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1
Hammond, Mason, et Clive Foss. « Roman Historical Coins ». Classical World 85, no 6 (1992) : 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351180.
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Wiseman, T. P. « Roman Republic, Year One ». Greece and Rome 45, no 1 (avril 1998) : 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/45.1.19.
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The Romans knew that they had once been ruled by kings, and they believed, perhaps rightly, that the fall of the monarchy had taken place at what we would call the end of the sixth century B.C. The texts that tell us this – Livy, Dionysius, Plutarch, etc. – all depend on a historical tradition that can be traced back as far as the second half of the third century B.C., when the Roman literary genres of historical drama, historical epic, and prose historiography began. Before that, we do not know how the Romans conceived or recorded the memory of their own past.
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Petrovic, Vladimir. « Pre-roman and Roman Dardania historical and geographical considerations ». Balcanica, no 37 (2006) : 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637007p.
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This paper on Pre-Roman and Roman Dardania is an attempt to review, in a somewhat restricted article form, several important issues marking the development of the Dardanian areas in a period between the earliest references to the Dardani in written sources and their inclusion in the administrative structure of the Roman Empire. Historical developments preceding the Roman conquest of Dardania are analyzed, as well as its boundaries, and the character and administrative structure of the conquered territory. Changes that Dardanian society underwent are paid special attention, and phases in the development of urban centres and communications outlined.
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Trundle, Matthew. « Greek Historical Influence on Early Roman History ». Antichthon 51 (2017) : 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2017.4.
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AbstractThis study employs a comparative approach using Greek models of historical enquiry, especially those of Herodotus, to illustrate how Romans prior to the Punic Wars, and indeed as early as the fifth and fourth centuriesBC, might have developed their own historical consciousness and historical traditions concerning their early past in much the same way as we know the Greeks had done by the fifth centuryBC. What follows is not at all new. Many have identified Roman historical and historiographical roots, connections, and even parallels with Greek history and historians.1What follows reiterates those connections, explicitly by assessing how Herodotus presented his inquiries to his Greek audience, laying the foundations for the discipline ofhistoria, and then by examining specifically the story of the Fabii at the Cremera in Livy, Dionysius and Diodorus. Through this one historical example, I hope to show that the roots of genuine historical thought can be found in the sources of our sources for early Roman traditions. Despite the fact that these traditions appear in works written much later than the events they describe, the nature of the stories preserved in our extant accounts suggests similar historiographical roots and interest as those preserved by Herodotus for the Greeks in the stories he told in hisHistories.
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Schiffman, Zachary Sayre. « An Anatomy of the Historical Revolution in Renaissance France* ». Renaissance Quarterly 42, no 3 (1989) : 507–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862081.
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In his Dessein de l'histoire nouvelle des françois, Lancelot Voisin de La Popelinière offered a blueprint for a French history of broader range and deeper reach than any previous effort. He divided his proposed work into three parts: pre-Roman Gaul, Roman Gaul, and the kingdom of France from the Merovingians to the present. Part one would concern “the form of government, public and private, of the Gauls living in liberty before the Romans had envied, undermined, and eventually seized their dominion.” It would detail their religion (its priests and rituals), their nobility (its composition, privileges, and lifestyle), the lesser social orders (merchants, artisans, and commoners), and their public institutions (laws, magistrates, and other officials) — “in brief, everything notable about so little-known a state.” Part two would follow the same pattern but in even greater detail, examining the changes introduced by the Romans in “religion, administration, justice, military discipline, finances, and business, ” as well as social changes.
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Qoshqarli, Qoshqar O. « On The Reason of Pompey’s Second Campaign to Caucasian Albania ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, no 5 (2021) : 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016664-7.
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In 66–65 BC Roman commander Gnaeus Pompey during the Mithridates Wars and his Caucasian campaign twice invaded the territory of Caucasian Albania. This was the first appearance of Roman legionnaires in the territory of a distant Caucasian country, previously familiar to the Romans only by the indirect news of ancient authors. If the first Roman invasion to Albania from the territory of Armenia in 66 BC was repeatedly and in detail analyzed in the scientific literature, the second campaign of the Roman troops, carried out after the conquest of Georgia in 65 BC, is still awaiting its explanation by researchers. To a large extent, this was due to the unusual route of Pompey's troops to Albania - not from the territory of Iberia, but again from the territory of Armenia. Such an opinion prevails in historical literature, that the reason of Pompey’s second march to the Caucasian Albania is that when Pompey was in Colchis, Albania’s king Oroys violated the peace treaty he had signed with Pompey, rebelled and began preparing for the new war with the Romans which led to the new intervention of the Romans in this country. However, detailed analysis of the events, as well as the acts of the Romans and Albanians during this second march gives reason to have some doubts on the historical reality of this cause and assume a desire, namely to take the complete control of the Transcaucasian area of the international trade route known in historical literature as the «Strabo’s Path».
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Potokin, Yuri Nikolaevich. « The influence of roman law on the formation and development of the romano-germanic legal family ». LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no 3B (29 septembre 2021) : 669–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173b1611p.669-676.
