Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Greene County (Tenn.) »

As consumption behavior is one of the key human activities destabilizing the Earth system, green consumption is expected to increase. However, although consumers often show interest in green consumption, they tend to choose non-green alternatives. Presuming that one of the reasons for their inconsistency lies in the trade-offs between green attributes and other attributes (e.g., brand, performance, and price), this study adopted a discrete choice experiment to understand how green attributes play a role in consumers’ purchase decisions. To obtain a deeper understanding, the study conducted a cross-country (young Japanese [n = 370] and Vietnamese [n = 403] consumers) and product (water bottles and T-shirts) comparative analysis. The findings showed that for both products, Japanese respondents were less appreciative of green attributes in both relative and absolute terms than Vietnamese respondents. Furthermore, the marginal willingness to pay (MWTP) for a low environmental impact was the highest among the other attributes in both products for Vietnamese respondents, while this was not the case for Japanese respondents. Utilizing the findings obtained from the conditional logit models and MWTP, this study proposes several policy implications for the promotion of green purchases suitable for each country’s unique situation.

Social assistance is a largely neglected part of the welfare state in Greece. Recent surveys of social assistance arrangements in developed countries from a comparative perspective tend to portray Greece as the most 'rudimentary' member of the 'rudimentary' group of countries or social assistance regimes, i.e. Southern Europe. While not entirely unfounded, this view rests on a less than complete account of social assistance in Greece, and also ignores the latest developments that further challenge this position. This article aims to 'map' social assistance benefits in Greece, describe recent developments and discuss current debates on future directions of welfare reform in the country. This review suggests that although social assistance remains a 'poor relation' within Greece's social protection system as a whole, its relative weight is much greater than previously thought. Moreover, the profile of social assistance is set to rise due to a renewed emphasis on notions of selectivity and targeting, but also in connection with the revival of the debate on the merits and practicalities of introducing a minimum guaranteed income scheme in the country. The article concludes that the search for the proper place of social assistance within a reconstructed welfare state in Greece has only just begun.

Purpose The effect of global warming on our environment has shifted the focus to green technologies worldwide. Subsequently, multiple research studies have attempted to assess awareness around the concept of “Green IT” in different countries. This paper aims to examine the factors that affect the intention to use green information technology (IT) (INT) and their subsequent influence on the actual use of green IT (ACT) among students in the context of a developing country. Design/methodology/approach The data were collected using survey questionnaires administered to six public university students. A total of 633 valid questionnaires were received and analyzed using structural equation modeling. Findings A positive relationship of INT with attitude toward green IT, subjective norms toward green IT, perceived behavioral control toward green IT, consideration of future consequences and openness was found, and also, a positive relationship between INT and ACT was found. Originality/value Many of prior research focused on factors influencing green IT adoption and usage from the organizational point of view, and there is not much literature dedicated to the study of IT users’ belief and behavior about green IT. Moreover, most studies tend to focus on developed nations, while a lesser number of studies gave consideration to developing nations. This study proposes a research framework that incorporated two personality trait factors to the theory of planned behavior to investigate individual factors influencing INT among students in the context of a developing country.

This paper implements a point pattern analysis using a novel dataset with exact coordinates of statistical data for Greek manufacturing industry. Specifically, the dataset comprises the precise location of 2.452 observations of enterprises including 146.923 employees. For the year 2018 these industries are divided into twenty-four two-digit NACE 2 sub-industries of manufacturing activity. The method of point pattern analysis permits the estimation of the pattern in manufacturing activity across space. The highest agglomeration appears to be taking place in sectors of High (H) technological intensity as well as in the Middle High (M-H) sectors. In addition, sectors belonging to the middle category and the large category according to the number of employees tend to be more agglomerated in space. Findings reveal that the level of concentration or dispersion differs substantially among different sectors underlying the specialization and dispersion of economic activity in the country.

