Thèses sur le sujet « Haiti »

Orientador: Silvia Beatriz Adoue
Resumo: No contexto econômico e político em que se encontra o Haiti nos dias atuais, a ajuda que se oferece ali está diretamente ligada ao projeto de sociedade que pretende se desenvolver e esse espaço está em disputa. A agricultura haitiana absorve grandes esforços na recuperação do país, embora esses esforços sejam pouco eficientes na promoção da soberania alimentar naquele país. Para entender qual papel desempenham as diversas concepções de cooperação internacional e qual seus efeitos sobre a vida das pessoas, fizemos um resgate histórico da situação haitiana, abordando a forma como se deu a ocupação e colonização da ilha, os reflexos da primeira revolução vitoriosa de trabalhadores escravizados e como se desenvolveu o capitalismo dependente haitiano. A forma violenta como foi implantado, por meio de endividamento, golpes de estado e da longa ditadura Duvalier, excluiu uma grande massa de trabalhadores desse processo, que se concentraram nas montanhas, a garantir seu sustento, ou migraram, para garantir a reprodução de sua vida. A agricultura desenvolvida nos montes é dependente da natureza, pois as tecnologias não estão disponíveis para implantação nas pequenas posses haitianas, ela por sua vez dá sinais de esgotamento, iminência da catástrofe. Para garantir sua sobrevivência, as formas de organização do povo haitiano e sua cultura em si, o Kreyol, o Vodou e o Lakou, podem ser importantes instrumentos para construção da resistência haitiana, desde que organizados sob uma perspect... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Mestre

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Nan contèks ekonomik ak politik nap jwenn Ayiti jounen jodiya, èd yo konn ofri là ap liye dirèkman nan pwojè sosiyete yo vle devlople epi espas sa a se an diskisyon li ye. Agrikilti ayisyen an absòbe anpil jefò nan rekiperasyon peyi a, malgre jefò sa yo pa tèlman efikaz pou ankoraje soverente alimantè nan peyi a. Pou nou kapab konpran ki wòl jwe pliziè pwen de vi sou kowoperasyon entenasyonal la epi ki efè yo genyen nan lavi moun yo, nou fè yon revizyon istorik sou sitiasyon ayisyen, ki abòde jann okipasyon ak kolonizasyon te fè nan zile a, refleksyon pou la premye revolisyon viktorye fèt pou travayè esklav yo epi koman kapitalis depandan ayisyen an te devlope. Jan violan li te deplwaye, a dèt, koudetà epi long diktati Duvalier, tout sa yo mete deyò yon gwo mas travayè, ki te konsantre nan mòn yo, oubyen yo te migre, pou garanti mwayen pou yo viv. Agrikilti kap devlope nan mòn yo se depandan lanati li ye, paske teknoloji yo pa disponib pou yo mete kanpe li nan ti pòs tè ayisyen. Mètnan agrikilti sa a bay si fatig, iminans catastwòf la. Pou garanti mwayen pou yo viv, fòm oganizasyon pèp ayisyen yo ak kilti tèt li, Kreyol, Vodou ak Lakou, se zouti enpòtan pou konstwi rezistans ayisyen, depi yo oganize nan yon pèrspektiv liberasyon, pa de opresyon, tankou yo te itilize nan tann ki sot pase yo. Fòk nou rekonèt epi valorize yo. Prezans entenasyonal an Ayiti lap defye, sitou sou wòl li jwe nan rekonstriksyon, wòl yo pwoklame, men yo pajanm reyalize. ONG yo ak Entenasyonal Kominote, kap travay pou diminye prekarizasyon lavi pèp ayisyen, ap apeze opresyon tipik kapital la, fonksyone tankou zouti kominote por neyoliberalism La, epi yo pa sous finansman ak fòmasyon, ki kapab fè enfliyans resistans ayisyen an. Ensenble peyi Sid yo kapab enfliyans peyizaj sa a, depi yap voye kontenjan militè yo pou yo antretyen lòd la, atravè Misyon Nasyonzini yo.Pandan sa a, Mouvman Sosyal yo ki konpran ke fòk fè pouse solidarite ant pèp yo, yo chèche egzèsis li, yap etabli lyen ant yo epi yap chanje eksperians, kapasite, fòmasyon ak travay. Se konsa Via Campesina te ne, epi se konsa li etabli nan Amerik Latin nan, espesyalman an Ayiti. Se sa yo ki gwo diferans ant aksyon ki emplwaye pou kowoperasyon entenasyonal la ak solidarite ouvriye yo: entansyon, pratik ak objèktif yo.
No contexto econômico e político em que se encontra o Haiti nos dias atuais, a ajuda que se oferece ali está diretamente ligada ao projeto de sociedade que pretende se desenvolver e esse espaço está em disputa. A agricultura haitiana absorve grandes esforços na recuperação do país, embora esses esforços sejam pouco eficientes na promoção da soberania alimentar naquele país. Para entender qual papel desempenham as diversas concepções de cooperação internacional e qual seus efeitos sobre a vida das pessoas, fizemos um resgate histórico da situação haitiana, abordando a forma como se deu a ocupação e colonização da ilha, os reflexos da primeira revolução vitoriosa de trabalhadores escravizados e como se desenvolveu o capitalismo dependente haitiano. A forma violenta como foi implantado, por meio de endividamento, golpes de estado e da longa ditadura Duvalier, excluiu uma grande massa de trabalhadores desse processo, que se concentraram nas montanhas, a garantir seu sustento, ou migraram, para garantir a reprodução de sua vida. A agricultura desenvolvida nos montes é dependente da natureza, pois as tecnologias não estão disponíveis para implantação nas pequenas posses haitianas, ela por sua vez dá sinais de esgotamento, iminência da catástrofe. Para garantir sua sobrevivência, as formas de organização do povo haitiano e sua cultura em si, o Kreyol, o Vodou e o Lakou, podem ser importantes instrumentos para construção da resistência haitiana, desde que organizados sob uma perspectiva libertadora, e não opressora, como já foram utilizados em outras épocas. É preciso reconhecê-los e valorizá-los. A atuação Internacional no Haiti tem sido contestada, principalmente quanto ao seu papel reconstrutor, tão clamado, mas raramente realizado. As ONGs e a Internacional Comunitária, trabalhando para diminuir a precariedade em que vive o povo haitiano, aplacando a opressão típica do capital, funcionam como instrumentos comunitários do neoliberalismo e não como fontes de recursos e formação capazes de influenciar na resistência haitiana. O conjunto de países do Sul também influencia nesse cenário, fornecendo contingentes militares para manutenção da Ordem, através das Missões das Nações Unidas. Os movimentos sociais, por sua vez, entendendo que deve haver uma crescente solidariedade entre os povos, buscam exercitá-la, estabelecendo laços entre si e trocando experiências, capacidades, formação e trabalho. Assim nasce a Via Campesina, e assim se estabelece na América Latina, e especialmente no Haiti. Essa é a grande diferença entre as ações empregadas pela cooperação internacional e a solidariedade proletária: as intenções, práticas e objetivos.
In the economical and political context in which we found Haiti nowadays, the help offered there is directly linked to the project of society intended to be developed, and this space is in dispute. The Haitian agriculture absorbs great efforts in the recovery of the country, although these efforts tend to be inefficient in the promotion of the food sovereignty there. To understand the role of a variety of conceptions of international cooperation and what are their effects over the life of the people, we have make a historical rescue of the Haitian situation, addressing the way how occupation and colonization of the island occurred, the reflections of the first victorious revolution of slavered workers and how has the Haitian dependent capitalism developed. The violent way it was implemented, through debt, coups d’état, and with the long Duvalier dictatorship, excluded a great mass of workers, who concentrated in the mountains, ensuring their livelihood, or migrated ensuring the reproduction of their lives. The agriculture they develop in the mountains depends on the nature, once the technologies are not available to be used in the little Haitian ownerships. Meanwhile, nature gives signs of exhaustion, impending catastrophe. In order to guarantee their survival, the ways Haitian people organize themselves and their culture itself, the Kreyol, the Vodou and the Lakou, can be important instruments to build the Haitian resistance, if they’re organized by a liberating perspective, not oppressing, like it was used in the past. We need to recognize them and enrich them. The international acting in Haiti has been contested, mainly because it's rebuilding so claimed role is rarely accomplished. The NGOs and the Communal International, working to reduce the precariousness in which Haitian people live, placating typical oppression of capital, behave like communal instruments of neoliberalism and not like funding and education sources, capable of actuate in the Haitian resistance. The ensemble of the South countries also accounts for this scenario, sending military contingents to maintain the order, through United Nations Missions. Meanwhile, social movements, knowing that there must be a growing solidarity between the people, search to exercise it, establishing links between them and exchanging experiences, capacities, education and work. That is how Via Campesina is born, and that is how it establishes through Latin America, especially in Haiti. Those are the great differences between the actions employed by the international cooperation and the proletarian solidarity: the intentions, the actions and the goals.
En el contexto económico y político en que se encuentra Haití actualmente, la ayuda que se ofrece allí está directamente enlazada al proyecto de sociedad que se busca desarrollar y ese espacio está en disputa. La agricultura haitiana absorbe grandes esfuerzos en la recuperación del país, aún que ellos sean poco eficaces en la búsqueda de la soberanía alimentar en aquel país. Para comprender cuál es el juego de roles de los diversos conceptos de cooperación internacional y cual son sus efectos sobre la vida de las personas, hicimos un rescate histórico de la situación haitiana, como se pasan la ocupación y la colonización de la isla, los reflejos de la primera revolución victoriosa de trabajadores esclavizados y como se desarrolló el capitalismo dependiente haitiano. La forma violenta como fue implantado, por medio del endeudamiento, golpes de estado y de la longa dictadura Duvalier, excluyó una gran masa de trabajadores, que se concentraran en las montañas, a garantizar su sustento, o migraran, para asegurar la reproducción de su vida. La agricultura hecha en los montes es dependiente de la naturaleza, porque las tecnologías no están disponibles en las pequeñas tenencias haitianas, ella por su parte da señales de agotamiento, inminencia de la catástrofe. Para garantizar su sobrevivencia, las formas de organización del pueblo haitiano e su cultura en si, el Kreyol, el Vodou y el Lakou, poden ser importantes instrumentos para la construcción de la resistencia haitiana, siempre que organizados bajo una perspectiva libertadora, y no opresora, como han sido ya utilizados. Se hace necesario reconocerlos y valorizarlos. La actuación internacional en Haití ha sido contestada, principalmente cuanto a su rol reconstructor, tan clamado, pero raramente cumplido. Las ONGs y la Internacional Comunitaria, trabajando para disminuir la precariedad en que vive el pueblo haitiano, apaciguando la opresión típica del capital, funcionan como instrumentos comunitarios del neoliberalismo y no como fuentes de recursos y formación capaces de influenciar la resistencia haitiana. El conjunto de países del Sur también influencia este escenario, forneciendo contingentes militares para manutención de la orden, por medio de las Misiones de las Naciones Unidas. Los movimientos sociales, por su lado, comprendiendo que debe haber una creciente solidaridad entre los pueblos, buscan ejercitarla, estableciendo lazos entre si y cambiando experiencias, capacidades, formación y trabajo. Así nasce la Vía Campesina, y así se establece en la América Latina, y especialmente en Haití. Esa es la gran diferencia entre las acciones empleadas por la cooperación internacional y la solidaridad proletaria: las intenciones, prácticas y objetivos.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Sócio-Econômico, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Economia, Florianópolis, 2017.
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A globalização desempenha um papel de intensificação na interdependência entre os diferentes territórios. Alguns autores identificam que uma importante referência para a compreensão da natureza mutável do comércio internacional e da organização industrial está relacionada à noção de cadeia de valor global. Assim, a dinâmica do capitalismo globalizado faz emergir com destaque o campo de estudos associado às "Cadeias globais de valor". Estudiosos, governos e organizações internacionais acreditam que a integração de atividades nacionais em atividades de escala global pode levar a upgrading econômico que proporciona melhores empregos e melhoria nas condições de vida das populações, entre outras vantagens. Este trabalho mostra que o turismo é uma atividade de escala global e que se caracteriza como um dos maiores setores econômicos de mais rápido crescimento no mundo. Um tipo de turismo que sustenta de maneira crescente esse setor refere-se às atividades dos cruzeiros marítimos, sendo o Caribe, do qual faz parte o Haiti, o primeiro mercado global em termos de chegadas de cruzeiros. Apesar de o Haiti representar um ambiente de instabilidade política e econômica durante décadas, observa-se que algumas de suas atividades econômicas são integradas em cadeias globais de valor. O estudo revela que o Haiti, antes da década de 80, era o primeiro destino turístico do Caribe, e que a partir desta década o turismo balneário haitiano tornou-se crescentemente integrado à cadeia global do turismo representado pelos cruzeiros, notadamente com as atividades da companhia Royal Caribbean, em atuação em Labadee, no norte do país. Enquanto isso, o turismo interno declinou drasticamente, durante várias décadas. Uma integração do turismo interno haitiano na cadeia global de turismo com a construção de vários hotéis de marcas internacionais foi observado só a partir de 2012, dois anos após o terremoto. O trabalho mostra que a forma de integração do Haiti na cadeia global de turismo, especialmente com a atuação da companhia Royal Caribbean em Labadee, não proporciona, realmente, upgrading econômico para o Haiti. Todavia, os projetos presentes e futuros valorizam quase todas as ilhas do Haiti no sentido de uma maior integração do turismo haitiano à cadeia global de valor, reproduzindo a forma de atuação da Royal Caribbean em outros territórios do país. Isso ocorre ao mesmo tempo em que há carência de projetos para uma maior integração do turismo interno do país, mais vinculado à cultura do povo e a outras atividades econômicas. Uma integração maior do tipo de turismo interno haitiano à cadeia global de turismo poderia permitir ao Haiti reter ganhos crescentes.

