Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Harvard University. Porcellian Club »

The objective of this research was to find the likely importance of variations in aerobic fitness between men volleyball players competing for club and university. The volleyball players must have the capacity to comprehensively display their physical, technical, tactical, and psychological skills. The physical attributes of players have a noticeable impact on both the team's strategy and the players' performance. Players must therefore be physically capable of meeting the demands of the sport. The present study was planned to monitor the cardio-respiratory fitness or aerobic endurance of male volleyball players at the club and university levels and to compare the results. A total number of 60 men volleyball players, aged 19 to 24 years from both clubs and universities participated in this study. To assess each group's level of aerobic fitness, the test that was used is the Harvard step test. Findings demonstrated a difference in club and university players' aerobic fitness of a significant level (p< 0.05). In comparison to club volleyball players, university volleyball players were shown to have superior aerobic fitness.

Abstract This article studies how exclusive social groups shape upward mobility and whether interactions between low- and high-status peers can integrate the top rungs of the economic and social ladders. Our setting is Harvard University in the 1920s and 1930s, where new groups of students arriving on campus encountered a social system centered on exclusive old boys’ clubs. Combining archival and census records, we first show that students from prestigious private feeder schools are overrepresented in old boys’ clubs, while academic high achievers and ethnic minorities are almost completely absent. Club members earn $32\%$ more than other students and are more likely to work in finance and join country clubs, both characteristic of the era’s elite. We use random variation in room assignment to show that exposure to high-status peers expands gaps in college club membership, adult social club membership, and finance careers by high school type, with large positive effects for private school students and zero or negative effects for others. To conclude, we turn to more recent cohorts. We show that the link between exclusive college clubs and finance careers persists across the twentieth century even as Harvard diversifies, and that elite university students from the highest-income families continue to outearn their peers.

G. Thomas Tanselle is a highly regarded bibliographer, textual editor, critic, and book collector. Following his undergraduate degree from Yale, he received his PhD in 1959 from the Department of English at Northwestern University with a dissertation on the twentieth-century American author Floyd Dell. Between 1960 and 1978, he taught at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, after which he served as vice president of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation from 1978 until 2006. He has also served as an adjunct professor of English at Columbia University and coeditor of the Northwestern-Newberry Edition of the Writings of Herman Melville as well as president of the Bibliographical Society of the University of Virginia, the Bibliographical Society of America, the Grolier Club, and the Society for Textual Scholarship. In recognition of his scholarly contributions in the field of bibliography, Tanselle has delivered numerous prestigious lectures including the Hanes Foundation Lecture at the University of North Carolina, Robert L. Nikirk Lecture at the Grolier Club, the A.S.W. Rosenbach Lectures in Bibliography at the University of Pennsylvania, the Sandars Lectures at Cambridge University, and the George Parker Winship Lecture at Harvard University.

In his second year at the University of California, Berkeley, Arthur William Ryder (1877–1938), the Ohio-born Harvard scholar of Sanskrit language and literature, collaborated with the campus English Club and Garnet Holme, an English actor, to stage Ryder's translation of the Sanskrit classic Mrichchhakatikam, by Shudraka, as The Little Clay Cart. The 1907 production was described as “presented in true Hindu style. Under the direction of Garnet Holme, who … studied with Swamis of San Francisco … [and] the assistance of many Indian students of the university.” However, in the twenty-five-plus cast, there was not a single Indian actor with a speaking part. The intended objective was grandeur, and the production achieved that with elaborate sets and costumes, two live zebras, and elephants. Seven years later, the Ryder–Holme team returned with Ryder's translation of Kalidasa's Shakuntala, “bear cubs, a fawn, peacocks, and an onstage lotus pool with two real waterfalls.” While the archival materials do not indicate the involvement of any Indian actors (barring one Gobind B. Lal, who enacted the Prologue), its importance is evinced by the coverage it received in the Oakland Tribune, the Overland Monthly and Out West Magazine, and the Los Angeles Times.