Purpose Currently, environmental and social concerns have made green innovation more popular among researchers and practitioners around the globe. Developed countries tend to focus more on this issue, compared to developing countries. However, the reality shows that small- to medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are considered as high contributors to environmental pollution. This study is designed for, and conducted on, SMEs in a developing country, Pakistan. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the main determinants of green innovation adoption in SMEs in Pakistan. Design/methodology/approach A data sample of 288 SMEs from five different sectors was collected and analyzed using the partial least squares structural equation modeling technique. Findings The results of the study indicate that organizational and human resource factors, market and customer factors, and government support and technological factors have a positive and significant impact, whereas external partnership and cooperation, and rules and regulatory factors have an insignificant impact on green innovation adoption in SMEs in Pakistan. Originality/value The outcomes of the study have important implications for managers as well as for government policy makers regarding framing better policies to promote green practices in SMEs.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to provide insights into the impact of agencification on the process of administrative reorganization in Greece. It is suggested that agencies tend to create a parallel administrative space that operates disjointly or even detached from the central bureaucracy. This hypothesis is tested and elaborated in relation to Greece's centralist administrative tradition.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis identifies the critical junctures of the domestic agencification pattern and seeks to explain its evolution on the basis of historical-cultural factors, rational choice explanations and country-specific variables. The methodology combines quantitative and qualitative research. Along with a review of existing literature, data were collected through semi-structured interviews and the Registry of Entities and Agencies.FindingsThe findings show that agencification never became a coherent policy reform tool, while its outcomes were filtered by the centralist and politicized tradition of the Greek state. The effect of agencification was proved to be highly path-dependent and contingent upon the broader administrative tradition. The agencification policy does not follow a clear direction and has been shaped as a random combination of ad hoc decisions, external pressures and domestic politics.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper provides some generalizations of the agencification experience. However, they do not cover all specificities and particularities of agencies and their applicability varies. Further research could consider these variations.Originality/valueA novelty of this study is that it links the agencification effect with three key aspects of the administrative reform process, namely, decentralization, debureaucratization and depoliticization. In addition, no single study exists regarding agencification in Greece; thus, the paper is the first to provide an overall view of the Greek arm's length bodies.

Businesses are believed to be partly responsible for upsetting the balance of local biodiversity through activities that degrade the environment. Critically, entrepreneurship is increasingly being cited as a key sector that can bring about sustainable transformation in production and distribution. Ghana’s total entrepreneurial activity rate is estimated at 37%, with businesses operating unsustainably. Meanwhile, little has been explored empirically on the factors that influence businesses’ sensitivity to the environment in Ghana. Using the 2013 GEM data in estimating seven different logic regression models coupled with a qualitative analysis, this paper fills the gap by investigating how the demographic and entrepreneurial characteristics of entrepreneurs in Ghana influence their environmental consciousness. The empirical evidence suggests that education fosters environmental consciousness, while owner-manager and female entrepreneurs as well as rural locality entrepreneurs in Ghana tend to be more environmentally sensitive. The qualitative data also revealed general concerns for the environment as motivating factors for entrepreneurs to be more environmentally conscious. The findings therefore draw attention to the inadequate focus on green entrepreneurship in Ghana. Embarking on educational campaigns to promote the adherence to environmental regulations by all businesses, especially those in urban areas, could help build a robust eco-preneurship landscape in Ghana.

It is expected that 40% of adults in Greece will be obese by 2030, and more and more individuals in the country are inactive. There are many reasons for obesity and inactivity; however, factors such as societal influences and appearance-focused communication are known to have an effect. Negative body communication—in other words, size-discrimination or shaming—may cause a person to consume unhealthy or large amounts of food and avoid exercise. Likewise, a system of social marking divides one group, the “ideal” group, from another group, the “lesser” group, thereby creating a perception of abnormality towards the “lesser” group and strengthening a social divide. Moreover, labelling theory states that individuals tend to behave based on the label assigned to them. In contrast, body positive communication seeks to challenge beauty standards and encourage a healthy mindset that in turn inspires healthy consumption and activity. This study analyzes communication towards females in Athens, Greece, through imagery, by examining front-of-store signage and mannequins, and clothing, by reviewing the size range available for purchase in stores. Major findings reveal that images do not show diversified sizing and the most common sizes are medium and small. This paper shows that negative communication could potentially exacerbate the overweight and obesity rate and that Athens, Greece has inadequate body positive communication practices.