Abstract : Globalization plays an increasing role in the interdependence between different territories. Some authors identify that an important reference for understanding the changing nature of international trade and industrial organization is related to the notion of the global value chain. Thus, the dynamics of globalized capitalism highlights the field of studies associated with "Global value chains". Scholars, governments and international organizations believe that integrating national activities into global scale activities can lead to economic upgrading that provides better jobs and improved living conditions among populations, among other advantages. This work shows that tourism is a global scale activity and is characterized as one of the largest fastest growing economic sectors in the world. One type of tourism that sustains this sector increasingly refers to the activities of cruise ships, with the Caribbean, which includes Haiti, the first global market in terms of cruise arrivals. Although Haiti represents an environment of political and economic instability for decades, it is noted that some of its economic activities are integrated into global value chains. The study reveals that Haiti, before the 1980s, was the Caribbean's first tourist destination, and that from this decade Haitian seaside tourism has become increasingly integrated with the global tourism chain represented by cruises, notably with the activities of Company Royal Caribbean, operating in Labadee, in the north of the country. Meanwhile, domestic tourism has declined dramatically for several decades. An integration of Haitian domestic tourism into the global tourism chain with the construction of several international brand hotels was only observed from 2012, two years after the earthquake. The work shows that Haiti's integration into the global tourism chain, especially with the Royal Caribbean company in Labadee, does not really provide economic upgrading for Haiti. However, present and future projects value almost every island in Haiti to further integrate Haitian tourism into the global value chain, replicating the way Royal Caribbean operates in other territories of the country. This occurs at the same time that there is a lack of projects for the greater integration of domestic tourism in the country, more linked to the culture of the people and other economic activities. Greater integration of the type of Haitian domestic tourism into the global tourism chain could allow Haiti to withstand increasing gains.

HAITI, 1965 is a historical novel set in Haiti where a struggling taxi driver, Raymond L’Eveillé, struggles to provide for his family under the rule of the infamous dictator François Duvalier Sr. Raymond’s brother Nicolas, a professor and attorney, lives a more luxurious lifestyle, and both brothers are at odds over finances. When Nicolas decides to write a book about the crimes committed by the government, the inevitable happens. The brutal Tonton Macoutes militia raid his home and find notes that are as evidence enough to send him to Haiti's most notorious gulag of the era, Fort Dimanche, It will be up to Raymond to save his brother. He will have to use his resources and street smarts to get himself arrested, infiltrate the dungeons of Fort Dimanche to find Nicolas, and plan a near-impossible escape.

[From introduction] The devastation of Haiti is not a simple matter of bad luck. Earthquakes, like storms and epidemics, hit the poor with vastly more force than the rich. Much of the press coverage of the catastrophe in Haiti has wilfully disregarded the history of how Haiti was made poor and kept poor by, above all, the same American elites that are now dispensing charity, soldiers and advice. Racism has often been close to the surface or even grinning hideously far above it

Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera Aftonbladets och Expressens rapportering av Haiti under en specifik historisk tidpunkt och undersöka om och i så fall på vilka sätt postkoloniala diskurser om Väst och De Andra präglar denna rapportering. Det empiriska materialet består av 99 artiklar som alla berör jordbävningskatastrofen i Haiti och som publicerats i Expressen och Aftonbladet under tidsperioden 13 januari 2010 till och med 22 januari 2010. Uppsatsens analyser visar att det universalistiska likhetsideal som merparten av artiklarna appellerar till är samma likhetsideal som samtidigt konstruerar Haiti som annorlunda och haitierna som De Andra. Det blir tydligt hur motsägelsefulla resonemang får mening genom eurocentriska dikotomier mellan västerländsk överordning och haitisk underordning. Föreställningar om ett rationellt, civiliserat, pålitligt och godhjärtat Väst tillåts att frodas i relation till ett Haiti iscensatt som passivt, farligt, korrumperat, opålitligt och laglöst. Bistånd, hjälparbete och militära interventioner framställs därför inte bara som en direkt aktion för att hjälpa de drabbade av jordbävningen utan också som ett medel för att hjälpa Haiti in i civilisationen med universalistiska värden och en utopisk självbild som ledstjärna.