On 28 August 2006, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)sponsored a panel discussion on “The Israeli Lobby and the U.S. Responseto the War in Lebanon” at the National Press Club, Washington, DC. StephenWalt (Kennedy School of Government, Harvard) and John Mearsheimer(University of Chicago), authors of the controversial article “The IsraeliLobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,” were featured.The panel began with opening remarks by Corey Saylor (governmentaffairs director, CAIR) and Nihad Awad (executive director, CAIR). Awaddiscussed the war in Lebanon and the situation in Gaza, described Israel’sdropping of cluster bombs on civilian Lebanese towns, quoted a HumanRights Watch report that states Israel does not distinguish between combatants and civilians, as well as an Amnesty International report describingIsraeli actions in Lebanon as war crimes. He concluded: “Our one-sided supportfor Israel is a liability in the war on terror. It has turned much of theworld, including our European allies, against us.”Stephen Walt summarized the main arguments of his research articlewith John Mearsheimer. Among them are that comprehending the recent warin Lebanon requires an understanding of the pro-Israel groups’ politicalpower in the United States; that the Israeli lobby’s influence has led to policiesthat are not in the United States’ national interest, or in those of theregion’s countries, including Israel; and that $3 billion of American taxpayers’money is given unconditionally to a wealthy industrial nation. Hequoted former American negotiator Aaron Miller’s remark that the UnitedStates acted as Israeli’s lawyer during Oslo and has been even more onesidedunder President Bush ...

The article presents the problem of the split of the "Russian World" as a consequence of the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Russian Russian historiography is analyzed by the author, comparing the opinions of experts on the civilizational criterion in the modern history of the Russian people and the "Russian world" in order to create a generalized definition of the concept of "Russian World". The so-called "Putin Doctrine" is considered separately, understood as a set of state measures to consolidate the post-Soviet space on the principles of common security and common interests. The problem of the ongoing split of the "Russian World" due to the Ukrainian crisis is also analyzed. In his work, using historical-systemic and historical-synergetic methods, the author, based on the opinions of specialists from different branches of science, comes to a theoretical result regarding the topic under study. In the modern historiography of the issue, there is still no consensus on the final definition, which indicates the interdisciplinary complexity of the concept. But this especially testifies to the high relevance of the definition of the concept of "Russian World" for the formation of the national security strategy of Russia. The article analyzes the sources of the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the Center for Military and Political Studies of the MGIMO Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, the Izborsky Club, and the Center for Global Interests (Washington, USA). The historiography of the works of doctors of Historical Sciences of Russia Nikonov V.A., Podberezkin A.I., Komarov G.A., Harvard University political scientist Huntington S.F., philosophers Shchedrovitsky P.G., Averyanov V.V. is also analyzed.Russian Russian World In the course of the study, the author presented a generalized definition of the concept of the "Russian World" and the problem of the split of the "Russian World" in the context of modern historical approaches.