Alternative action organizations (AAO) usually rise during economic crises to offer direct support and solidarity to their constituency groups. These groups may be less involved recipient beneficiary groups or more participative groups collaborating and creating networks of support to sustain the needs of their members. This article compensates for the lack of empirical knowledge about such groups by systematically describing AAOs’ constituency groups in nine different European countries. The analysis is based on detailed data from the websites of a random sample of more than 4,000 AAOs in France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom—countries representing different welfare regimes, as well as experience of the 2008 economic crisis. Results demonstrate that there are significant intracountry variations of groups reported as major beneficiaries and participants by the AAOs, but this variation is related to the solidarity orientation of the organization rather than the country’s welfare regime or experience of economic crises. Mutual support organizations, which focus on collaborating for common interests, tend to target active constituency such as less vulnerable local communities and alternative economy consumer-producer initiatives. Distribution-oriented organizations, however, are more likely to target more vulnerable recipient beneficiary groups such as children, families, the poor, and migrants. We also show some significant country differences, as different constituency groups are represented relatively equally as targets of AAOs in Sweden, while being more “biased” toward alternative consumers and small enterprises in France. Results encourage further comparative research about constituency beneficiary and participant groups and the voluntary sector.

Abstract While it is generally acknowledged that fascist movements tend to glorify the national past of the country in which they arise, sometimes, fascist regimes seek to resurrect a past even more ancient, and more glorious still; the turn towards ancient Greece and Rome. This phenomenon is particularly marked in the case of the two most powerful and indisputably ‘fascist’ regimes of all: Benito Mussolini’s Italy and Adolf Hitler’s Germany. The author suggests that this twin turn towards antiquity was no mere accident, but was rather motivated by certain commonalities in national experience. By placing these two fascist regimes alongside each other and considering their seduction by antique myths in tandem, it is argued that – without putting forward some kind of classicizing Sonderweg – we can better appreciate the historic rootedness of this particular form of ‘chronopolitics’ in a complex nexus of political and social causes, many of which lie far deeper than the traumatic events of the Great War and its aftermath.

A detailed study of a portion of the Valley and Ridge Province in eastern Tennessee was conducted to decipher its geologic nature and relation to surroundings and the Blountian phase of deformation. This area known as Crums Knob and is located nine miles south of Greenville, TN. Locally, the area owes its anomalous topography to inherited geologic structures. Crums Knob is bound in the north and south by tear faults and the main topographic feature represents a series of SW plunging folds. Deformation in three phases: folding, thrust faulting, and refolding. Stratigraphic relations show facies changes which affect the mechanical behavior of the Tellico Sandstone. When the sandstone is Underlain by the Lower Shale Unit or Lenoir Limestone, minor folds and thrust faulting occur within the Tellico Sandstone. But when it is underlain by the Knox Group, it deforms in the same way as the Knox Group forming broader folds.In a regional context, the following may be concluded: 1) The Blountian phase occurred from Upper Cambrian to the Middle Ordovician times, resulting in uplift of the terrain to the southeast. 2) The Middle Ordovician basin was developed as an isostatic response to the uplift. 3) Isostatic movements took place along fractures that were oriented W-NW and E-NE. As a result eroded limestone clasts were deposited along these fractures preserving the fractures' initial orientation. 4) During the Alleghanian Orogeny (?), there was a reactivation of these fractures moving blocks either: A) upward to form ramps as a response to the back load of advancing thrust sheets, or B) downward as a response to the direct load of the transported sheets. 5) Either of these movements controlled the pattern of tear faults in the Middle Ordovician basin in terms of their distribution density and length. 6) The Blountian Phase is diachronous, and its effects in the southeast were earlier than those in the northern regions.This area has not been mapped in detail and it merits a more intensive study regarding its petrographic and stratigraphic nature.
Department of Geology

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2002.
Title from title page screen (viewed Feb. 27, 2003). Thesis advisor: Lyle W. Konigsberg. Document formatted into pages (xii, 208 p. : ill., maps (some col.)). Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-202).

