstructs how one hundred years ago the world's largest powers, primarily France, Great Britain, Japan, the Kingdom of Italy, and the United States, began to build a new Versailles-Washington system of international relations, which consolidated territorial changes as a result of the First World War and the collapse of the German, Ottoman, and Austrian-Hungarian and Russian empires. The geopolitical prerequisites and consequences of the Resolution of the Council of Ambassadors of March 14, 1923 regarding Eastern Galicia are analyzed. It has been proven that the principle of self-

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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Establishment of political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1918-1920: Exchange of mistrust." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 27 (August 28, 2024): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2011.36599.

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In 1918, the Lithuanian state was re-established referring to the principle of self-determination of nations. Hence, the first Lithuanian government expected to receive the due support and recognition from the most powerful winners of World War I, including France. However, one of the most influential architects of 'New Europe', the French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau, conceived this new Baltic state as a potential territory of democratic Russia, which the French allies seeked to restore, and later on of Poland. According to this politician who presided at the Paris Peace Conference, Lith

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Kurkov, Konstantin N., and Alexander V. Melnichuk. "Problems of Interactions of the White Army Commanders with Separatist Governments of South Russia in A. I. Denikin’s ‘Defamation of the White Movement’." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1149-1162.

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The article studies some of the more complicated and sensitive issues of the Civil War in the South of Russia – relations of the Armed Forces of South Russia with the Krai governments of the Don and the Kuban and separatist movements as an important factor in the Whites’ defeat in the South of Russia. Both issues are covered in ‘Defamation of the White Movement,’ one of the last works of General A. I. Denikin. Its manuscript has been introduced into scientific use by the authors. Commanders and military authorities of the Volunteer Army with A. I. Denikin at its head were not tied down by regi

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Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvian-Lithuanian Economic Relations 1918–1940." Humanities and Social Sciences Latvia 30, no. 1, 2 (2022): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.30.05.

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This paper provides an overview of Latvian-Lithuanian economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Lithuania were mainly confined to foreign trade, although there were some investments in Latvia from Lithuania, as well as tourism. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Lithuania was regulated by a number of trade treaties and agreements entered into in 1930, 1933, 1935, and 1936. Latvia’s main imports from Lithuania in the interwar period were horses, seed flax, cattle, pigs and piglets, and timber and timber products, whilst Latvia’s

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Makar, Vitaliy, Yuriy Makar, Vitaly Semenko, and Andriy Stetsyuk. "Events in Ukraine 1914–1922 their importance and historical background (Part 4)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 214–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.214-252.

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The editorial board continues to publish the most important documents that characterize the state and progress of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, the attitude of other states towards this movement in the early twentieth century. The publication of the selected documents from the first three volumes of the collection of documents “Events in Ukraine 1914-1922 their Importance and Historical Background” was carried out in the 39th, 40th and 41th volumes of the Collection. Currently we are publishing our research from the fourth volume. The compilers selected 27 documents or fragments,

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Trusova, Mariya A. "The evolution of Western Powers’ perceptions of the Soviet-German relations in 1918–1924." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 24, no. 1 (2024): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2024-24-1-73-79.

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On the basis of the study of the Documents of foreign policy of Great Britain, France and the United States the author identifies the main stages of Soviet and German relations in the socalled Rapallo period. Eachstage has its own features of the perception and their prospects by these countries. The author concludes that Western countries’ assessments of German-Soviet relations are interdependent and interconnected with their foreign policy and foreign economic decisions.

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Jēkabsons, Ēriks. "The Attitude of the United States to the Baltic Region in 1918–1922: The Example of Latvia." TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (2021): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0006.

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Abstract The article discusses the attitude of the USA towards the newborn independent Baltic States in 1918–1922 using the most devastated of them—Latvia—as an example. Relations between Latvia and the United States in 1918–1922 reflect Latvia’s intense foreign policy efforts to ensure its political and social development through relations with one of the world’s most influential and powerful economies in spite of the United States’ reserved behavior. In addition, this unique era in Latvia and the Baltic States as a whole (influenced by the Soviet Russian and German factors, war and its after

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Schneider, Ivo. "Acceptance and criticism of science and technology in the German Empire and the Weimar Republic." European Review 7, no. 2 (1999): 229–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004002.