Cette thèse est consacrée à la problématique de l’histoire en Haïti contemporain. Basée sur un total de un an et demi de recherche de terrain dans la commune de Milot, au nord d’Haïti, ainsi que des investigations dans des archives en France, en Haïti et aux États-Unis, nous proposons une anthropologie de l’histoire ou, plus spécifiquement une anthropologie des connaissances, des pratiques et des représentations qui font du passé quelque chose de significatif
This thesis is an investigation about the problem of history in contemporary Haiti. Drawing from a total of one year and a half of fieldwork in the commune of Milot, Norther Haiti, as well as archival research in France, Haiti and the United States, I propose an anthropology of history or, more specifically, an anthropology of knowledge, practice and representations that assert different meanings to the past

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar as mudanças políticas, sociais e econômicas ocorridas no Haiti entre os anos de 2004 e 2008, desde o estabelecimento de uma operação de manutenção da paz da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) no país. Para que os efeitos da Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH), como é chamada tal operação, sejam conhecidos, uma análise bibliográfica é realizada. A ela, soma-se a análise de documentos e informações - estes, por sua vez, recolhidos através de trabalho de campo realizado durante viagem de estudos da pesquisadora ao Haiti. O trabalho apresenta, em um primeiro momento, um panorama da situação haitiana, com vistas à construção de um aporte teórico que possibilite o estudo do caso. Tendo a debilidade estatal como variável explicativa da crise social, econômica e política instaurada no Haiti no ano 2000 - crise esta que embasa a intervenção internacional - o processo de construção do Estado haitiano e a interação entre poder, autoritarismo e cultura da força são abordados. O intuito é demonstrar como essas variáveis se combinam, dando origem à crise e colocando-se como obstáculos à sua resolução. Em um segundo momento, são estudadas as operações de manutenção da paz da ONU como um todo. A ênfase é dada às operações ocorridas no período pós Guerra Fria, devido a seu caráter multidisciplinar, do qual a MINUSTAH é representante. Neste ponto, são analisados os desafios impostos pelas mudanças ocorridas no mecanismo, com vistas à sua equiparação posterior ao caso haitiano. Por fim, em um terceiro momento, a Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas é estudada em maior profundidade; determinando-se seus antecedentes e condicionantes, para que, em seguida, sua atuação durante os primeiros quatro anos seja analisada. Através deste trabalho, é possível perceber a importância da presença da MINUSTAH em território haitiano. A missão teve, de fato, papel relevante para o alcance e a manutenção de um ambiente estável e seguro no país, além de ter proporcionado oportunidades de diálogo político entre as partes conflitantes. No entanto, muitos ainda são os obstáculos que se impõem ao sucesso da missão, não apenas nos quesitos securitários e políticos, mas principalmente no que diz respeito aos desafios sociais e econômicos impostos ao Haiti.
The present study seeks to present the political, social and economical changes in course in Haiti between the years 2004 and 2008, since the establishment of a United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operation in the country. In order to show the effects of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), as the mission is called, a bibliographical analysis is carried out. To it, it is added an analysis of documents and information - these, in their turn, gathered through a work in the field carried out during a study trip of the researcher to Haiti. The study presents, at a first moment, a view of the Haitian situation, in order to construct a theoretical approach that makes the study of the case possible. Considering the state weakness as an explicative variable of the social, economical and political crisis set up in the country in the year 2000 - a crisis that serves as a basis to the international intervention - the process of construction of the Haitian state and the interaction between power, authoritarianism and culture of force are brought to study. The objective is to demonstrate how these variables go together, originating the crisis and becoming obstacles to its resolution. At a second moment, the UN peacekeeping operations are studied as a whole. The emphasis is given to the operations that are carried out during the post-Cold War period, due to its multidisciplinary character, of which MINUSTAH is representative. At this moment, the challenges imposed by the changes in the mechanism are studied, in order to subsequently equate them to the Haitian case. Finally, at a third moment, the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti is deeply analyzed; its records and restrictions are determined, so that its actions in the field during the first four years can be analyzed next. Through this study, it is possible to understand the importance of the presence of MINUSTAH in the Haitian territory. The mission had, in fact, a relevant role in reaching and maintaining a stable and secure environment in the country, besides having provided opportunities of political dialogue between the conflicting parts. However, there are still many obstacles to the success of the mission, not only to security and politics aspects, but specially to the social and economic challenges imposed to Haiti.

Architecture is a functional art with numerous competing requirements. What are the roles for limitations in architecture? Is it enough to simply make a "good building"? Can architecture spring solely from that which is required, or is more necessary?
Master of Architecture

Throughout the United States occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, the U.S. government and its supporters were forced to defend the legitimacy of American action. In order to justify it to the American public, officials and journalists created a dichotomy of capacity between an inferior Haiti and a superior U.S., and they presented the occupation as a charitable civilizing mission. This vision of Haiti and Haitians was elaborated in a racialized discourse wherein Haitians were assigned various negative traits that rendered them incapable of self-government. In examining how the New York Times, the National Geographic Magazine, and the Crisis represented Haiti, I demonstrate how race was the primary signifier, and how these representations were used to either perpetuate or challenge the American racial social hierarchy.

On January 12, 2010, the Caribbean nation of Haiti suffered from one of the most devastating earthquake in recent history. The purpose of this study is to explore representations of Haiti in Western news media coverage of the disaster. The researcher utilized Jiwani’s (2006) theoretical framework of common sense stock knowledge to explore the relationship between the Western news media and Haiti, with an emphasis on media framing. Additionally, the method of journalistic discourse analysis was employed as a means of analyzing the 90 article sample. The researcher found that there were several frames that dominated coverage of the disaster which resulted in the marginalization of Haiti and Haitians.