In Portugal, global politics tend to dominate climate change communication. Policy-oriented news stories prevail, being very much influenced by international events, dynamics, and actors, especially European ones, whereas national politicians and officials tend to be given less space. Climate change is thus mainly (re)presented as a global issue, distant from local realities, in spite of the vulnerabilities that the country faces. National policy makers tend to adopt a technocratic discourse that comes across as “rational” and fairly optimistic, with little contestation by environmental groups or others. A “green economy” discourse has prevailed in the media, with investment on renewable energy being depicted as the way to both stimulating the economy and addressing climate change. Scientific knowledge tends to be represented as consensual and national scientists tend to avoid dramatization. Although public opinion surveys have shown that the population considers climate change a serious problem and skepticism regarding its anthropogenic causes is low, surveys have also revealed high levels of ignorance and self-evaluated lack of information. In spite of a traditionally weak environmental movement and lack of public engagement, the population has shown a consistent sense of collective responsibility to tackle climate change. The economic and financial crisis up until the mid-2010s considerably affected the already fragile media system and turned political and public attention to economy-related topics. News coverage of climate change, in all its complexity, has been constrained by a lack of specialized reporters and increased dependency on the pro-activity of news sources.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Effective climate change and disaster policy communication services are vital for enhancing the adaptive resilience capacity of the vulnerable local communities in poor countries like Uganda. This chapter focuses on the effectiveness of the Ugandan national climate change and disaster policy information communication strategies in addressing national flooding disaster risks, highlights the recent trends of knowledge based responses to climate change induced floods, assesses the impact of the flood on the socio-economic well-being of local households and communities, and determines the vulnerability issues with corresponding adaptation strategies to floods in the flood prone country. Climate change flood risks have continued to exact huge socio-economic loss and damage effects due to the vulnerability and weak adaptation strategies to floods. The national meteorological services tend to forecast seasonal flood events; some flood forcing factors; and the impact of floods on social, economic, ecological, and physical infrastructure are on the rise in some parts of the country.

This chapter discusses the key structural deficiencies of the Greek justice system and proposes concrete policy reforms. The first part provides an account of the Greek legal system using cross-country indicators reflecting the formalism, quality, and speed of resolution mechanisms. The analysis shows that the Greek justice civil system has failed to perform its basic tasks. Trials in all types of courts take years to complete, in some instances seven or even ten years. At the same the quality of laws protecting investors, contracts and property, is low. Using comparative data from other EU jurisdictions, the chapter shows that the key reasons behind these failures are the absence of information technology, the lack of support staff, the absence of specialized courts and tribunals, and a hugely dysfunctional administration. At the same time there is minimal assessment of the judges' performance and limited possibilities for continuing professional development. The second part details a set of policy proposals. The proposals consist of immediate measures for clearing the large backlog and a set of ambitious medium-term reforms, many of which require a constitutional amendment. They aim to make the Greek justice system professionally administered, less formalistic, suitably flexible, and more accountable. Given the strong link between legal institutions and development, justice reform should be an absolute priority of the policy agenda, though sadly it is not.