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The purpose of the present work is to analyze the little-studied aspects of the influence of Roman law on the formation and establishment of modern legal systems related to the Romano-Germanic legal family. The author conducts a historical and dialectical analysis of the formation of the sources of Roman law, makes assumptions about their origin, and highlights the specifics of some of them. Legal reception has been considered separately as the main factor of influence of Roman law on the creation and formation of the law of the states of the Romano-Germanic legal family. It has been concluded that it is necessary to harmonize the sources of national law with the requirements of Roman law, the hypothesis has been proved that it was the qualitative characteristics of Roman law that served as the main reason for its reception by the states of the Romano-Germanic legal family.
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Wilkes, J. J. « Roman Britain : Historical Map and Guide ». Britannia 23 (1992) : 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526145.
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Dal Ri, Luciene, et Clóvis Demarchi. « Ius Gentium e Direito Internacional : identificação ou sobreposição ? » Revista Justiça do Direito 31, no 3 (23 janvier 2018) : 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/rjd.v31i3.7842.
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Ius Gentium e Direito Internacional: identificação ou sobreposição?
Resumo: Neste artigo questiona-se a identificação do conceito romano de ius gentium com aquele de direito internacional moderno. Para responder o questionamento, busca-se identificar as características do ius que regulava as relações de Roma com outros povos e reis e as situações jurídicas que envolviam os estrangeiros. Observou-se que a aplicação do conceito moderno de direito internacional à antiguidade romana gera a mutilação da realidade histórica e dificulta a compreensão do seu universalismo, em suas especificidades culturais. Este artigo contribui para desconstruir a identificação do ius gentium romano com o conceito de direito internacional moderno.
Palavras-chave: Direito romano. Ius gentium. Ius fetiale. Direito internacional.
Ius Gentium and International Law: Identification or Overlay?
Abstract: In this article the identification of the Roman concept of ius gentium with that of modern international law is questioned. To answer this question, this paper seeks to identify the characteristics of the ius that regulated the relations of Rome with other peoples and kings and the legal situations that involved the foreigners. It was observed that the application of the modern concept of international law to Roman antiquity generates the mutilation of historical reality and makes it difficult to understand its universalism in its cultural specificities. This article contributes to deconstruct the identification of the Roman ius gentium with the concept of modern international law.
Keywords: Roman Law. Ius gentium. Ius fetiale. Internacional Law.
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Nikishin, Vladimir O. « Pax Romana and the Roman “imperialism” in the 1st century A.D ». RUDN Journal of World History 11, no 1 (15 décembre 2019) : 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2019-11-1-76-90.
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This article is devoted to such a historical phenomenon as the Roman “imperialism” in the epoch of Augustus and his coming successors. Despite the fact that the founder of the Principate had declared the coming of “pax Augusta”, he spent several wars of conquest (for instance, in Spain and Germany). But Tiberius had already refused of “aggressive imperialism”, then the Empire moved to defense at all frontiers. The emperors of the 1st century A.D. only from time to time took offensive actions (for example, in Armenia or Britain). Probably, there were two reasons for the Romans’ rejection of expansion policy. First of all, by that moment they had already conquered practically all the Mediterranean, and the expanding of the boundaries of the Empire hadn’t sense any more. Secondly, the creation of professional army led to the noticeable decline of the militarization level of the Roman society, which from that on was keenly interested in the keeping of peace and stability all over the “pax Romana”.
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Weinberg, Bella. « Hebraic Authorities : A Historical-Theoretical Perspective ». Judaica Librarianship 8, no 1 (1 septembre 1994) : 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1230.
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The standardization of Hebrew names in cataloging and bibliography has its roots in the Anglo-American tradition of Romanized author main entry. Cross-references from Hebrew names to their Roman equivalents are found in some British Hebraica catalogs published in the 19th century. In the Hebrew bibliographic tradition, in contrast, title main entry predominated and, given the nondistinctiveness of Jewish names, author access was rarely provided. Israeli librarians adopted the Western tradition of author main entry while retaining their commitment to original-alphabet cataloging; their Hebraic authority work consisted primarily of standardization of Hebrew orthography. The Hebraic capability of the Research Libraries Information Network (RLIN) made American Judaica librarians aware of the advantages of Hebrew name access; they had formerly been accustomed to Hebrew title access only. Many libraries are inputting parallel Hebrew access points to RLIN, with varying degrees of authority control. The USMARC Format for Authority Data has been revised to allow for parallel non-Roman data; the fields defined for non-Roman data have not been implemented, however, because the Library of Congress cannot handle non-Roman scripts in its processing system. Hebraic authority control is therefore done locally, in manual mode or with database management software.
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Manuwald, Gesine. « ‘FACT’ AND ‘FICTION’ IN ROMAN HISTORICAL EPIC ». Greece and Rome 61, no 2 (12 septembre 2014) : 204–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000047.
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In the second half of the third centurybceRoman historical epic (notably that written by Naevius and Ennius) and Roman historiography (notably that of Fabius Pictor) came into being at roughly the same time. Whether and in what ways these two literary forms may have mutually influenced each other in their early development is a matter of debate, but it is obvious that there are both similarities and a generic difference, demonstrated by the use of prose or verse respectively and the accompanying style. Such characteristics enable a distinction between different types of narrative, even if the same events in Roman history are covered.
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Woolf, Greg. « Making the most of historical Roman archaeology ». Archaeological Dialogues 9, no 1 (juillet 2002) : 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800002063.