Cette dissertation a pour objectif la présentation et l'analyse du fonctionnement de l'Université de l'État de Haïti - unique université publique du pays - et de son passé de lutte, de confrontation et de résistance, qui continue profondément mal-connu de ses voisins latino-américains, y-compris du Brésil. Il est notoire de préciser que cette méconnaissance ne se limite pas à l'Université haïtienne en particulier, mais s'étend au pays dans son ensemble. Dont la compréhension plus complexe et profonde est limitée par une couverture médiatique essentiellement caractérisée par l'exacerbation du tropicalisme (de l'exotisme), de la pauvreté ou de la tragédie haïtienne. À cette réalité s'ajoute le fait que depuis le tremblement de terre de janvier 2010, Haïti a fait l'objet d'une série de discours ethnocentriques utilisés afin de justifier des politiques qui ne peuvent être qualifiées autrement que de colonialistes dans la mesure où se définissent comme le cheminement ou des instruments permettant de sauver le pays d'une supposée incapacité d'exiger par lui-même, voir de résoudre de manière autonome ses propres problèmes. Ce point du vue qui prévaut dans la majorité des discours internationaux, au delà de corroborer la thèse de la profonde précarité du pays en général ainsi que de son université publique en particulier, nous semble n'être que l'héritage de discours coloniaux qui légitiment l'exploitation d'un peuple par un autre. Il nous semble également que l'existence même d'une institution "d'élite", comme est perçue l'Université dans un milieu associé à la misère et à la privation est source d'inconfort, de perplexité et de confusion auprès de ceux qui se considèrent comme les créateurs légitimes de cette institution et gardiens de ses attributions et devoirs. Tout se passe comme si pays qui figure sur la liste des plus pauvres du monde, engagé dans la lutte contre la faim et les maladies, ne pouvait se "payer le luxe" d'avoir une Université et encore moins de revendiquer le droit d'avoir une Université distincte. Cette situation inconfortable de l'Université de l'état de Haïti a été détectée et analysée par diverses agences, ONGs, instituts internationaux de recherche et gouvernements étrangers impliqués en tant qu'auxiliaires de la reconstruction de Haïti et de son université. Ce point de vue, bien qu'ayant déjà été énoncé avant le tremblement de terre de 2010, a gagné du crédit après la tragédie. Tout se passe comme si la précarité de l'éducation haïtienne de l'après tremblement de terre devait inéluctablement rendre compte à des centaines d'organisations étrangères présentes dans le pays, justifiant leur existence, leur raison d'exister dans le pays. La réalité haïtienne perd chaque fois un peu plus de terrain pour laisser place à un scénario inventé, raconté, photographié et reproduit au point de rendre nécessaire la divulgation d'une autre analyse et d'autres regards sur Haïti. C'est donc l'objet de cette dissertation sur l'Université Publique du pays qui sera constituée de deux chapitres: le premier, sera dédié à la présentation et à la compréhension de Haïti à partir d'analyses réalisées par les Haïtiens eux-mêmes, contrebalancées par la littérature post-coloniale, incluant les épisodes emblématiques de l'histoire de Haïti et la lutte contre les stéréotypes les plus fréquents aux haïtiens. Ce chapitre servira de fondement à l'analyse complexe de l'université haïtienne, qui constituera le thème central du second chapitre de cette dissertation. Dans ce second chapitre nous tenterons de vérifier comment l'université interagit avec son entourage, contribuant au renforcement de la démocratisation du pays et à la reconstruction du pays après le tremblement de terre. Les principales sources utilisées dans ce chapitre sont haïtiennes. Enfin, nous réaliserons une analyse critique du contenu des rapports internationaux qui proposent de diagnostiquer "les maux" et de prescrire les "remèdes" à l'Université d'état, ignorant le fait que son propre mouvement étudiant allié à d'autres mouvements sociaux, ont déjà étudié la question et proposé leurs propres conclusions. Nous espérons que ces points de vues contenus ne peuvent continuer à être réduits au silence, c'est pourquoi nous revendiquons le droit au cri.
Esta dissertação dedica-se à apresentação e análise da Universidade de Estado do Haiti - única Universidade Pública do país – e sua história de luta, confronto e resistência, que permanece profundamente desconhecida por seus vizinhos latino-americanos, entre os quais se inclui o Brasil. Entendemos que esse desconhecimento não está restrito à Universidade haitiana, em particular, mas estende-se ao país, de forma geral, cuja compreensão mais complexa e densa vem sendo obstaculizada por uma cobertura midiática que geralmente é marcada pela exacerbação do exotismo, da pobreza ou da tragédia haitiana. Sucede que, desde o terremoto de janeiro de 2010, o Haiti vem sendo alvo de uma série de discursos etnocêntricos, empenhados em justificar práticas que só podem ser definidas como coloniais na medida em que se apresentam como caminho/instrumento de salvação do país de uma suposta “impossibilidade de existir por si próprio” ou de “resolver seus próprios problemas”. Esses discursos, que povoam relatórios internacionais de todos os gêneros, além de inspirar receituários para a superação da suposta inviabilidade do país, em geral, e da precariedade de sua Universidade Pública, em particular, nos parecem herdeiros dos discursos coloniais que legitimavam a exploração de um povo sobre outro. Parece-nos, ainda, que a existência de uma instituição “de elite”, como é entendida a Universidade, em um contexto absolutamente periférico, associado à miséria e à privação, causa incômodo, perplexidade e confusão naqueles que se consideram os legítimos criadores de tal instituição e definidores de seus contornos e rumos. Tudo se passa como se um país que figura na lista dos mais pobres do mundo, engajado em não perecer de fome e doença, não pudesse “dar-se ao luxo” de ter uma Universidade e menos ainda de reclamar uma Universidade distinta. É nesse sentido que, nos parece, vem sendo percebida e analisada a Universidade de Estado do Haiti por uma série de agências multilaterais, ONGs, Institutos internacionais de pesquisa e governos estrangeiros, empenhados em “auxiliar a reconstrução do Haiti” e de sua Universidade, por meio de uma série de diagnósticos e recomendações que apesar de já virem sendo produzidos desde antes do terremoto de 2010, ganham reforços após a tragédia. Tudo se passa como se a precariedade da educação haitiana pós-terremoto estivesse a fornecer uma inelutável “razão de ser” às centenas de organizações estrangeiras presentes no país, justificando sua permanência e conferindo-lhes o reconhecimento e a importância buscados. O Haiti real perde cada vez mais espaço nesse cenário inventado, discursado, fotografado e reproduzido hermeticamente, a ponto de tornar-se imperiosa a divulgação de outras versões, outras dimensões, outros olhares sobre o Haiti. Aí se inscreve essa narrativa sobre a Universidade Pública no país que está dividida em dois capítulos: o primeiro, destinado à compreensão do Haiti a partir de análises feitas pelos próprios haitianos, temperada pela análise pós-colonial, e que compreende os episódios mais emblemáticos de sua história e a desconstrução dos estereótipos mais comumente atribuídos ao seu povo. Esse capítulo será a antessala para a análise complexa da Universidade Haitiana, que constitui o tema do segundo capítulo do trabalho. Nele, nossa proposta é a de verificar como a Universidade tem-se relacionado com seu entorno, contribuído para o fortalecimento democrático do país e para sua reconstrução no período pós-terremoto. As principais fontes utilizadas também nesse capítulo são haitianas. Ao final, conduzimos uma análise crítica do conteúdo dos relatórios internacionais que se propõem a diagnosticar “as doenças” e indicar “remédios” à Universidade de Estado, ignorando que seu próprio movimento estudantil, aliado a outros movimentos sociais, já vem trabalhando nesse sentido e produzindo suas próprias conclusões. Imaginamos que a palavra contida não será capaz de enfrentar o silencio que as mantem desconhecidas, por isso reivindicamos a potência e o drama do grito.
This dissertation is dedicated to the presentation and analysis of the State University of Haiti - the only public university in the country - and its history of struggle, resistance and confrontation, which remain deeply unknown to their Latin American neighbors, among which includes Brazil . We understand that this ignorance is not restricted to the University of Haiti, in particular, but extends to the country in general, whose more complex and dense understanding has been hampered by a media coverage that is usually marked by the exacerbation of exoticism, poverty or the Haitian tragedy. It follows that, since the earthquake of January 2010, Haiti has been the target of a series of ethnocentric speeches, committed to justify practices that can only be defined as colonialists as they present themselves as path / instrument of salvation of the country, alleged "unable to exist on its own" or "solve it´s own problems." These speeches, found in all sorts of international reports, are inspiring prescriptions for overcoming the supposed impracticability of the country in general, and the precariousness of their Public University, in particular, seem to be heirs of colonialist discourses that legitimized the exploitation of one people over another. It seems, though, that the existence of an "elite" institution, as the university is understood, in a context quite peripheral, associated with poverty and deprivation, cause annoyance, perplexity and confusion in those who consider themselves the legitimate builders of such institution and the designers of its contours and directions. It is as if a country that is on the list of the world's poorest, engaged in not perish from hunger and disease, could not "afford the luxury" of having an university, let alone claim a distinct University. In that sense, it seems, has been perceived and analyzed the State University of Haiti through a series of multilateral agencies, NGOs, international research institutes and foreign governments, committed to "assist the reconstruction of Haiti" and its University, through a series of diagnoses and recommendations, which despite already being produced since before the 2010 earthquake, gain reinforcements after the tragedy. It is as if the precariousness of the Haitian education post-earthquake was to provide an ineluctable "raison d'être" of hundreds of foreign organizations in the country, justifying his stay and giving them the recognition and importance fetched. The real Haiti loses more and more space in this invented, spoken, photographed and played tightly scenario, to the point of becoming compelling the disclosure of other versions, other dimensions, other looks on Haiti. There inscribes this narrative about the Public University on Haiti, that is divided into two chapters: the first, for the understanding of Haiti from analyzes made by the Haitians themselves, tempered by postcolonial analysis, and comprising the most iconic episodes of its history and deconstruction of stereotypes commonly attributed to his people. This chapter will be the anteroom to the complex analysis of Haitian University, which is the theme of the second chapter of the work. In it, our proposal is to see how the University has been related to its surroundings, contributed to strengthening democracy in the country and its reconstruction in post-earthquake scenario. The main sources used in this chapter are also Haitian. Finally, we conduct a critical analysis of the content of international reports that purport to diagnose "diseases" and indicate "remedies" to the University of the State, ignoring that it´s own student movement, combined with other social movements, has already been working in this direction and producing their own conclusions. We imagine that the contained word will not be able to face the silence that keeps Haiti unknown, so, we claim the power and the drama of a scream.
Esta disertación está dedicada a la presentación y análisis de la Universidad de Estado de Haití - la única universidad pública del país - y su historia de lucha, confrontación y resistencia, que sigue siendo profundamente desconocida para sus vecinos latinoamericanos, entre los que se incluye a Brasil. Entendemos que esta ignorancia no se limita a la Universidad de Haití, en particular, sino que se extiende al país en general, cuya comprensión más compleja y densa se ha visto obstaculizada por una cobertura mediática que suele estar marcada por la exacerbación del exotismo, de la pobreza o de la tragedia haitiana. De ello se desprende que, desde el terremoto de enero de 2010, Haití ha sido objeto de una serie de discursos etnocéntricos, comprometidos para justificar prácticas que sólo pueden ser definidos como coloniales uma vez que se presentan como ruta / instrumento de la salvación del país para una supuesta "incapacidad para existir por sí mismo" o "resolver sus propios problemas". Estos discursos, que proponen recetas para salir de una supuesta inviabilidad del país en general, y la precariedad de su Universidad Pública, en particular, parecen herederos de los discursos coloniales que legitimaban la explotación de un pueblo sobre otro. Parece, sin embargo, que la existencia de una institución "elite" como se entiende la universidad, en un contexto periférico, asociado a la pobreza y la privación, causa perplejidad y confusión en aquellos que se consideran a sí mismos los criadores legítimos de dicha institución y responsables por la definición de sus contornos y dirección. Es como si un país que está en la lista de los más pobres del mundo, dedicado a no perecer de hambre y enfermedad, no se pueda "permitirse el lujo" de tener una universidad y mucho menos pretender una universidad distinta. En ese sentido, al parecer, la Universidad del Estado de Haití ha sido percibida y analizada a través de una serie de organismos multilaterales, organizaciones no gubernamentales, institutos de investigación internacionales y gobiernos extranjeros, comprometidos a "ayudar a la reconstrucción de Haití" y su Universidad, a través de una serie de diagnósticos y recomendaciones, que sólo aumentaron después de el terremoto de 2010. Es como si la precariedad de la educación post-terremoto de Haití estuviera a proporcionar una ineluctable "raison d'être" de los cientos de organizaciones extranjeras en el país, lo que justifica su permanencia y les garantiza el reconocimiento y la importancia deseados. El Haití real pierde cada vez más espacio en este escenario inventado, hablado, fotografiado y reproducido herméticamente, hasta el punto en que la revelación convincente de otras versiones, otras dimensiones, otras miradas sobre Haití se torna imprescindible. Allí se inscribe esta narrativa de la Universidad Pública en el país, que se divide en dos capítulos: el primero, dirige se a la comprensión de Haití a partir de los análisis realizados por los propios haitianos, templado por la literatura pos-colonial, que comprenden los episodios más emblemáticos de la historia de Haití y la confrontación de los estereotipos más fuertemente atribuidos a su gente. Este capítulo será la antesala del análisis complejo de la Universidad de Haití, que es el tema del segundo capítulo. En ello, nuestra propuesta es ver cómo la Universidad se ha relacionado con su entorno, ha contribuido a fortalecer la democracia en el país y su reconstrucción tras el terremoto. Las principales fuentes utilizadas en este capítulo son también haitianas. Por último, realizamos un análisis crítico del contenido de los informes internacionales que pretenden diagnosticar las "enfermedades" e indicar "soluciones" a la Universidad del Estado, ignorando que su propio movimiento estudiantil, junto con otros movimientos sociales, ha estado trabajando en esta dirección y produciendo sus propias conclusiones. Imaginamos que la palabra contenida no será capaz de hacer frente al silencio que mantiene el Haití un desconocido, por lo que reivindico al poder y al drama del grito.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Giraldo, Jeanne. "June 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-132). Also Available in print.