Cooking my house specialty, New Mexican green chili, I heard the knock at the back door and dried my hands to open it for my expected guest. Shyly, the young man in the collar offered a bouquet of bright spring flowers and another gift, the golden- sunned paperback copy of A Sand County Almanac. “I thought you might like this—it’s a favorite of mine.” He had no idea how beloved this book was to me, or the author. In this small gesture, I felt like he was unintentionally offering me a concrete symbol of the growing bridge between the spiritual ethics of Aldo Leopold the naturalist and scientist, and his beloved wife, Estella, the devout Roman Catholic. Leopold had once noted that we would not ever come to integrating a land ethic into our American culture until churches and faith communities got involved. This obviously makes sense when you consider that only a small percentage of the nation, and indeed the world, possess a depth of scientific and/or ecological literacy. But in 2014, over 75% of Americans (and 84% worldwide in 2010) self-described themselves as having a religious affiliation. Another substantially growing group consider themselves spiritual, though not affiliated or have “fallen away” from their original religious practice. Scientific findings though rationally convincing often have less power to move people in their decision making, or perspectives, than faith. In the past, this has often led to land damage rather than health, but as shown by Pope Francis’s recent actions, this paradigm is shifting. Leopold was a student of the Bible, and he observed that the Mosaic Decalogue of the Ten Commandments dealt with humans’ relationships with each other in society. Leopold stated that the human ethical relationship to the land community was an evolving process, just as was human-to-human morality, mentioning the evolvement of human understanding that slavery is wrong. Leopold, in his “Land Ethic” essay, cited that leading thinkers in the Bible, the prophets (such as Ezekiel and Isaiah), urged deeper understandings.

It was supposed to be a day of short, easy paddles and portages. But that is before the winds show up, gale force and pummeling wave after wave against us, determined to lock us down on the island. We pull our three canoes laden with children and camping gear along the edges of the rocky shore to try to find an easier launching point. The teens then take steering positions, as we throw our shoulders into our paddles and dig, over, and over into those icy blasts of heavy, strong-armed water. Any lapse sends the canoe back. One slip of weight, and we’ll tip, losing all our gear, and we’ll have to struggle to stay alive against hypothermia, even in August. We’re tired. We’re cold. And we’re swearing against the powers that push at us, testing us. But we’re alive and we know it. We feel it in our bones and spirit like never at home. And we’re so darned grateful to be here. This is the wilderness. No directions came with this country—the Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness (BWCA) between Minnesota and Ontario. They could have been so easily lost. In the 1930s and 1940s, Aldo Leopold, Sigurd Olson, and other lovers of the outdoors saw these granite-sheathed lakes for what they were—places of rugged beauty and unspoiled wild communities that once developed could not be recovered. They called a halt to unthinking “progress” for a chance to rest in what was and preserve it for the future. Leopold explained that “Recreation is valuable in proportion to the degree to which it differs from and contrasts with workaday life.” So if Leopold were here, what progress would he note on the wilderness front, where the waves of progress push so hard against the concept? First, he would have admired the persistence of his comrade Howard Zahniser from the Wilderness Society. How “Zahnie” patiently built partnerships over his ten years as secretary of the Society and then persevered for another nine crafting the Wilderness Act. He endured 65 drafts and all the associated lobbying of Congress.

When the island of Cyprus was divided and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was formed, the majority of the finest tourist facilities and beaches were in the north, as was much of the best farming land. Today Northern Cyprus is a beautiful and hospitable country not visited enough by Western tourists, but highly rewarding to those who do visit there. Ancient Salamis is the most impressive and extensive site in Northern Cyprus, and the most visited. More than any of the other archaeological sites on Cyprus, north or south, Salamis reveals the nature of Roman life on the island. Salamis is only 6 miles north of Gazimagusa/Famagusta, some 40 miles east of Girne, and 30 miles east of the Ercan airport. Follow the signs to Gazimagusa, then to ancient Salamis. A small road turns off to the right toward the sea; the entrance to the site is behind a small restaurant overlooking the fine beach and beautiful water beyond, a delightful place for a cooling drink after touring the ruins. In the summer it is likely to be quite hot at the site (and dehydrating), so it is best to arrive early. Perhaps plan on viewing the St. Barnabas monastery and church during the heat of the day. Salamis took its name and its Mycenaean culture from the Greek island of the same name (close to the Athenian port of Piraeus). By the 8th century B.C.E. it was already the leading city-state of the ten others on Cyprus. The city led in the rebellion against the Persians at the battle of Salamis (5th century B.C.E.), which was lost largely because of the defection of the city-state of Kourion. Salamis later supported Alexander the Great in his wars with the Persians, and it subsequently prospered for a brief time. But when Ptolemy I, one of the successors to Alexander, besieged the city, its last king, Nicocreon, committed suicide rather than surrender. His remaining relatives did the same, burning down the palace in the process. During the Roman period Salamis remained an important trading center, though Paphos was the new capital and developed a large Jewish population.