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In the first years after World War I there was a strong reaction against science and technology in Germany that was backed by the Lebensphilosophie and Anthroposophie movements. This sudden change in public opinion was not the result of new concepts and convictions that did not exist before; rather, the spectrum of opinions in the Weimar Republic continued those of the Wilhelminian period. However, the strength of critical voices was increased substantially as a result of the defeat in the war and its consequences. It may be that the enfranchisement of women in Germany in 1918 at least indirec

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Ørskov, Frederik Forrai. "Three Settings for German-Nordic Cultural Diplomacy: Nordic Writers, the Deutsch-Nordische Schriftstellerhaus, and National Socialist Internationalism." Diplomatica 5, no. 2 (2023): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-bja10107.

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Abstract This article adds to the growing research literature on Fascist trans- and internationalism, not least in regard to the relationships between foreign intellectuals and National Socialist cultural policy. It revolves around three interlinked German cultural relations institutions featuring significant involvement from Nordic writers: the Nordic Society, the German-Nordic Writers’ House, and the European Writers’ Union. Covering a period from 1931 to 1942, the article explores institutional links between these institutions and the versions of Nordic-German cultural diplomacy practiced a

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Desyatnychuk, Ihor. "CZECH POLITICS AND DECAY OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARY (1917-1918)." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-127-133.

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The article analyzes the development and manifestations of the Czech national movement at the final stage of the First World War in the crisis of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The reasons for the decline of the policy of Czech «activism» at the level of the Czech parliamentary representation and leading political parties have been clarified. At the same time, the growth of anti-war and anti-Austrian sentiments among the population of the Czech Republic is highlighted. The changes in Czech-German relations caused by the attempts of German nationalists to establish German rule in the Czech Republ

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Kudrzycki, Zbigniew. "German-Soviet relations in the aspect of Eastern Prussia during the Polish-Bol-shevik war on the forum of the Legislative Sejm of 1919–1922." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 308, no. 2 (2020): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134773.

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Regaining independence after 123 years of partitions led to various difficult problems faced by the Polish state. The main issue of the first months of freedom was the appointment of crucial organs of state authorities that would be legitimised by the nation to rule lawfully. On 28 November 1918, Józef Piłsudski, the interim Head of State, issued a second decree on the Legislative Sejm elections and set its date to 26 January 1919. The First Sejm of the 2nd Republic of Poland handled a wide array of internal problems and relations with other countries, which was an obvious scope of duties for

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Rébay, Magdolna. "Learning Languages among Aristocrats in Hungary (1867-1918)." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 8, no. 2 (2021): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.358.

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In the present study, by means of private letters, memoirs, as well as school registry forms, we focus on aristocratic children’s language education: what languages did they study, with whom did they study them, with what methods and for what purpose – whether at home or in school. After 1867, the aristocracy retained its multilingual facility. The daughters of the family typically continued studying at home, guided by foreign governesses and Hungarian home tutors. Besides Hungarian, they usually acquired three languages (French, German, English) to a proficient level, by help of a method that

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Yudina, Taisiya. "Sociocultural Perception and Living Conditions of Foreign Citizens in Stalingrad in the 1920s – 1930s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.10.

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Introduction. In the late 1920s Stalingrad was undergoing major industrial construction and reconstruction. Due to the shortage of local labor resources, foreign labor resources were required. The study highlights the nationality and number of the labor force, arrival dates and participation in the city’s public life. Methods and materials. The study used sources from the State Archive of Volgograd Oblast. The Research is based on comparative-historical and descriptive-historical methods. Analysis. Housing was the main issue in Stalingrad. Foreign specialists (Americans, Germans, Austrians, Cz

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Bukelevičiūtė, Dalia. "The Question of Diplomatic Mission of Czechoslovakia in Lithuania in 1921-1939." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 13 (June 28, 2004): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2004.37156.

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The problem of diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Czechoslovakia is that Lithuanian historiography has not been investigated yet. There are very important L Švec works from the Czech historians. The base of this article is material from Lithuania and Czech Republic archives. Recognition of de jure question and the entering into diplomatic relations with Lithuania and Czechoslovakia were discussed together. At the Paris Peace Conference, Czechoslovakia considered Lithuania as a part of the Russian question. Only in 1921 autumn Lithuania and Czechoslovakia exchanged non-official represen

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