Development discourse emerged from the implicit assumption that the technological achievements and societal organizations of western civilization represent successes of humankind in inhabiting the planet, and should therefore be promoted among other cultures. The ecological threats of this time suggest the contrary, forcing us to reconsider the positiveness of over exploitations of natural resources and to recognize the paradox of the economical growth model. A new urgent meaning for development is that of rediscussing what characterizes an ideal society and enabling the transformation toward sustainability and justice. Among the many challenges that the planet is facing deforestation well represents the reach of the problems since it affects humans at several levels: from the smallest scale of family economy with the products they can directly offer; to the national size through the effect they have on the environmental conditions of countries; and to the global level for the influence over the planet’s climate. In this era of tremendous transformations, demanding the reduction of consumptions for developed countries and appropriate planning of future consumption for developing ones, communication plays a central role. Exchange of information without preferential directions and between different levels (global-local, local-local) is at the base of this process. This study analyses the communication dynamics of a reforestation campaign in Haiti operated by the NGO AMURT. Assuming that the idea of planting trees rather then cutting them can be seen as an innovation, I adopted as a theoretical framework the findings of “Diffusion of Innovation” research. In particular I used the field work to critically assess some of the diffusion model’s findings, especially concerning the characterization of early adopters which I perceived as pro-innovation biased.An analysis of the NGO communication strategy according to diffusion of innovation parameters revealed several positive points, such as the use of homophile change agents, the adaptation of messages to the audience and the characterization of the meaning of the innovation from a receiver’s perspective. Nevertheless, the most important reasons for the success of the program rather seemed to sit in the NGO approach: the relationship of trust, the stability of its presence in the area and the intimate contact and cooperation with the local social structures.

This thesis focuses on cooperation of the European Union with the African, Carribean and Pacific Group of States. Its aim is to describe the relations in a complex way and to record the changes that are connected with the evolution of cooperation. Attention is also paid to conditionality of cooperation. Introductory part describes EU development cooperation and humanitarian aid. Historical evolution of EU-ACP cooperation follows together with the details on the Cotonou Agreement. Last part is the case study on Haiti.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Baseado em pesquisa etnográfica realizada em 2013 na região da Grand¿Anse, Haiti, este trabalho busca revelar e problematizar dinâmicas sociais existentes no país que, postas em prática após o terremoto em janeiro de 2010, tiveram um papel fundamental no sentido de assegurar a manutenção da ordem e a sobrevivência de grande parte dos desabrigados. A resposta articulada na Grand¿Anse revela mecanismos de ajuda mútua complexamente enraizados na vida ordinária das comunidades que, para além do alcance do estado e das organizações internacionais, foram essenciais no socorro aos aflitos
Abstract: Based on ethnographic work conducted in 2013, in the Grand'Anse department, this study aims to reveal and critically analyze existing social dynamics in Haiti, which played a key role in ensuring the maintenance of order and the survival of many victims of the earthquake in January 2010. The Grand¿Anse community¿s response reveals how oft-unmentioned ordinary familial and community mechanisms that go beyond the reach of state and international institutions were essential for the survival of Haitians
Mestrado
Antropologia Social
Mestra em Antropologia Social

La Presqu’île de Madicaque, située sur la côte sud ouest de la République d’Haïti est couverte d’une végétation sèche, fragmentée à cause des activités d’extraction de bois et de fabrication de charbon. Cette Presqu’île est formée de trois formations calcaires s’élevant jusqu’à 286 mètres d’altitude et séparées par deux bandes d’alluvions marines. Des relevés phytosociologiques et des transects ont permis d’identifier la flore et les groupements végétaux de la Presqu’île. La flore vasculaire est composée de 296 espèces, 214 genres et 80 familles. La microphyllie, le nanisme et le spinescence sont parmi les principales caractéristiques de cette flore. Les familles les plus importantes sont Poaceae, Boraginaceae, Rubiaceae, Verbenaceae, Euphorbiaceae, Celastraceae, Cactaceae et les Légumineuses. Les espèces endémiques d’Hispaniola représentent 19% de cette flore dont la composition est différente dépendant du substrat (sable et calcaire). Sur le sable, la flore est moins épineuse et principalement de distribution pantropicale. La flore calcaire est épineuse, plutôt antillaise et possède presque toutes les espèces endémiques d’Hispaniola trouvées sur la Presqu’île. Un total de 13 groupements végétaux a été identifié dont 3 sont des recrus forestiers issus de l’exploitation de la végétation. Les 10 groupements naturels sont disposés selon une zonation qui part du cordon littoral vers la partie nord de la Presqu’île limitée par un étang salé. Les formations végétales naturelles sur le sable sont communes à toutes les Antilles à l’exception de la forêt basse caractérisée par Collubrina arborescens et Randia parvifolia occupant la majeure partie de la végétation sableuse. Les autres formations sont :la Mangrove (Laguncularia racemosa et Rhizophora mangle), les salines (Salicornia bigelovii et Batis maritima), la plage (Canavalia maritima et Ipomoea pes-caprae) et les zones inondables, sorte de mangrove atypique caractérisée par Conocarpus erectus et Cyperus globulosus. Sur le calcaire, les 4 formations naturelles identifiées sont plus spécifiques et peuvent être considérées comme des associations originales. Ce sont :1) l’association à Echites umbellata et Caesapinia sphaerosperma formant la broussaille épineuse et microphylle du cordon littoral calcaire. 2) L’association à Cissus carnifolia et Aristolochia leptosticta formant le matorral microphylle sempervirente épineux de la côte au vent. 3) L’association à Pilosocereus polygonus et Capparais ferruginea, qui est la forêt épineuse microphylle semi-caducifoliée sub-côtière occupant l’intérieur et les parties élevées des collines calcaires. 4) l’association à Ocotea coriacea et Coccoloba diversifolia qui est une forêt semi-humide occupant les parties sous-le-vent des collines calcaires. Trois facteurs majeurs influencent la végétation de la Presqu’île. Ce sont le substrat qui détermine la composition floristique, l’activité humaine et les embruns, dont l’impact est fonction de la topographie et de la distance à la mer, qui induisent la disposition des groupements.