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Archaeological dialogues are not always genteel affairs. I have been very fortunate in the care with which the commentators have read my paper and the generosity with which they have responded to it. Collectively, their remarks raise more issues than I can adequately respond to in my turn.
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Antwi, D. K. N. « Historical perspectives on health Roman surgical practice ». Journal of the Royal Society for the Promotion of Health 120, no 3 (septembre 2000) : 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146642400012000309.
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Mattingly, David, et S. Esmonde Cleary. « Historical Map and Guide of Roman Britain ». Britannia 33 (2002) : 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1558870.
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Grig, Lucy. « Roman History ». Greece and Rome 64, no 1 (14 mars 2017) : 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000279.
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This issue's crop of books presents a strikingly diverse and geographically mobile ancient world. In this review we will travel from Britain to Arabia, taking in southern Iberia and Judaea en route, as well as considering the highly topical theme of migration. These books offer some fascinating new insights into the ancient world, as well as suggesting some intriguing historical perspectives on some of the most pressing issues of our present time.
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Allison, Penelope M. « Response. Historical complexity ». Archaeological Dialogues 13, no 1 (15 mai 2006) : 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s138020380627185x.
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The concerns of these five commentators are too diverse to be dealt with comprehensively in this short response, but I emphasize that this paper introduces a project which aims to ‘redress the balance’ with regard to Roman military bases as domestic spaces and whose theoretical and methodological underpinnings are wide-ranging and complex. I will briefly address a few basic points.
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GYFTOPOULOU, Sophia. « Historical Information gathered from the Mauricii Strategikon ». BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 23 (2 décembre 2013) : 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1052.
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<!--StartFragment--><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'">A few relevant sections from the <em>Strategicon</em> of Mauricius are analyzed in order that Byzantine military tactics be further clarified: the meaning of the word <em>σχολ</em></span><em><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Microsoft Sans Serif'">ὴ</span></em><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'"> ; contagion (epidemic) and starvation (famine) threatening the soldiers when gathered together; and the potential scouting mission of heralds. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'">Additionally certain facts provided by the treatise regarding specific military subjects are presented together, so that they can be effectively elucidated; the length of both the bowshot and the long bowshot; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'">the exact function of the multi trenches of the ‘fossaton’ military camp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'"> <em>touldos</em> (the baggage train: composition - function - etymology/origin); <em>depotatoi</em> (the unarmed units: recruitment – equipment - size - mission). Finally speculation on the composition of the text attempts to draw attention to the use of former treatises by the author and to the degree of his personal contribution. </span><!--EndFragment-->
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Maoz, Asher. « Historical Adjudication : Courts of Law, Commissions of Inquiry, and “Historical Truth” ». Law and History Review 18, no 3 (2000) : 559–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744068.
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When the State of Israel was established and the Supreme Court inaugurated in Jerusalem, dozens of Christian clerics implored President Smoira to allow the Supreme Court, as the successor of the Great Sanhedrin, the supreme Jewish court during the time of Roman rule, to retry Jesus Christ and thereby rectify the injustice caused to him.
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Zhang, Fangfang. « Imperial Imagination in Cymbeline ». Theory and Practice in Language Studies 7, no 5 (1 mai 2017) : 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0705.03.
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Though telling the story of the Roman conquest, Cymbeline features alliance and fraternity, instead of enmity, between ancient Briton and the Roman Empire. Cymbeline, through its appropriation of the Roman-Briton tie, gives shape to the imperial imagination of the Stuart court. Shakespeare depicts the historical King of Briton, Cymbeline, the legendary warrior raised by the Romans, as the British counterpart of Caesar Augustus and heir of the mythical Brutus. Cymbeline can also be seen as an avatar of James I, who at that time willed to become the second Brutus and was keen to conquer. Shakespeare presents a Romanized Briton as the proper heir to the Roman Empire, degrading the Empire’s natural descendent Italy for their moral corruption. The sense of moral superiority caters to the burgeoning imperial practice of the Jacobean monarch.
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Kurylo, Мykola, et Krystyna Kuzmenko. « Some aspects of the historical development of abuse of right in civil proceedings ». Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no 4 (30 décembre 2020) : 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.4.2020.39.
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The article is the study of certain periods of the development of abuse of right in civil proceedings. It is noted that one can foundthe first references to the abuse of right and its consequences for the legal order as a whole, as well as prototypes of liability for its commission,in the ancient documents of Roman law.
