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1
Koca, Ozgur. "Whitehead and Ibn Arabi (1165-1240)." Process Studies 44, no. 2 (2015): 270–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/process201544218.
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Yıldırım, Assist Prof Dr Kazım. "Ibn-Ul-Arabi's Cultural Environment that Influenced Him." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (2017): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v5i1.p165-169.
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The cultural environment of Ibn al-Arabi is in Andalusia, Spain today. There, on the one hand, Sufism, on the other hand, thinks like Ibn Bacce (Death.1138), Ibn Tufeyl (Death186), Ibn Rushd (Death.1198) and the knowledge and philosophy inherited by scholars, . Ibn al-Arabi (1165-1240), that was the effect of all this; But more mystic (mystic) circles came out of the way. This work, written by Ibn al-Arabi's works (especially Futuhati Mekkiye), also contains a very small number of other relevant sources.
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Bozkurt, Birgül. "Muhyiddin İbn Arabî ve Abdulhak İbn Seb‘in’in Vahdet Anlayışlarının Mukayesesi." Journal of The Near East University Islamic Research Center 6, no. 2 (2020): 311–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32955/neu.istem.2020.6.2.01.
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In this article, the idea of unity of two great Andalusian thinkers Muhyiddin Ibn Arabî (d.1240) and Abdulhaq Ibn Sab‘în (d. 1270) were compared. Ibn Arabî was born in 1165 Ibn Sab‘în was also born in 1217 in Murcia. Ibn Sab‘în was influenced by Ibn Arabî in numerous issues, both two thinkers growing up in the same cultural environment. Ibn Arabî and Ibn Sab‘în defended the idea of unity in their philosophy but they were separated in the content of this understanding. While Ibn Arabî’s thought of unity was named as “wahdat al-wujûd” (unity of being), Ibn Sab‘în called his thought of unity as “wahdat al-mutlaqa” (absolute unity). Ibn Arabî’s thought of wahdat al-wujûd has a more comprehensive and profound feature, Ibn Sab‘în’s thought of wahdat al-mutlaqa has a modest structure. In Ibn Arabî’s thought Allah (God) is manifested in beings with his attributes and names. The realization of this manifestation takes place at various levels. On the contrary the formation and manifestation of beings does not exist in Ibn Sab‘în. He accepts only Allah as being and contributes the truth only to Allah. Ibn Sab‘în took Ibn Arabî’s thought to an advanced level with his notion of wahdat al-mutlaqa.
4
Yunis, Leandra. "Samatradução: a audição tradutória." Tradterm 33 (June 12, 2019): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2317-9511.v33i0p141-159.
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No presente artigo a autora comenta algumas operações tradutórias do método experimental desenvolvido em sua prática com a tradução direta do persa de alguns poemas místicos. Com base na teoria da imaginação de Ibn Arabi (1165-1240) e na doutrina da audição mística de Alghazali (1058-1111), propõe-se a adaptação de alguns procedimentos místicos para fins tradutórios. A reescrita de um gazal do mestre sufi Jalal Uddin Rumi (1207-1273) serve de fio condutor para demonstrar como seria a “audição tradutória” pelo método intuitivo.
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Teixeira, Faustino. "O sufismo e a acolhida da diversidade religiosa." Revista Pistis Praxis 7, no. 1 (2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/revistapistispraxis.07.001.ds02.
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Um dos mais admiráveis traços da tradição mística islâmica, conhecida como sufismo (tasawwuf), é sua abertura inter-religiosa. O que mais encanta os que se acercam dessa tradição é o toque de interioridade, a fragrância de cortesia e a delicadeza espiritual. Exemplos significativos dessa abertura podem ser vislumbrados desde o século IX, com místicos como al-Hallâj, executado em Bagdá no ano de 922. Esse espírito de abertura irradia-se por outros grandes pensadores dessa tradição como Ibn ‘Arabi de Murcia (1165-1240) e Jalâl-od-Dîn Rûmî (1207-1273). As diversificadas crenças do universo são percebidas, com alegria, como palavras vinculadas ao hálito do Todo Misericordioso. São como ramos de uma única Fonte.
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Nasyrov, I. R. "IBN ‘ATA’ ALLAH AL-ISKANDARI AND HIS SUFI APHORISMS (KITAB AL-HIKAM)." Islam in the modern world 14, no. 3 (2018): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-3-73-92.
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The present article is devoted to the study of famous Egyptian Islamic mystic (Sufi ) Ibn ‘Aṭā’ Allāh al-Iskandarī’s views in the context of Ibn ‘Arabi’s teaching of “wahdat al-wujud” (the Unity of Being). Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah al-Iskandari (d. 709/1309) was third great shaykh of the Sufi order of the Shadhiliyya, founded by Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili (d. 656/1258). Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah wrote works on Sufi sm that had become a part of classical Sufi legacy. His ‘Kitab al-Hikam’ (The Book of Wisdoms), a small collection of Sufi aphorisms, is considered to be genuine masterpiece. He played also the important role in the establishment of institutional framework of the Sufi order of the Shadhiliyya in Egypt. So, the spiritual legacy of him is embodied both in his disciples and in his books.The aim of this article is to explore the infl uence of the Ibn ‘Arabi’s ideas on Shadhiliyya tradition, especially on Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah al-Iskandari’s thought. The famous medieval Islamic thinker Ibn ‘Arabi (1165–1240) was one of the most infl uential Islamic thinkers. His intellectual talents and his deep infl uence on Muslim thought are indisputable. There is no doubt that Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah was familiar with Ibn ‘Arabi’s doctrines. The author considers that some ideas and theories that had become a part of Ibn ‘Arabi’s philosophy afterwards entered into early Shadhili tradition before Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah and were gradually transformed in accordance with sober form of Sufi sm. According to the author’s viewpoint, several factors forced the Shadhili shaykhs to reject metaphysical doctrines of Ibn ‘Arabi and preferred doctrines of sober form of Sufi sm, like teaching of the prominent Muslim theologian, philosopher and mystic al-Gazali (1058–1111).