Doctorat en Sciences
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Ma recherche examine la prévalence et la répartition du parasite Angiostrongylus cantonensis en Haïti, également connu sous le nom de ver pulmonaire du rat, et qui est la première cause de méningite à éosinophiles chez l’homme dans le monde. Ce parasite a un cycle de vie complexe impliquant à la fois des hôtes définitifs (rats) et des hôtes intermédiaires (escargots et les limaces). J’ai documenté l'écologie du parasite et sa persistance deux décennies après sa découverte initiale dans le pays. Trois objectifs ont été fixés : synthétiser les connaissances sur les dimensions spatiales et écologiques d’A. cantonensis, déterminer sa présence et sa répartition en Haïti parmi les populations de rats et de gastéropodes à l'aide d'analyses moléculaires et morphologiques, et identifier les similitudes génétiques entre les souches haïtiennes et celles provenant d’autres régions du monde. Nous avons ciblé deux contextes écologiques contrastés : la vallée de l'Artibonite (milieu rural) et la zone urbaine de Port-au-Prince. L'échantillonnage a eu lieu pendant la saison des pluies et à la fin de la saison des pluies en raison de l'influence potentielle de la saisonnalité hydrologique sur la prévalence du parasite.Une revue systématique utilisant la méthode PRISMA a synthétisé les connaissances existantes sur la niche écologique du parasite, en mettant l'accent sur les facteurs abiotiques et biotiques affectant sa dynamique. Soixante-dix rats ont été capturés :23 Rattus norvegicus et 47 Rattus rattus. Sous la loupe binoculaire, nous avons récupéré des vers adultes chez seulement cinq rats (7%, 5/70) mais la détection moléculaire a révélé une prévalence d'A. cantonensis dans les poumons de rat de 31,4 %, (22/70), le parasite étant détecté dans quatre des huit sites, dont Port-au-Prince. La prévalence du parasite n’était pas reliée de manière significative aux variables prédictives telles que l'âge, la saison, le sexe et l'espèce de rat. Un seul haplotype COX1, le génotype II-G, a été identifié en Haïti, ce qui suggère une large répartition similaire à celle d'autres régions. La technique qPCR AcanR3990 a permis d'identifier deux échantillons positifs d'espèces de gastéropodes : Subulina octona à Port-au-Prince et une limace de la famille des Veronicellidae dans l’Artibonite, concordant avec la présence du parasite retrouvé chez les rats à ces endroits.C'est la première étude sur A. cantonensis en Haïti portant à la fois sur les hôtes définitifs et intermédiaires. Les diagnostics moléculaires par PCR révèlent une prévalence plus élevée que l'identification morphologique, ce qui est prometteur pour l'étude systématique de la contamination potentielle des espèces hôtes. Les résultats indiquent une endémicité du parasite potentiellement principalement liée à deux espèces de gastéropodes : l'escargot terrestre S. octona et les limaces Veronicellidae, ainsi que les rats R. rattus et R. norvegicus, soulignant les risques importants pour la santé des populations locales
My research examines the prevalence and distribution of the parasite Angiostrongylus cantonensis, also known as the rat lungworm, in Haiti. It is the leading cause of eosinophilic meningitis in humans worldwide. This parasite has a complex life cycle involving definitive hosts (rats) and intermediate hosts (snails and slugs). I documented the parasite's ecology and persistence two decades after its initial discovery in the country. Three objectives were set: synthesizing knowledge on the spatial and ecological dimensions of A. cantonensis’ niche, determining its presence and distribution in Haiti among rat and gastropod populations using molecular and morphological analyses, and identifying genetic similarities between Haitian strains and those from other regions of the world. We targeted two contrasting ecological contexts: the Artibonite Valley (rural environment) and the urban area of Port-au-Prince. Sampling occurred during and at the end of the rainy season due to the potential influence of hydrological seasonality on parasite prevalence. A systematic review using the PRISMA method synthesized existing knowledge on the parasite's ecological niche, focusing on abiotic and biotic factors affecting its dynamics. Seventy rats were captured:23 Rattus norvegicus and 47 Rattus rattus. Under a binocular loupe, we recovered adult worms from only five rats (7%, 5/70), but molecular detection revealed a prevalence of A. cantonensis in rat lungs of 31.4% (22/70), with the parasite detected in four of the eight sites, including Port-au-Prince. Parasite prevalence was not significantly related to predictive variables such as age, season, sex, and rat species. Only one COX1 haplotype, genotype II-G, was identified in Haiti, suggesting a widespread distribution similar to other regions. The qPCR technique AcanR3990 identified two positive samples of gastropod species: Subulina octona in Port-au-Prince and a Veronicellidae slug in the Artibonite, indicating the presence of the parasite found in rats at these locations. This is the first study on A. cantonensis in Haiti addressing both definitive and intermediate hosts. Molecular diagnostics by PCR reveal a higher prevalence than morphological identification, promising for the systematic study of potential host species contamination. Results indicate that endemicity of the parasite may primarily be linked to two gastropod species: the land snail S. octona and Veronicellidae slugs, as well as R. rattus and R. norvegicus rats, highlighting significant health risks for local populations

The rhetoric of development is a dominant driving factor for intervention into the Republic of Haiti. Millions are pumped into the small black republic located in the Caribbean for development projects motivated by health, HIV/AIDS awareness, religion, and sanitation just to name a few. Yet, despite the innumerable efforts of nongovernmental organizations and donor organizations in Haiti, the country is sinking deeper and deeper into desperate conditions. The motivation for this thesis is to examine the accountability that these organizations operating in Haiti have towards the Haitian peoples who are the targeted beneficiaries. Are they involved in the development process aside from being the ?receivers? of assistance? Development projects designed and implemented without the input of the targeted communities have relatively short-lived progress and experience failure. Accountability to the constituents necessitates involving and engaging their values and community needs. The Lambi Fund is a nongovernmental organization that attributes its success to its alternative ?bottom-up? model of development. Local organizations in Haiti solicit funding, training, and guidance from the Lambi Fund with project proposals and community needs in hand. This model appears to have an impressive degree of accountability to the grassroots organizations that it serves. I analyze and assess the viability and success of this model in the context of the history and current trends of development in Haiti and elsewhere by examining both the Lambi Fund?s own claims about its programs (in print and in interviews with its principal officers) and a recent evaluation made of its programs by a third party organization. A recommendation for further research is enclosed in the conclusion.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho e uma etnografia sobre o parentesco e as praticas sociais em um povoado rural no norte do Haiti, parte das sessões rurais de Milot. Através de um trabalho de campo de três meses e meio e de uma discussão teórica sobre o parentesco, pretendo refletir sobre a formação dos grupos domésticos locais. A partir destas instituições, analisarei o modo como relações de vizinhança são estruturadas e como pessoas estabelecem e mantém redes de parentesco e amizade. A atenção dada a essas relações abriu possibilidades de se pensar também à produção e a troca dentro do povoado e as formas como bens e mercadorias circulam nos mercados da região. Por fim, minha analise se debruçara também sobre o modo como magia e parentesco se estabelecem enquanto partes complementares de um mesmo regime moral e pratico
Abstract: This thesis is ethnography of kinship and social practices in a rural village near Milo in the north of Haiti. Drawing from three and half months of fieldwork and my intellectual training in theoretical dimensions of kinship, I intend to analyze the formation of local households. Building from that foundation, I will evaluate how neighborhood relationships are structured and how people establish and maintain friendships and kinship networks. Examining these kinds of deeply personal relationships opens up unexpected possibilities for thinking about networks of production, exchange, and good/commodity circulation that connects the village to regional markets. My research will also expand to consider how ideas of magic and kinship are complementary parts of the same moral and practical regime
Mestrado
Antropologia
Mestre em Antropologia

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A presente pesquisa tem por tema "O processo de democratização do Haiti e suas limitações." O estudo proposto aborda o processo de mudança política do Haiti sobre o período de 1986 aos dias atuais e tenta sublinhar, desde então, suas limitações e expor suas particularidades e especificidades das quais resulta a difícil normalização das instituições democráticas. Destaca-se que a constante impossibilidade de construir uma ordem democrática viável e sustentável no país resulta, de um lado, das consequências básicas da ditadura de Duvalier, sem ir mais longe aos períodos anteriores. Por outro lado, da ausência completa de vontade das forças políticas nacionais existentes de respeitar a regra do jogo democrático, independentemente dos seus interesses pessoais, e da evidente incapacidade dos atores nacionais e internacionais na construção de tal regime. Por fim, conclui-se que: O processo de democratização do Haiti não tem levado a um regime democrático efetivo porque no seu caso existem alguns fatores específicos que transformam este processo em uma transição interminável
Abstract: This research's theme is "The democratization process of Haiti and its limitations." The proposed study deals with the process of political change in Haiti over the period of 1986 to the present day. It emphasizes its limitations and exposes the particularities and specificities from which results the difficult normalization of the democratic institutions. It is noteworthy that the constant inability to build a viable and sustainable democratic order in the country results, on the one hand, from the basic consequences of the Duvalier's dictatorship, without going further to previous periods. On the other hand, from the complete lack of willingness of national political forces to respect the rules of the democratic game, regardless of their personal interests, and from the evident inability of national and international actors to construct such regime. Finally, we conclude that the democratization process of Haiti has not led to an effective democratic regime because in this case there exist some specific factors that transform this process into a transition interminable
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs - Western Hemisphere) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.
Thesis advisor(s): Scott D. Tollefson, Frank M. Teti. "December 1995." Bibliography: p. 101-103. Also available online. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Thesis (S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Mechanical Engineering, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 46-47).
In Haiti, most families have traditionally relied on wood and wood-derived charcoal as their primary fuel source for indoor cooking. This resource has proven to be unsustainable, however, as over 90% of the Haitian countryside has already been deforested and wood is now in low supply. As a poor country, importing fuel is not a viable option and thus, the ability to utilize renewable energy sources is critical. The work of the Edgerton Development Lab, under the guidance of Amy Smith, has developed a process utilizing an oil drum kiln to convert readily available agricultural waste from sugarcane, known as bagasse, into clean burning charcoal briquettes. In order to improve the efficiency of the existing oil drum kiln, this research will explore the design of a brick kiln that is relevant for the social dynamic of developing countries, inexpensive to manufacture and simple to operate. By defining the best system applicable to the Haitian context, this research will enable the efficient production of charcoal. This research will also define the shape of the chamber and the steps involved in the conversion process, enabling Haitians to make use of their natural resources to address a critical energy need. In addition, the enhanced energy efficiency will reduce the production time of the charcoal briquettes. Lastly, this research will explore how this technology can be best integrated into the existing culture and lifestyle of the Haitian community and propose a strategy for community participation.
by Etienne Clement Toussaint.
S.B.

Thesis (S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Mechanical Engineering, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 13-15).
The economics of implementing bagasse-based charcoal manufacturing in Haiti was investigated. From these main inputs, three different manufacturing economic scenarios were modeled using a simple, dynamic excel spreadsheet. The first model reflects single family implementation, which reasonable found that a family would be able to make back their start up costs within a month of production. The second model examined sugarcane bagasse charcoal production as an entrepreneurial endeavor for a small community. The third model is similar to the second model, but reflects large-scale factory production. The potential of the second and third models primarily depend on the cost of raw materials and transportation. These models are easily adjusted to reflect market rates and can be generalized to address similar start-up economies.
by Lynn K. Kamimoto.
S.B.