Constipation is common among older adults, in general. However, it is very common among people with Lewy body disorders, and the reason is dysautonomia. Lewy body disorders tend to impair control of gut motility by the autonomic nervous system. At the stomach level, bloating may develop when the stomach fails to empty into the upper small intestine. At the other end, constipation is the consequence of Lewy processes affecting motility in the colon. Colon motility (peristalsis) is what moves the remnants of digested food (stool) to the rectum for expulsion. These regions are shown in Figure 15.1. Drugs that block the neurotransmitter acetylcholine are notorious for worsening constipation; these include medications used to treat urinary urgency (overactive bladder). All of the anticholinergic drugs for bladder overactivity that were listed in Table 12.1 cause constipation, as does another bladder drug, trospium (Sanctura). The tricyclic drugs for depression shown in Table 12.1 have variable anticholinergic properties and also tend to be constipating. One needs to balance benefits against the side effect of constipation if considering these medications. In the setting of DLB or PDD, constipation is typically due to autonomic nervous system dysfunction, often exacerbated by medication side effects. However, there are exceptions and the primary care clinician or internist should consider whether colonoscopy is appropriate. This procedure involves inserting a scope into the anus and then advancing the instrument to visualize the entire colon. In this way hidden colon cancers are detected before they become deadly. It is common knowledge that several natural remedies help prevent constipation: fruits, vegetables, fluids, and fiber. Individuals with constipation should make sure that their diet includes adequate fruits, which make a good snack. Meals should include vegetables, such as green beans, peas, and squash; catsup and potatoes do not count as vegetables. Intake of six to eight tall glasses of water, juice, or other fluids may help maintain moisture in the stool, making it easier to pass. Finally, fiber needs to be included in the diet in order to give the stool bulk. These strategies are often insufficient for persons with Lewy disorders, and additional measures are often necessary.

Persian Asia Minor had experienced upheavals since the late stages of the Peloponnesian War. When the Spartans emerged victorious from that contest, with the financial help of the Persian king, they soon set out on a program of liberation. But their leadership was corrupt and their methods of controlling the Greek city-states oppressive—Spartan garrisons were imposed under a commander called a harmost, and boards of ten (dekarchies) ruled the cities. Persia successfully removed the Spartan menace, but the Achaemenids were themselves soon threatened by an uprising known as the Great Satraps’ Revolt. Some of the rebels sought refuge at the court of Philip II of Macedon, who later sent an expeditionary force to Asia Minor in the spring of 336. Although this force of 10,000 accomplished little, it was followed in 334 by a full-scale invasion by Alexander the Great, who defeated the armies of a satrapal coalition at the River Granicus. Although Memnon of Rhodes emerged as the leading defender of Persian interests in the West, many of the empire’s leading commanders fell on the battlefield or soon afterward. It was an ill omen for the future of Achaemenid Asia Minor.

This chapter addresses the years between Henry III's return from Gascony in 1243 and his departure again for the duchy ten years later, which form a discrete period in his personal rule, although one separated by his decision in 1250 to take the cross. Henry could claim many positive achievements. The most visible, of course, was the rebuilding of Westminster Abbey. Very hands on when it came to money, Henry managed in these years to keep going by cash or credit and in the early 1250s to save up a considerable treasure. Unfortunately, this is far from the whole picture. These were years of increasing tension and division. Henry suffered a series of bruising defeats over episcopal elections and had a bishop of Winchester forced on him by the pope. The establishment of his Lusignan half-brothers proved far more disruptive than that of the Savoyards, partly because of their own behaviour, partly because they seemed to suck up far too much from a diminishing pool of royal patronage. One result was factional struggles at court which sometimes pitched Henry against his queen. Another was the growing perception that England was being tyrannized by greedy and lawless foreigners. Ultimately, this was a decisive period in the development of parliament.