It is substantiated that the Romans, in their understanding of the limits of the exercise of subjective rights, worked the way upfrom giving absolute freedom in its exercise to identifying typical cases of unfair behavior and reasonably prohibiting it in case of intentionsto cause harm to others. Actually, the intentions to cause harm to another person by one’s actions became one of the reasons forthe legislative description by Roman lawyers of the proper use of subjective right and the introduction of targeted restrictions on itsexercise, especially in the field of real estate.The abovesaid is mainly related to the subject of material civil law, however, it also matters for understanding the general contextof the development of the doctrine of abuse of right. The issues of the procedure for the enforcement of law, though not separated frommaterial law, were slightly developed in Roman law. In this regard, the concept of a lawsuit was of particular importance to the Romans.It is significant that even in Roman law, when determining the procedure for adjudicating disputes, special attention was drawnto the possible unfair actions of the litigation parties and methods of dealing with such actions. It was mainly about typical cases of fi -ling a case without merit or objecting to it.The study indicates that in spite of the collapse of the Roman Empire, the main developments and achievements of Romanlawyers in the field of private law were not lost. On the contrary, later they came into widespread use. The evidence of it is, for example,the so-called Italian canonical trial.According to some researches, in the legislation of this period, one can also find the reference to the prohibition of chicanery,that is actions formally meeting legal requirements, but carried out solely for the purpose of causing harm.It is proved that the search for the most effective means of dealing with the abuse of right continued at a new stage in the deve -lopment of the legal system of European states and owing to their successful reception of Roman law. The civil procedural legislationof Germany, France and England, having adopted the Roman idea on preventing the unlawful exercise of subjective right, demonstratedthe main approaches to a possible solution to the problem of abuse of civil procedural rights.
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Lapyrenok, Roman. « The Political and Economic Origins of the Roman Revolution ». Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 22, no 2 (7 juin 2021) : 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2021.22(2).222-245.
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The paper considers some economic and legal aspects of the struggle for the public land in Late Republican Rome. This period is one of the most controversial in ancient history; it brought many significant changes to the socio-economic and political life of Rome and contributed much to its transformation from Republic to Principate. Nevertheless, there is no special paper examining the competition between the Romans and Italians for the ager publicus populi Romani which started with the agrarian reform of Tiberius Gracchus in modern historiography. The first episode ended after the enactment in 111 B.C. of the lex agraria, when a large amount of public land was brought into private hands by its Roman possessors. A further part of the ager publicus populi Romani was still public and remained in hands of the socii. The logic of historical process, the economic changes of the second century B.C. which led Rome from Republic to Principate, demanded the formation of a new class of landowners. The latter would be the basis of the political system of the Roman Empire instead of the nobilitas; its political power would be based on private ownership of land. This was impossible without the full privatization of public land, and it is logical that the struggle for the ager publicus populi Romani was not ended in 111 B.C. Only after privatization of that land, which was possessed by the allies, the agrarian question in Rome could be fully resolved. The latter problem is of crucial importance for the further history of Rome, because it not only caused the Social War but also radically changed both the social structure and the political balance within Roman society during the last decades of the Republic.
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Gordon, David, et Richard Vaughan. « The Value Added Properties Of Local Historical Preservation Districts ». Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 28, no 2 (14 février 2012) : 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v28i2.6849.
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<span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;"> </span><p style="margin: 0in 0.5in 0pt; text-align: justify; mso-pagination: none;" class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: black; font-size: 10pt; mso-themecolor: text1;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">This paper explains what is meant by having real property or entire districts designated as historically significant. The economic and social significance of such a designation is explored. The role of a local historic preservation commission is addressed. It is shown that such an organization enhances the benefits of a historical designation by eliminating informational asymmetries. A simple economic model is developed demonstrating the valuation changes arising from the benefits of the historical designation. Difference in difference models along with hedonic regression models are explained. Empirical results from these models are surveyed. The topic of sustainability and how it increases social value is also approached.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;"> </span>
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Xu, Ruochuan. « Roman Conception of Self and Others ». Review of European Studies 10, no 4 (25 octobre 2018) : 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v10n4p139.
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This paper discusses ancient Romans’ auto-stereotypes and hetero-stereotypes, which are respectively the way they identify themselves and other peoples. Organized thematically, the sections center around the thesis that stereotypes were influenced by and in turn influenced Rome’s historical development. They unfold to address virtus and benevolent conqueror as two major auto-stereotypes and Greeks as a major group to which major hetero-stereotypes direct. The essay refers to primary texts in an attempt to reveal the psychology behind stereotypes, and points out their dynamic nature. Its major arguments are that virtus and the conception of justice in conquests both have stabilizing effects on Rome’s politics; the evolution of Roman view towards Greece reflects manipulation of individuals as well as historical contexts.
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Gabriel, Lukáč. « The Current Attempts at Writing a Slovak Historical Novel ». Issledovanija po slavjanskim jazykam 25, no 1 (30 avril 2020) : 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.30530/jsl.2020.04.25.1.1.
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Kim, Dong-joo. « Historical Theological Study on the Christian Roman Coinage ». Theological Forum 100 (30 juin 2020) : 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17301/tf.2020.06.100.37.
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Kauffman, George B. « The Historical Development of Chemical Concepts (Mierzecki, Roman) ». Journal of Chemical Education 69, no 5 (mai 1992) : A167. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ed069pa167.1.
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OLIYNYK, Mykola. « THE ROMAN MILITARY DIPLOMA AS A HISTORICAL DOCUMENT ». Східноєвропейський історичний вісник, no 15 (22 juin 2020) : 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2519-058x.15.204976.
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Elizabeth Ann Pollard. « Placing Greco-Roman History in World Historical Context ». Classical World 102, no 1 (2008) : 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.0.0053.
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حافظ, احمد. « Roman Social influences on Spain Historical Study A ». مجلة کلية الآداب . جامعة الإسکندرية 71, no 71 (1 juillet 2021) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bfalex.2021.152200.