Thesis (M. Eng. in Logistics)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Engineering Systems Division, 2011.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [41]-[42]).
Introduction: Partners In Health (PIH) is an international, non-profit healthcare organization with operations in several countries on multiple continents. PIH focuses on providing healthcare treatment to people living in some of the poorest places in the world, and has been operating in Haiti since 1985. At that time, PIH established a small community clinic in the central Haiti village of Cange. Today that facility has grown to become an entire medical complex, featuring a 104-bed, full-service hospital with two operating rooms, adult and pediatric wards, and clinics treating a variety of diseases and issues, from women's health to infectious diseases. In addition, Zamni Lasante ("Partners In Health" in Haitian Creyeol) has also expanded its operations to 11 other sites across Haiti's Central Plateau and beyond (Figure 1). Today, ZL ranks as one of the largest nongovernmental health care providers in Haiti - serving a catchment area of 1.2 million across the Central Plateau and the Lower Artibonite. ZL employs over 4,000 people, almost all of them Haitians, including doctors, nurses and community health workers (Zamni Lasante/ Haiti). From its beginnings 25 years ago, PIH/ZL has grown tremendously, and recent years have been no exception. Since 2004, patient encounters have increased almost threefold, from 0.9 million to 2.6 million, and the number of clinical sites has almost doubled. This growth has corresponded to an increase in drugs and supplies. In 2006, approximately 1000 m3 of drugs and supplies were moved through the system. Only two years later, in 2008, that number had more than doubled to 2200 m3 . This significant increase has greatly strained the underlying supply chain.
by Scott C. Alexander.
M.Eng.in Logistics

In examining the opportunities that lie within the larger context of Haitian development efforts, mending the strained environment upon which Haiti’s fragile rural agricultural sector depends must be a priority. Though related to other pieces of the Haitian reconstruction puzzle, the question of mending the Haitian environment comes down largely to the best way trees can be incorporated into Haiti’s existing agricultural systems. With this in mind, the purpose of this thesis was to complete an analysis of the work and practices of the community organizations of Borgne, Haiti. The organizations of Borgne have mobilized toward environmental development and the preservation of remaining natural resources through a community-wide tree-planting initiative that provides thousands of trees per year to local residents. Beyond an ethnographic assessment, this thesis explores greater implications of the project as a grassroots development model that may potentially be replicated by other communities and organizations throughout Haiti. Field research was completed on site in Borgne in the summer months of 2010. The primary methods employed in data collection were Participatory Action Research and semi-structured interviewing.

Rural Haiti provides an excellent case to study the human security crisis threatening women. Haitian women are often single mothers, leading average households of 4-6. In elected positions, female leadership is seldom recognized. With only 3.5% of parliament comprised of female leaders, policies decided at the state level seldom address the challenges women face in the countryside (HDI, 2017). Haiti has the highest mortality rate for children below the age of 5 and expectant mothers in the Western Hemisphere (WHO, 2017). This crisis is a significant one. When a mother struggles, both her life and her child's are threatened. Yet the human security crisis is not all we can learn from rural Haiti. We can also examine the unique ways women have chosen to respond to this crisis and the potential for female democratic agency. There is a significant lack of elected female officials in Haiti. This fact invites us to consider the impact rural Haitian females, such as the famn chay, are potentially making in Haiti. Famn chay are traditional birth attendants who assist mothers in their home deliveries. They are also first responders in times of crisis, providing meals to hungry families and using their collective resources to benefit children in need. Some famn chay, I suggest, are promoting an innovative form of democratic agency through their local community council, konsey kominote. Such form of agency does not focus on formal mechanisms of representation. Instead, threatened by growing social and income inequalities, this particular group has chosen to organize to address the human security crisis currently threatening women in rural Haiti.
MA
The human security crisis threatening women and children in rural Haiti has motivated Haitian traditional birth attendants known as the famn chay, to generate a response relative to the crisis and generate social change. This crisis is a significant one. When a mother struggles in childbirth, both the life of her and her child’s are threatened. Women in rural Haiti also face gender and economic inequalities. Despite these realities, the famn chay have chosen to mobilize and create what is known as a konsey kominote. Konsey kominote are community groups found throughout rural Haiti and are a key entry points for citizen engagement for many rural Haitians. This study seeks to examine the unique ways the famn chay have chosen to respond to the crisis through their konsey kominote and the potential for female democratic agency. There is a significant lack of elected female officials in Haiti. The historical roots of female gender discrimination stretch as far back as Haiti’s independence. By researching the impact rural Haitian females, such as the famn chay, are making in Haiti, we can begin to discover the potential for female democratic agency existing in rural Haiti.

My master's thesis deals with a form of soft power and foreign policy, the development aid. In the three chapters I provide an analysis of the potential impacts of such financial flows in the particular case of Haiti. This country has become an exemplar of the fact that even billions of dollars do not have to contribute to improving the economic and living conditions, on the contrary, aid in combination with incorrectly set policies can become an instrument of destruction. Using econometric models and policy analysis I examine the impact of official development assistance on the political, economic, environmental and social sector. At the end of the work I list recommendations for the future, which could contribute to improving the situation.

Liberalization has been, for the past three decades, one of the most prominent strategies used in the developing world to promote growth and foster development. Haiti, as many other least developed countries, has implemented the liberalization policies over the past two decades. The poor socioeconomic conditions of the Haitians, today, have pushed to question the effectiveness of the neoliberal plan. Agriculture being a pivotal sector of the Haitian economy, the study goal is the evaluation of liberalization on the agricultural production. The findings are that trade liberalization is detrimental to agriculture in Haiti. The food crops production, a major component of the agricultural production, in terms of providing income to the rural poor and ensuring food security, suffered the most from trade liberalization. Also, cash crops production has not increased with liberalization.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2011
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O objetivo deste trabalho é realizar uma avaliação das ações da MINUSTAH no Haiti, desde seu início, em 2004 até as eleições presidenciais de 2010. A MINUSTAH (Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti) é uma operação de imposição da paz das Nações Unidas que busca restaurar a estabilidade política do país e auxiliar o governo haitiano a criar condições sustentáveis de autogovernança. A missão adquiriu especial importância após o terremoto de janeiro de 2010, quando as fragilidades do Estado haitiano se tornaram mais evidentes. O mandato da MINUSTAH divide suas funções em três áreas principais: segurança, processo político e direitos humanos. A avaliação é feita, neste trabalho, por meio de uma análise das ações da MINUSTAH em cada uma dessas áreas, apontando suas conquistas e seus fracassos. A pesquisa inicia com uma contextualização do processo de valorização dos direitos humanos no âmbito internacional, principalmente com o surgimento da ONU e de seus mecanismos de defesa desses direitos, como a Declaração Universal de Direito Humanos e as operações de paz. As mudanças sofridas pelo Estado-nação nas últimas décadas e as características dos conflitos do pós-Guerra Fria levaram a ONU a relativizar o conceito de soberania e a autorizar o uso da força em suas operações de paz de forma mais freqüente, de forma a evitar violações massivas dos direitos humanos. Crises humanitárias geralmente ocorrem em Estados Fracos e Falidos, e o trabalho explica em que medida o Haiti pode ser considerado um desses Estados, e quais os motivos que levaram o país a requisitar uma intervenção da ONU. Por meio de uma análise das ações da MINUSTAH desde sua criação até o final de 2010, constata-se que a Missão tem sido bem-sucedida nos campos da segurança e do processo político, mas tem encontrado dificuldades em traduzir essas conquistas para o campo dos direitos humanos. Percebe-se ainda que, para produzir melhorias sustentáveis nas condições sócio-econômicas dos haitianos, a Missão deve concentrar-se em funções de construção de Estado e de desenvolvimento de capacidade local, de forma a garantir resultados permanentes.
This paper aims to conduct an assessment of MINUSTAH.s actions in Haiti, since its inception in 2004 until the 2010 presidential elections. MINUSTAH (United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti) is a UN.s peace enforcement operation that seeks to restore the country's political stability and to assist the Haitian government on creating sustainable conditions for self-governance. The mission acquired special importance after the earthquake of January 2010, when the weaknesses of the Haitian state became more evident. MINUSTAH.s mandate divides its functions into three main areas: security, political process and human rights. The assessment made in this work is through an analysis of the actions of MINUSTAH in each area, highlighting its achievements and its failures. The research starts by contextualizing the growing importance of human rights internationally, especially after the emergence of the UN and its mechanisms to defend those rights, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its peace operations. The changes undergone by the nation-state in the recent decades and the characteristics of the conflicts of the post-Cold War led the UN to consider the concept of sovereignty as relative and to authorize the use of force in its peacekeeping operations more often, in order to avoid serious violations of human rights. Humanitarian crises generally occur in Weak and Failed States, and this study explains the extent to which Haiti can be considered one of those States, and the reasons that led the country to request a UN intervention. An analysis of MINUSTAH.s actions since its establishment until the end of 2010 made it clear that the Mission has been successful in the fields of security and the political process, but has had difficulties in translating these achievements into the field of human rights. It was also noted that, to produce sustainable improvements in the socioeconomic conditions of Haitians, the Mission should focus on state-building projects and on developing local capacity, in order to ensure permanent results.