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Background. At the beginning of the 1920’s, after establishing the borders of the restored Polish State, its eastern territories were dominated by the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Lithuanian populations, and in the western part, a significant percentage were Germans. Accordingly, the state faced the problem of developing a constructive policy towards national minorities. Purpose. The article analyzes the attitude of the Polish intellectual elite to the prob-lem of national minorities, whose opinions were partially reflected in a poll conducted in July and August 1924 by the liberal Warsaw newspaper “Kurjer Polski”. The discussion intensified, in particular, due to the expiration of the government’s commitment to give Eastern Galicia autonomy, the preparation of a government law on education (known as Lex Grabski). Results. The opening of a Ukrainian university was a part of the problem. At the request of the government, the academic community of the Jagiellonian University expressed its views in June, which generally welcomed the idea of opening a separate Ukrainian university in Lviv, Warsaw or Krakow. “Kurjer Polski” published reflections of intellectuals representing different regions of the country and political currents: socialists (A. Śliwiński – Warsaw), nationalists (S. Bukowiecki – Vilno), conservatives (Fr. Bossowsky, T. Dembowsky – Vilno; E. Hauswald – Lviv ). The basis for solving the problem at that time, most authors called the provisions of the March 1921 Constitution on the main democratic rights of citizens, unanimously called for creating opportunities for cultural and national development of national minorities, hoping for the consolidation of the state. It was emphasized the need to take into account the individual characteristics of each minority and regional specifics. In particular, E. Hauswald considered the experience of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy of the early twentieth century as an example of solving the problem (Moravian Compensation 1905 and The Bukovinian Compromise 1910). Quite controversial about the essence of Belarusian (Belarusians are not a nation that encompasses all segments of society, but only the mass of the peasantry is devoid of any political ambitions; Belarusian language is a set of dialects that makes a gradual transition from Russian to Polish; literary Belarusian lan-guage is artificially created, the population does not understand it) and Ukrainian (did not deny the existence of political ambitions, but emphasized the significant differences in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia and dependence on external support) national movements were the reflections of Fr. Bossovsky, who, however, supported the idea of granting national minorities freedom of cultural development. Lviv lawyer J. Makarewicz (representative of the Christian Democrats) called for a policy of state assimilation towards Ukrainians and Belarusians, tactics of “state indifference” towards Jews, Russians and Germans. However, despite the existence of such ideas in the Polish intellectual environment, government circles have chosen the concept of a unitary mono-national state. As early as July 1924, a law on education was passed, many articles of which were aimed at discriminating against national minorities. And further changes in the political life of the country only exacerbated the problem, which was not solved throughout the interwar period. Keywords: Fr. Bossowski, S. Bukowiecki, T. Dembowski, interwar Poland, E. Hauswald, Kurjer Polski, J. Makarewicz, national question, A. Śliwiński. A never-extinguishing volcano, 1924. Kurjer Polski, May 31, р.2. (In Polish) Announcement of the National Electoral Commission on November 24, 1930, s. 1. [online] Avialable at: http://isap.sejm.gov.pl/isap.nsf/download.xsp/ WMP19302720369/ O/M19300369. pdf [Accessed 15 march 2021]. (In Polish) Baran, Z., 1998. On the question of the agrarian policy of the governments of interwar Poland towards Western Ukraine. Visnyk of the Lviv University, 33. Series History. Lviv, pp.146–153. (In Ukrainian) Baran, Z., 2011. Julian Makarevich’s socio-political views. In: Historical sights of Galicia. Proceedings of the fifth scientific conference on local history, 12 november 2010. Lviv, рр.188–198. (In Ukrainian) Bezuk, O., 2019. The reaction of the Western Ukrainian and world community to the death of Olga Levitska-Basarab. In: The modern movement of science: theses add. VII In-ternational Scientific and Practical Internet Conference, 6–7 june 2019. Dnipro, pp.75–81. (In Ukrainian) Bojarski, Р., 2015. Piłsudski’s May Coup in commentaries of “Dziennik Wileński” journalists. The Scientific Journals of the Learned Society of Ostrołęka, 29, рр.101–114. (In Polish) Bohachevsky-Chomiak, М., 1981. The Ukrainian university in Galicia. Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 5(4). Published by Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, pp.497–545. (In English) Bossowski, F., 1924. Any irritating policy must be abandoned. Kurjer Polski, August 24, р.3. (In Polish) Bukowiecki, S., 1922. The policy of independent Poland. Essay of the program. War-saw: Ignis S.A. (In Polish) Bukowiecki, S., 1924. Providing cultural development for minorities unites them with the State. Kurjer Polski, July 4, р.2. (In Polish) Czekaj, К., 2011. Artur Śliwiński (1877–1953). Politician, publicist, historian. Warsaw. (In Polish) Dąbrowski, P., 2020. Belarussian and Jewish issues in the political and legal thought of polish groups in Vilnius in the first years of independence – selected issues. Studia juridica Lublinensia, 29(4). Pomeranian University in Slupsk, pp.59–70. (In English) Dembowski, T., 1924. May everyone in Poland be fine. Kurjer Polski, August 10, р.4. (In Polish) Do you know who it is?, 1938. S. Łozа, ed. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Głównej księgarni wojskowej. [online] Avialable at: https://prokuratoria.gov.pl/index.php?p=m&idg=m3,113 [Accessed 23 march 2021] (In Polish) Hauswald, Е., 1924. It is necessary to adhere to the principles of fairness and compre-hensive tolerance. Kurjer Polski, August 7, р.2. (In Polish) Hud, B., 2018. From the history of ethnosocial conflicts. Ukrainians and Poles in the Dnieper region, Volhynia and Eastern Galicia in the XIX–first half of the XX century. Harkiv: Akta. (In Ukrainian) Holzer, J. 1974. Political mosaic of the Second Polish Republic. Warsaw: Książka і Wiedza. (In Polish) Jászi, O., 1929. The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy. Chicago–Illinois: The University of Chicago Press. [online] Avialable at: https://ia801603.us.archive.org/33/ items/in.ernet.dli.2015.151077/2015.151077.The-Dissolution-Of-The-Habsburg Monar-chy.pdf [Accessed 15 march 2021]. (In English) Kakareko, A., 2002. To restore the state myth: reception of the Jagiellonian heritage in the environment of the Club of Tramps Seniors in Vilnius in the 1930s. In: Poles and neighbors – distances and the interpenetration of cultures: a collection of studies, part 3. R. Wapiński, еd. Ostaszewo Gdańskie: Stepan design. (In Polish) Krykun, M. and Zashkilnyak, L., 2002. History of Poland. From ancient times to the present days. Lviv: Ivan Franko National University in Lviv. (in Ukrainian). Krzywobłocka, B., 1974. Christian Democrats 1918–1937. Warsaw: Książka і Wiedza. (In Polish) Kurjer Polski, 1924a. May 21. (In Polish) Kurjer Polski, 1924b. May 23. (In Polish) Kurjer Polski, 1924c. July 4. (In Polish) Makarewicz, J., 1924. Minorities. Lviv: Chrześcijańska Spółka Wydawnicza, 1924. (In Polish) Malycka, K., 1924. About Olga Levitsky Bessarabova. Dilo. February 23. (In Ukraini-an) Minutes of a conference held 11–12 july 1924, at the polish Ministry of Religions and Education, 1981. 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What place did Harvard College have in the modern University, with its expansive central administration, research-driven faculty, ambitious and high-powered professional schools? A much more important one than this litany of potential threats might suggest. The College remained the most conspicuous and prestigious part of the University. It produced the most generous donors; it outclassed its rivals in attracting the most sought-after students; it exemplified Harvard in the public mind. And it shared in the worldly ambience of the late-twentieth-century University. For decades, Harvard College admissions was a battleground over who would be accepted and on what grounds access would be granted. The admission of Jews was a touchstone issue in the conflict between the Brahmin and meritocratic impulses from the 1920s to the 1950s. Then another problem came to the fore: how to choose a freshman class from a swelling number of qualified applicants. As selection became ever more complex and arcane, the sheer size and quality of the applicant pool enabled the dean of admissions and his staff, rather than the faculty, to define the terms of entry. The result was that classes were crafted to be outstanding in more than purely academic-intellectual terms. Intellectual superstars were a small group of near-certain admits. After that, a solid level of academic ability set an admissions floor, above which character, extracurricular activities, artistic or athletic talent, “legacy” status, and geographical diversity figured in the admissions gene pool. After the 1960s, diversity came to embrace race and gender. Chase Peterson, who was dean of admissions during the tumultuous years from 1967 to 1972, thought that during his time the criteria for selection broadened to include tenacity, perseverance, having learned something deeply and well, social generosity, intellectual openness, and strength of character. A statement on admissions desiderata in the 1990s included “honesty, fairness, compassion, altruism, leadership, and initiative” and stressed: “We place great value in a candidate’s capacity to move beyond the limits of personal achievement to involvement in the life of the community at large.” One of Dean of Admissions Wilbur Bender’s 1950s ideal admits, a “Scandinavian farm boy who skates beautifully,” had better have headed his local skating club or taught skating to inner-city youth if he hoped to get into Harvard at the century’s end.