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Grig, Lucy. « Roman History ». Greece and Rome 62, no 2 (10 septembre 2015) : 237–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351500011x.
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Let's start at the very beginning: that is, at the beginning of the history of Rome. This latest volume of the Oxford Readings in Classical Studies makes a clear case for the virtue of reprinting old articles even in an age of supposedly wide digital availability. An obvious virtue here is the fact this collection includes no fewer than seven articles that have been translated into English for the first time. In making this collection, the editors hope to show the continuing lively debate on the nature of the ancient historiographical tradition. Rather than taking a particular editorial line, the collection includes scholars with differing views as to the reliability of this tradition when it comes to early Roman history. That being said, it is not surprising that scholarship that aims wholeheartedly to uphold the historicity of the traditional accounts is definitely outnumbered by studies demonstrating instead the construction of historiographical tradition(s). Nonetheless, Andrea Carandini begins the collection by arguing once more for the congruence of the archaeological evidence and the literary tradition. The articles that follow vary somewhat in approach and in degrees of scepticism – for instance, Fausto Zevi admits a historical core to stories about Demoratus and the Tarquins, whereas Michael Crawford is forthright in his rejection of historicity in the earliest list of Roman colonies. The editors have taken the helpful decision to focus rather more on ‘stories’ than individual authors and this certainly helps shape a thought-provoking collection that can be read with profit rather than just put on the shelf for future reference. In particular, the editors’ suggestion that this volume could profitably be given to students in place of a single ‘authoritative’ version of the history of early Rome, so that they can see that there are indeed different ways of ‘doing’ ancient history, is persuasive. Finally, any selection of papers is, of course, subjective but an article focusing rather more particularly on non-literary historical traditions might have rounded out the picture more fully.
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SHWARTZ, LOUIS. « Gargano Comes to Rome : Castel Sant'Angelo's Historical Origins ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no 3 (6 juin 2013) : 453–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046912001704.
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This article explores the early medieval transformation of a pagan Roman monument, Hadrian's tomb, into a Christian fortress consecrated to St Michael. Ado of Vienne's claim that Boniface IV (608–15) dedicated an elevated chapel to the archangel atop the ‘moles Hadriani’ is challenged and reexamined. The many similarities between Michael's shrine on Monte Gargano and this Roman chapel instead indicate that the angelic devotion spread from Gargano to Rome, sometime in the early eighth century, and that the Lombards were the likely transmitters.
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Irving, Sean. « Hayek’s neo-Roman liberalism ». European Journal of Political Theory 19, no 4 (17 juillet 2017) : 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885117718370.
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This article argues that Hayek employed a neo-Roman concept of liberty. It will show that Hayek’s definition of liberty conforms to that provided by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner, respectively the chief theorist and leading historian of the neo-Roman concept. It will go on to demonstrate how the genealogy of liberty Hayek provides is also the same as that offered by Pettit and Skinner. This is important, as the neo-Roman concept is not regarded, either by Hayek or by neo-republicans led by Pettit, as a product of political theory. Instead it is viewed as underpinning a historical tradition. Hayek’s self-conscious association with this tradition reinforces the article’s prior claim that Hayek’s conceptual writing on liberty is neo-Roman. Finally, the article considers how the neo-Roman nature of Hayek’s work complicates the historical narrative and political claims the neo-republicans make for the neo-Roman concept. It concludes that it is open to use by another, very different, political tradition: free market liberalism.
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Silver, Morris. « Historical otherness, the Roman bazaar, and primitivism : P. F. Bang on the Roman economy ». Journal of Roman Archaeology 22 (2009) : 421–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400020821.
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Toll, Katharine. « Making Roman-Ness and the "Aeneid" ». Classical Antiquity 16, no 1 (1 avril 1997) : 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011053.
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This essay attempts to develop some ideas about national identity as envisioned in the "Aeneid", with two foci: the lack of clarity concerning Aeneas' own nationality, and the inaccuracies in the descriptions of the foreigners portrayed on Aeneas' Vulcanian shield. I aim to undermine the notion that Vergil's own generation and Augustus' regime should be assumed to be the "climax," "culmination," or "fulfillment" of the historical process as the "Aeneid" imagines it, and to present reasons for thinking that Vergil's audience was being invited, instead, to imagine a very long-range future-to expand for themselves the scope of the poem and meet its challenge. I discuss the possibility that Vergil himself was not born either Roman or technically Italian and mention also the probable high proportion of his original audience born without the Roman franchise and admitted to it in the 80s or in 49. I argue that the extended historical range-finder through which the poem requires its readers to view themselves and their inheritors is designed to impose upon them the task of seeking a version of mos (civilized traditional customs) that can be made universal, and the task also of regarding present opponents as destined future fellow-Romans.
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Gribetz, Sarit Kattan. « A Matter of Time : Writing Jewish Memory into Roman History ». AJS Review 40, no 1 (avril 2016) : 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009416000040.