This present research has investigated the perceptions of Haitians regarding social, economic and environmental impacts which tourism development might have in rural area of Haiti. Three sites were chosen as low, moderate and high regarding their increased flow of visitors annually. The researcher used the ethnographer's approach where a domain analysis was built by gathering data from local people. This domain analysis was then tested by interviewing more local people. A population of eighty vacationers (adults, students and professionals) randomly chosen was surveyed. Nonparametric tests were used to analyze collected data during the summer of 2003 in Haiti. The perceptions of locals become more positive (or negative) with the increased flow of visitors. The perceptions of vacationers about social impacts of tourism were more negative among older vacationers rather than younger vacationers. Locals and vacationers had different perceptions toward the future development of tourism in rural Haiti.
Department of Natural Resources and Environmental Management

This dissertation applies the theoretical perspective of gender relations and develops methods to understand and analyze the movement of women from the center of social systems to its margins when these systems are undergoing rapid socio-economic and political change. This research responded to the pressing need for the application of newer, more appropriate theoretical and methodological perspectives to examine shifting power relations between women and men in areas undergoing transformation. In the case study, I investigate the locus of power in a system of cooperatives in the Departement du Nord, Haiti and discover how and why female members are being relegated to the periphery of this development programme. I find that a system of gender-based social power is causing unequal opportunities and oppressive power relations for female members in the cooperatives. I analyze how and why this system of social power causes conflict when the interests of female and male members differ in the cooperatives and I explore strategies for change. This dissertation also contributes to a greater understanding of the power dynamics which exist when one group holds different preferences and practices to the dominant group whose framework is the one considered acceptable in the society.

The problem of this study was the status of higher education in Haiti. The purposes were to analyze the organization, administration, and contributions of higher education to national development from 1958 to 1988 and to provide background information from foreign literature which might assist in the improvement Haiti's system of higher education. In an effort to locate information necessary to achieve these purposes, a computer search was conducted. A survey of available literature in French, Creole, and English and personal and telephone interviews were also conducted. The results of this study reveal that, in the past three decades, higher education in Haiti has merely functioned as a symbol of social prestige. Haiti's system of higher education exhibits no apparent direction, purpose, of long-term goals. With more than 90 percent of its professors part-time and ill-prepared, its curriculum unrelated to the needs of Haitian society, and its student body in revolt for the past three years, higher education in Haiti is urgently in need of radical reform. Any contribution made to national development by the system of higher education is weak at best. The small but oppressive elite group that dominates the economic and political realms in Haiti has proved to be a stumbling block to educational reform. The prospect of the establishment of an adequate system of education depends heavily on the establishment of a democratic government. The State University, which is the prominent instrument for higher education, must be reorganized and strengthened so that it can meet the basic academic standards of a university. This reorganization must include the redesign of the curriculum and the retraining of current professors. It is urgent that the qualitative aspects of higher education be given attention. Higher education should also develop a working relationship with industry in order to prepare individuals who are qualified to fulfill the country's technical needs.

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This thesis is dedicated to understanding the relationships of coloniality that have operated government practices during and after the colonization of Haiti, showing the control techniques imposed by the intervening governments and the Haitian resistance struggles in response to the colonial violence. We seek to explore, in the central episodes of Haitian history, the successive security and criminalization policies undertaken by numerous foreign occupations, which, under the guise of chaos and proclaiming the need to restore order in a country of “Blacks unable to govern themselves” (Pierre-Charles. 1977:183), land their troops and proceed to the military/police occupation of the land, intimidating the movement of Haitian masses. As in colonial times, recent interventions make use of an ethnocentric discourse on the crisis of the Haitian state institutions, especially the ones related to public security, to legitimize and combat the “threat” that a country without a strong criminal apparatus represents, according to the Western model, to international security. We explore new criminological possibilities, incited by the concept of coloniality of power to understand the control techniques and the violence imposed during and after the Haitian colonization. We are interested in thinking about these practices of oppression from the standpoint of those who suffered their effects, focusing on how the security apparatus were instrumentalized/shaped by colonization policies aiming to deepen the colonial split and the binary logic inherent to them. Finally, we explore how relations of coloniality are established and invigorated by the security policies of the United Nations. We seek to understand how the UN program aimed at establishing Western institutions of crime control in “unstable” and “unsafe” countries is part of a wider movement for democratization/pacification of peripheral governments, led and intensified by the international security regime after the Cold War. We discuss how these pro-democracy interventions were made in the haitian nation, with special focus on the governance techniques implemented by the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH).
Esta dissertação dedica-se a compreender as relações de colonialidade que têm operado as práticas de governo durante e após a colonização do Haiti, evidenciando as técnicas de controle impostas pelos governos intervenientes e as lutas de resistência levantadas pelos haitianos em resposta à violência colonial. Buscamos explorar, nos episódios centrais da história haitiana, as sucessivas políticas de segurança e criminalização empreendidas pelas numerosas ocupações estrangeiras, que, sob o pretexto do caos e proclamando a necessidade de restaurar a ordem em um país de “negros incapazes de se governarem” (Pierre-Charles, 1977:183), desembarcam suas tropas e procedem à ocupação militar/policial do terreno, intimidando sob todas as formas o movimento das massas haitianas. Como no tempo colonial, as recentes intervenções valem-se de discursos etnocêntricos sobre a crise das instituições do Estado haitiano, especialmente as de segurança pública, para se legitimarem e combaterem a “ameaça” que um país sem aparatos penais fortes representaria, conforme o modelo ocidental, à segurança internacional. Procuramos explorar as novas possibilidades criminológicas, incitadas pelo conceito de colonialidade do poder, de compreender as técnicas de controle e as violências impostas durante e após a colonização haitiana. Interessa-nos pensar essas práticas de opressão a partir dos que sofreram seus efeitos, procurando descrever como os aparatos de segurança foram instrumentalizados/moldados pelas políticas de colonização com o objetivo de aprofundar a cisão colonial e o binarismo que lhes são inerentes. Ao final, exploramos como as relações de colonialidade são estabelecidas e revigoradas pelas políticas de segurança das Nações Unidas. Busca-se compreender como o programa da ONU voltado ao estabelecimento de instituições ocidentais de controle do crime em países “instáveis” e “inseguros”, se insere num amplo movimento de democratização/pacificação de governos periféricos, conduzidos e intensificados pelo regime de segurança internacional após o fim da Guerra Fria. Abordamos como essas intervenções pró-democracia se fizeram na nação haitiana, com enfoque especial nas práticas de governo implementadas pela Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização do Haiti (MINUSTAH).

Les systemes fiscaux, malgre leur tendance a l'harmonisation ne fontionnent jusqu'a present sans l'existence de problemes specifiques qui entravent leur logique interne. Celui d'haiti n'en comporte pas moins, notamment dans le domaine de la fiscalite des entreprises. C'est pourquoi notre etude privilegie l'approche de la problematique de l'imposition des entreprises tant sous l'angle technico-administratif pour ensuite proposer des ameliorations de ce secteur
Despite their tendancy towards harmonization fiscal systems do not work up to now without meeting specific problems hindering their internal logic. Haitian fiscal system has its own ones, namely in the field of corporations taxation. It's the reason why our study lays emphasis on the problematical issue of the imposition of corporations both from a legislative and technico-administrative points of view, and then we'll suggest some ways to improve this area

En choisissant ce sujet, je voulais comprendre: la valeur que les femmes, les hommes, les adultes, les enfants, qui pratiquent le vodou, attribuent aux loa; la projection de leurs croyances dans la vie quotidienne afin de degager le statut reel de cette religion dans la societe haitienne. Le vodouisant participe a un double reseau relationnel. A travers le reseau collectif, il integre les cadres sociaux qui lui transmettent, grace a la relation osmotique entre la famille et la societe vodou, la connaissance necessaire pour se realiser comme une "personne adulte". Le reseau interpersonnel lui permet de parfaire sa formation, de vivre des epreuves rituelles, de partager avec d'autres, de multiples experiences dans lesquelles les mythes et les rites orientent leur vie sociale, pour devenir une individualite collective, un adulte effectif. En haiti, donc, meme au niveau individuel, le vodou est une religion d'integration sociale, un mouvement d'identification culturelle, un cadre d'epanouissement personnel. En tant que vestige historique, il s'identifie a la tradition qui impregne l'etre humain et sert de reference aux activites dites fondamentales dans ce contexte
By choosing this subject, i wanted to understand : the value which men and women, adults and children, who practise voodo, attribute to the loa; the projection of their beliefs into everyday life in order to ascertain the true status of this religion in haitian society. A voodoo adept belongs to a double relational network. Through the collective network, he identifies with the social framework which transmits to him, as a result of the osmotic relationship between family life and the voodoo society, the necessary knowledge for him to develop into an "adult person". The interpersonal network of relations will enable him to perfect his education, to experience ritual tests, to share with others innumerable experiences in which the myths and rites guide their social life, in order to become a collective individuality, an effective adult. In haiti therefore, even on an individual level, voodo is a religion of social integration, a movement of cultural identification and a framework for personal development. Taken as a historical vestige,it may be identified with the tradition which penetrates the human being and serves as a reference in activities said to be fundamental in this context