In an unpublished manuscript Turing anticipated by nearly thirty years the basic ideas behind the theory of algorithmic randomness, using a computationally constrained version of ‘measure theory’ to answer a question posed by Émile Borel in number theory: this question concerned constructing what are called ‘absolutely normal’ numbers. In this chapter we explain what these mysterious terms mean, and what Turing did. Mathematicians have always been fascinated with patterns in numbers. At an early stage in our education we learn about the special nature of decimal expansions of ‘rational numbers’, fractions that we can write in the form m/n, for some whole numbers m and n with n ≠ 0. The Greeks proved that some numbers, such as √2, 3√7 and √2 + √3 are not rational—indeed, it can be shown that ‘most’ numbers (in a precise mathematical sense) are irrational. It can be shown that a real number is rational if and only if it has a finite decimal expansion, or a decimal expansion that repeats from some point onwards; for example, 1/4 = 0.25 and 3/7 = 0.428571 428571 428571... . Note that we can also think of 1/4 as a repeating decimal, 0.25000000. . . ; we can also write it as 0.24999999 ... , but for simplicity we ignore such ambiguities. We can also count using bases different from 10. The binary system uses base 2, where each place in the representation corresponds to a power of 2; for example, just as 2301 in the decimal system refers to (2 × 103) + (3 × 102) + (0 × 101) + (1 × 100), so in base 2 the decimal number 13 = (1 × 23) + (1 × 22) + (0 × 21) + (1 × 20) is represented by 1101. In base 3 we use only the numbers 0, 1, 2 and express numbers using powers of 3, so the decimal number 25 = (2 × 32) + (2 × 31) + (1 × 30) is represented by 221. Note that when we use bases larger than 10 we have to invent extra symbols to represent the larger ‘digits’; for example, in base 12 we might use the digits 0, 1, 2, . . . , 9, T, E, with T and E representing ‘ten’ and ‘eleven’.

A sustainable green economy simultaneously values the importance of natural resources and inclusive, equitable, and healthy opportunities for all communities. A green job, also called a green-collar job is, according to the United Nations Environment Program, "work in agricultural, manufacturing, research and development, administrative, and service activities that contribute(s) substantially to preserving or restoring environmental quality. Specifically, but not exclusively, this includes jobs that help to protect ecosystems and biodiversity; reduce energy, materials, and water consumption through high efficiency strategies; de-carbonize the economy; and minimize or altogether avoid generation of all forms of waste and pollution." Turkey, an OECD country, also has some green jobs and employment. The main purpose of this study is to explore the trends in the emergence of green jobs sector and also to investigate the reflections of these developments on the employment rates in Turkey. The potential for green jobs exist in countries at all levels of economic development. Investments and programs to promote green jobs can be targeted at those who tend to need them most; young people, women and poor in Turkey.

LCA is a method that systematically evaluates environmental impacts attributed to the building by quantifying environmental inputs and outputs over the lifecycle of buildings. LCA facilitates a sophisticated assessment procedure to promote eco-efficient designs to reduce environmental impacts. Although building-related LCAs are well-rooted in developed counties, it is challenging to disclose evidence of LCA application in Sri Lanka as a developing country. Therefore, this study aims to compare drivers that promote the application of LCA in developed countries and Sri Lanka to determine the deviation between two contexts. The qualitative research approach was adopted, and expert interviews were conducted with ten experts from Sri Lanka and nine LCA experts representing developed countries. The results indicated that 'identifying opportunities to improve environmental sustainability,' discovering energy-saving opportunities' etc. are the mostly identified drivers related to developed countries. In contrast, the mostly identified drivers in Sri Lanka were limited to two as 'growing industrial interest to build more green buildings' and 'as a new tool for R&D'. Initiation of strong government policies and effective incentive mechanisms, rising awareness on LCA, etc. identified as strategies to bridge the deviation between Sri Lanka from developed countries context in the implementation of LCA.