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The Palestinian and Babylonian Talmuds preserve fascinating stories about the origins of Roman festivals, through which they attempt to connect Roman history with Jewish history. This paper offers contextual readings of these narratives (Y. Avodah Zarah 1:2 [39c] and B. Avodah Zarah 8b) in light of Greek and Roman texts, epigraphical material, and numismatics, and places these rabbinic narratives within broader debates about cultural memory, Jewish historiography, calendars, and time. In one story, the idolatrous sins committed by a series of Israelite kings are blamed for the geological, mythical, and historical origins of the city of Rome, and a series of Roman imperial motifs and figures (the Tiber River, Remus and Romulus, Numa) are inverted. In another, the Romans are said to draw on the power of the Torah in order to defeat their Greek rivals. The rabbinic stories of Roman festivals and their Jewish origins can be understood as examples of what James C. Scott has called “a hidden transcript”—texts that bring to light an alternative perspective, that of the rabbis, within a Roman imperial context that they often interpreted as hostile or threatening.
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Hurley, Robert. « Ironie dramatique dans la mise en intrigue de l'empire en Romains 13, 1-7 ». Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 35, no 1 (mars 2006) : 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980603500103.
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Most attempts to explain Romans 13:1-7 proceed from the premise that Paul is speaking plainly and directly as he recommends that Christians adopt a respectful and obedient attitude towards those servants of god, the Roman authorities. Historically, Christians have read the passage as an endorsement of all governmental authority, a conclusion which appears repugnant to most exegetes in the wake of the Shoah and similar government-sponsored atrocities. While some authors explain the passage away by supposing it to be an interpolation, others maintain that it becomes understandable only if one takes into account a very particular set of historical circumstances. Given that elsewhere Paul clearly condemns the lords of the age and their magistrates—most notably for the crucifixion of Jesus and their corrupt practises—a reading of his recommendation in Romans 13 at face value produces insurmountable internal contradictions in the Pauline corpus. When this passage is approached with literary sensibilities, another interpretive option presents itself. The following article proposes an ironic reading of Romans 13:1-7 based on an analysis of a set of internal textual clues (suggested by the theoretical work of Wayne Booth) and supported by recent research into the relations between the nascent church and the oppressive Roman Principate.
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Baburin, Sergey N. « LAW ENFORCEMENT ISSUES : INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN LAW ON RUSSIAN CONSTITUTIONIALISM ». Law Enforcement Review 4, no 1 (25 mai 2020) : 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(1).5-13.
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The subject. Modern law enforcement is considered in harmony with the spiritual and moral foundations of legal culture through the use of ideas and approaches of Roman law.
The purpose. An attempt has been made to assess the influence of Roman Law on Rus-sian constitutionalism and modern law enforcement on the basis of the spiritual and moral traditions of Russian legal culture.
The methodology. Methods of dialectical logic, analysis and synthesis, comparative-historical, formal-legal methods were used. The main method is comparison of founda-tions of Roman law with the basic principles of Russian constitutionalism.
The main results and scope of their application. The problem of influence of Roman law on Russian constitutionalism and, in general, on the basis of modern Russian law en-forcement is raised. If universalism and individualism should be believed as the founda-tions of classical Roman law, then the basis of Russian law is community and social soli-darity. In Russia collective property and joint work as well as ancestral structure in the form of a rural community reached the modern times, while in ancient Rome their disap-pearance was the basis of the formation of Roman law. National peculiarities of the Rus-sian legal and political systems are determined by cultural-historical (civilizational) cir-cumstances, especially by the natural and climatic factors. It was in the communal world of Russia that the idea of Christian equality has formed the basis of the model of life, while in Western Europe the community has followed the path of individualization of the individual and differentiation of elites and masses according to the criteria of social suc-cess. The absolute belief in law as a phenomenon of social planning and a tool for com-promise between different parts of
society, inherited from Roman law, formed the Romano-German and Anglo-Saxon worldview, but it did not take root in Russian legal culture. Modern Russian constitution-alism, while poorly considering the Roman-Byzantine origins of national Russian law, is wrong in its denial of the national-cultural and historical adaptation of European legal in-stitutions and principles.
Conclusions. One of the important results of the study is the conclusion that the social value of Roman law in Russian Constitutionalism includes the moral mission of Roman law and a high assessment of the normative value of the heritage of Roman law. The val-ue depravity of the current Constitution of the Russian Federation can be eliminated, its defects can and should be corrected on the basis of the Roman law tradition, but this should be done only by adequately assessing the own experience of law enforcement, the thousand-year state-legal and spiritual development of the Russian civilization.
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Sanders, E. P. « Jesus in Historical Context ». Theology Today 50, no 3 (octobre 1993) : 429–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057369305000309.
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“These are exciting days to study Jesus in context. Archaeology is flourishing, and people are coming up with all kinds of interesting proposals. Many of the most recent proposals maintain, in effect, that Jesus was not very Jewish. He lived, they claim, in an urban, cosmopolitan world, and he was at least as influenced by Greek and Roman culture as by Jewish. … When all is said and done, though, it is clear Jesus lived in a Jewish context.”
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Bernads’ka, Nina. « Novitniy ukrayinsʹkyy roman : zhanrovi poshuky ». Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia, no 8 (31 août 2020) : 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2299-7237suv.8.16.