Camp and Harvard’s W. A. Brooks negotiate an agreement finally completed in February 1897 that reinstates Harvard-Yale athletic relations. Separately, the University Athletic Club in 1896 helps lead a reconstitution of the 1894 rules committee with Cornell added and Dashiell from Navy included later. In making rules for 1896, the new rules committee bars momentum plays (only one man on offense can be in motion, and he must be moving toward his own goal line) and restricts mass play (by requiring five men on the line at snapback).

With the Intercollegiate Football Association disrupted by the resignation of Pennsylvania and Wesleyan, a new category of rules committee is created under the auspices of the University Athletic Club in New York City. The new rules committee comprises five older, more experienced men representing Harvard, Pennsylvania, Princeton, Yale, and the U.S. Navy with Paul Dashiell; all are graduates with responsible jobs. The IFA is left inactive, thus effectively ending student rule making. Rules are passed to limit momentum plays by allowing only three players to be in motion forward before the ball is snapped. A “linesman” is added as a third game official.

Peverley (Peppy) Dennett Kinsey came from a prominent New England background. Her grandfather, Tyler Dennett, received the Pulitzer Prize for his biography of John Hay. Her father graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Harvard and was director of the World Peace Foundation and president of the American Scandinavian Foundation. She attended prestigious schools, including Mount Holyoke College, where she became an accomplished dancer. Peppy’s longtime friend Victoria Ferenbach speculates on what might have happened on Impala Hill, where Peppy died. Bill Kinsey grew up in North Carolina, attended Washington and Lee University, where he excelled academically, and participated in a great many activities, such as, the Washington Literary Society, publication of Ariel, track, rifle team, and the International Relations Club.

This chapter considers two areas where The Satanic Temple has attempted to participate in institutions that nominally promote religious pluralism and tolerance: a 2014 black mass hosted through a cultural studies club at Harvard University and attempts to lead prayer invocations before city councils, following the 2014 Supreme Court decision Greece v. Galloway, which ruled that sectarian prayers may be offered provided no religion is excluded. In both cases, tremendous efforts were made to block The Satanic Temple from participating in these institutions. Several city councils passed new laws restricting prayer invocations rather than let The Satanic Temple participate. The Satanic Temple’s opponents did not frame their response as intolerance; rather, they claimed that The Satanic Temple is engaged in hate speech and must be censored. Analysis examines these responses and considers whether these institutions practice the values of tolerance and religious pluralism as they purport to.

Abstract As economics advances, economists whose research straddles the expanse of the subject become fewer and fewer. Amartya Sen belongs to this rather exclusive club. Beginning with his Ph.D. thesis, completed at Cambridge University under Joan Robinson, Maurice Dobb, and Piero Sraffa, where he analysed the problem of choice of techniques for a developing country, Sen has worked and written in an astonishingly large number of areas. His book Collective Choice and Social Welfare (1970) is a seminal contribution to social choice theory and has motivated a large number of economists and philosophers to work in the field. Although his interest in this field goes back to his student days in Cambridge, most of Sen’s work on the book was done while he was Professor at the Delhi School of Economics and during his visiting appointments at Berkeley and Harvard. In the early 1970s he moved to the London School of Economics, where he continued to work on social choice and investment planning and also began his research on famines and entitlements. His early days at the LSE saw publication of his book On Economic Inequality (1973), which strongly influenced many subsequent writers on the measurement of inequality, poverty, and welfare. It typifies his writing style, which is both eloquent and succinct, a rare combination indeed.