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The article outlines the main trends of development of the newest Ukrainian novel, its achievements and genre searches of the last decades. Increased interest of prose writers in historical subjects, documents, biographies has been noted, so the matrix of the historical novel is modified, history is artistically reproduced both as a private destiny of man, and as a hero, and as a trauma and as a game. At the same time, new psycho-biography novels, techno- and psychotriller novels, quotation books, retro-detectives are emerging for Ukrainian literature, and the genre of dystopia is being activated. The boundaries between mass and elitist literature are blurred, postmodern practices of writing are fading away, while realistic, romantic, even sentimental accents in the image of the past and present are intensified.
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Dabrowski, Patrice M. « On Forgetting, Displacement, and Historical Error in Polish History ». Polish Review 66, no 4 (1 décembre 2021) : 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.4.0006.
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Abstract Singling out Polish-Jewish relations as the major problem has come quite late in the millennium or so of Polish history. The present essay approaches Polish history from a different angle, considering its very nature as well as some important yet inconvenient facts that have been forgotten or displaced. What actually constitutes Polish history is presented as problematic. The historic divide between the nobility (Sarmatians) and the numerous peasantry (Roman Catholic Slavophones, the ancestors of most of today’s Poles) is shown to be a central problem that needed to be papered over, were a modern Polish nation to embrace the entirety of Polish speakers. In the nineteenth century, the two groups’ shared Roman Catholic faith was perceived as a bridge to unity. The subsequent weaponization of anti-Semitism by integral nationalists and Roman Dmowski’s creation of the category of “half-Poles” to label those who opposed him have repercussions to this day.
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Smirnov, I. « Logistics in hospitality : historical aspects ». Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography 2, no 43 (19 octobre 2013) : 273–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2013.43.1726.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Solved historical relationships in the development of hotel and restaurant business and transportation and logistics activities (modern terminology). Shown a significant role heolohistychnoho factor in the formation and functioning of the old hotel and restaurant establishments in Europe (during the Roman Empire) and in Asian countries, including the territory of modern Ukraine. Keywords: field of hospitality, logistics, hotel, hotel and restaurant business, transportation and logistics activities.
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Parker, Kenneth L. « Re-Visioning the Past and Re-Sourcing the Future : The Unresolved Historiographical Struggle in Roman Catholic Scholarship and Authoritative Teaching ». Studies in Church History 49 (2013) : 389–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002254.
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During twenty years of teaching at a Jesuit university in an ecumenical Ph.D. programme focused on historical theology, I have observed a profound unresolved problem in Roman Catholic theological scholarship. Framed very simply, it is this: since the rise of historical consciousness among Roman Catholics during the nineteenth century, conflicting historiographical assumptions about the Christian past have led to tensions and divisions among Roman Catholic scholars and church authorities. My purpose here is to diagnose this unresolved challenge and propose a mode of analysis for intra-ecclesial dialogue.
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Barrette, Rev Gene. « Spiritual Direction in the Roman Catholic Tradition ». Journal of Psychology and Theology 30, no 4 (décembre 2002) : 290–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164710203000404.
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This article presents the practice of spiritual direction in the Roman Catholic tradition. Specific attention is given to: definition and description of spiritual direction, scriptural roots, Roman Catholic specificity, practice in the early Church and association with the beginning of Monasticism, and the impact of Vatican II. The development of different forms of spiritual direction is presented within the context of the variety of theological, philosophical, cultural, and historical biases evident throughout church history. The process of authentic spiritual transformation and the role of the spiritual director plays are described–-both as it was understood historically and in terms of the present practice. Contrasts between spiritual direction and traditional psychotherapy are proposed.
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Loma, Svetlana. « Two epigraphic-historical notes ». Starinar, no 58 (2008) : 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0858189l.
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Recently a monograph appeared dealing with Roman epigraphical monuments from the West-Serbian town of Cacak and its neighbourhood (S. Ferjancic / G. Jeremic / A. Gojgic, Roman Epigraphic Monuments from Cacak and its Vicinity Cacak 2008, Engl. Summary pp. 103-107). Authored by one specialist in Roman history and epigraphy and two archaeologists, the book is rather thin and does not provide much new data, apart from the identification of the equestrian officer Tiberius Claudius Gallus with Severus' senator - which was taken from my PhD thesis without citing it - and from two inscriptions, ? 20 and ? 21, forming the subject of the present paper. Published here for the first time, they both contain important information which the co-authors failed to notice. The consuls of 227 A.D. in an inscription from Cacak The ? 21 (fig. 1) was found in the site of Gradina on the mountain Jelica, S. of Cacak. It is engraved on a whitish limestone monument, apparently an ara, the middle and lower parts of which are preserved after it has been reshaped to be used as building material. The four-line inscription was read by the editors as follows: [- - -] Aur(elius) F[- - - v(otum)] l(ibens) p(osuit) Mal+[- - -]et Al[- - - co(n)s(ulibus)] Idibus [- - -]. Unable to identify the pair of consuls mentioned in lines two and three, the authors interpret the inscription as a funerary one: [- - -]Aur(elius or -elio) F[- - - vix(it) ann(is)] L P. Mal+[- - -]et Al[- - - f(ecerunt) ? die ?] Idibus [- - -]. In fact, they misread the final cluster of the line two, by having mistaken for L the long right serif of M (in ligature with A) together with a trace of a subsequent letter, which proves to be an X. The alignment of the letters at the beginning of the lines suggests that the left side of the inscription is entirely preserved. The inscription reads as folows: ] \ Aur(elius) F+[ -] \ l(ibens) p(osuit) Max[imo] \ et Al[bino co(n)s(ulibus)] \ Idibus [ -]. M. Laelius Maximus Aemilianus (PIR2 L56) - probably son of Marcus Laelius Maximus (PIR2 L55), one of the leading senators under Septimius Severus - and M. Nummius Senecio Albinus (PIR2 N235) were the eponymous consuls of 227. The pair is attested in several inscriptions, e.g. CIL VIII 18831 from Numidia which resembles this one in recording the exact date: Bacaci Aug(usto) \ sac(rum) \ Albino et Ma\ximo co(n)s(ulibus) \ Kal(endis) Mai(is) [3] Si\ttius Novellus \ et Q. Galerius Mu\stianus magg(istri) \ [Thib(ilitanorum?)]. Here Albinus' name precedes that of Maximus, which is usually the case. Nevertheless, a parallel with Maximus named before Albinus is provided by an inscription from Dacia (ILD 774, near Cluj): Deae Ne\mesi sac\rum Aur(elius) Ru[f]inus \ be(ne)f(iciarius) co(n)s(ularis) \ leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae) \ Sever(ianae) v(otum) l(ibens) p(osuit) Maximo et Albi\[no] co(n)s(ulibus). Consequently, ? 21 is a votive inscription, largely restorable and precisely datable. The Collegium curatorum of the Cohors II Delmatarum in an inscription from Cacak Forty years ago within the Ascension Church yard in Cacak the lower part of a Roman limestone monument has been accidentally unearthed, bearing an inscription, three last lines of which are partially preserved (? 20 of the catalogue, (fig. 2), wherein only the mention of a cohort was recognized by the editors, who read: ]\[- - -]ALB[- - -| -]GIATI +[- - -|- - -co]h(ortis) eiusde(m) [- - -|- - - The elegant, shaded letters are lined up one below the other, which suggests that the text was arranged following the principle of centering. Above the L in the first line there is a trace of an O or a Q, unnoticed by the editors. So, there are 4 lines partially preserved. The space left between the lines 2 and 3 being larger than that between 1-2 and 3-4 respectively, the two last lines seem to constitute a separate entry. The genitive case cohortis eiusdem implies a preceding designation of the dedicant(s), and what we have before is a nominative plural ending in ?giati followed by a word of which only the first letter, C or O, is still discernible. As the most probable, if not the only possible, we propose the following restoration of the last two lines (fig. 8): [colle]giati c[urat(ores)]|[co]h(ortis) eiusde[m] possibly with a p(osuerunt) or d(edicaverunt) in the end. Despite its fragmentariness, the present inscription bears an important testimony to the existence, within the Roman army, of professional associations (collegia militaria) independent of regular military structures. The evidence for them is based solely on epigraphic sources; some hundred inscriptions contradict the paragraph of the Digesta (47.22) forbidding the soldiers to organize corporate associations in the camps. The cohort in question is doubtless the cohors II Aurelia Delmatarum milliaria equitata, which is known to have been stationed permanently, from the seventies of the second century A.D. to the fifties of the third century, in the eastern part of Dalmatia around the modern city of Cacak. It was a mixed infantry and cavalry unit, and the rank of curator (curator equitum singularium, curator alae, curator cohortis) is attested exclusively in the mounted units of the Roman army. It was higher than the simple eques; in the auxiliary troops, the curators may have been charged with special tactical or economic-administrative tasks. The lower officers (principales) and the soldiers with special tasks were allowed to form private associations fostering loyalty to the Emperor. All Roman collegia including the military ones, had their religious purpose and their official meeting room (schola) was also a sanctuary of their patron deity. It might be a part of the headquarters building, as in the case of the Castra Nova equitum singularium in Rome, where, beneath the Basilica of St John Lateran an Ionic capitel was uncovered with inscription on it dated with AD 197 recording the dedication of the schola curatorum to Minerva Augusta (AE 1935 156 = AE 1968, 8b).
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Niehoff, Maren R. « Paul and Philo on the Psalms ». Novum Testamentum 62, no 4 (22 septembre 2020) : 392–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341674.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Philo of Alexandria shares Paul’s Jewish Diaspora background and his use of the LXX. He also addressed Roman audiences just a decade or two before Paul wrote his Letter to the Romans. He thus enables us to analyze Paul’s approach to Psalms from a rigorous historical perspective, which highlights both their phenomenological similarities and Paul’s innovations on the path to develop a spiritual notion of Scripture.
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Kane, Ousmane. « Loimeier, Roman. — Muslim Societies in Africa. A Historical Anthropology ». Cahiers d'études africaines, no 229 (15 mars 2018) : 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.22029.
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Paul, G. M., et I. S. Moxon. « Past Perspectives : Studies in Greek and Roman Historical Writing ». American Historical Review 92, no 1 (février 1987) : 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862791.
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Millett, Martin. « Balsdon Fellowship : Historical geography of the western Roman Empire ». Papers of the British School at Rome 67 (novembre 1999) : 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200004621.
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Christiano, Kevin J., et Roger O'Toole. « Sociological Studies in Roman Catholicism : Historical and Contemporary Perspectives ». Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30, no 1 (mars 1991) : 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387165.
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