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Hoffman, Valerie J. "Annihilation in the Messenger of God: The Development of a Sufi Practice." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 3 (1999): 351–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800055471.
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Scholars have long noted that the Prophet Muhammad assumed increasing importance in Sufi thought and practice over the centuries. For Sufis, belief in Muhammad's perfection often went beyond the standard affirmation of his immunity from error, and sometimes went so far as the assertions of the Spanish Arab Qadi ʿIyad (d. 1149/50) that Muhammad had assumed all the qualities embodied in the Ninety-nine Beautiful Names of God. Belief in Muhammad as a primordial cosmic light of divine origin is documented as early as the 8th to 9th centuries, and reached its fullest exposition in the works of Ibn ʿArabi (1165-1240) and his successors. Popular devotion to the Prophet in the form of poetry in his honor and celebrations of his birthday is documented at least as early as the 13th century.
8
Broadbent, Christine. "Celestial Magic as the ‘Love Path’: The Spiritual Cosmology of Ibn ‘Arabi." Culture and Cosmos 19, no. 1 and 2 (2015): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01219.0217.
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Nature’s secrets can be approached in a variety of ways and this paper explores celestial magic as the ‘path of love’ via the Sufi teachings of Muhyiddin Ibn al-Arabi (1165–1240 CE). Given the honorary title of ‘the greatest master’, al-Shaykh al-Akbar, he occupies a special place in the Sufi tradition, because his writings are by far the most extensive contribution to Islamic mystical philosophy. His terminology and works have become a main point of reference for most Sufi orders, partly due to the historical circumstances explored below. His teachings continue to be widely studied, and a range of contemporary Sufi schools, like Beshara in Scotland and Karnak in Northern Australia, have introduced westerners to the study, work, invocation and meditation of the Sufi path as passed down by Ibn ‘Arabi.1 This paper explores his use of astrological symbolism to illustrate Sufi cosmology, as for example, his ‘orientations to spirit’, which are a different way of viewing the ‘quadruplicities’. In Mystical Astrology According to Ibn ‘Arabi, translator and author Titus Burckhardt (1908–1984) calls attention to what Ibn ‘Arabi calls the ‘contemplative penetration of cosmic atmosphere’. Mystical correspondences, including ‘eternal prototypes’ and designated prophets, are linked to planets, like the symbolic chain he draws between the moon and Adam’s prophetic role as the ‘mirror’ of divinity.2 This may beg the question of an overlap between the mystical and the magical, yet any such engagement depends on cultural norms and social context for its nomenclature. Celestial ‘magic’, explored as an imaginative engagement with the cosmos for the production of knowledge, allows the Sufi ‘love path’, to be considered. Further, Tasawwuf, the mystical path of Sufism, is suggestive for the sociological discourse on the ‘magical subject’ and for the question that frames this paper: namely, what are the implications for our ways of knowing?
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Knysh, Alexander. "Tasting, Drinking and Quenching Thirst: From Mystical Experience to Mystical Gnoseology." Manuscripta Orientalia. International Journal for Oriental Manuscript Research 26, no. 2 (2020): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1238-5018-2020-26-2-37-43.
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The Sufi term “tasting” (dhawq) and its semantic cognates “drinking” (shirb / shurb) and “quenching of thirst” (riyy) appear frequently in the Sufi writings of the ninth — eleventh centuries AD to denote a mystical experience of the true reality of God and the divine creation. Originally referring primarily to the mystic's psychological or somatic state (hal), in later Sufi literature and oral teachings, especially in the writings of Ibn al‑‘Arabi (560—638 / 1165—1240), these concepts acquire metaphysical and cosmological connotations and are construed as being shared by both God and his elect servants, that is, Sufi “gnostics” (‘arifun bi‑Allah). Consequently, they become an important part of not just the Sufi cosmology, but also of Sufi gnoseology conceived by later Sufis as the only true knowledge about the Divine Absolute and its manifestation in the entities and phenomena of the material universe. This semantic shift reflects the wider process of Sufism's transformation from a mystical psychology to a mystical philosophy with its distinctive psychology, epistemology, cosmology and soteriology.
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Syofrianisda, Syofrianisda, and M. Arrafie Abduh. "Corak dan Pengaruh Tasawuf Al-Ghazali Dalam Islam." Jurnal Ushuluddin 25, no. 1 (2017): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/jush.v25i1.2559.
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Salah seorang tokoh cendekiawan muslim yang berhasil mengkompromikan dan mengintegrasikan antara tasawuf dengan syari’at menjadi konstruksi yang sangat memuaskan kalangan syar’i dan kalangan sufi adalah Imam al-Ghazali (1058-1111), melalui karya monumentalnya Ihyā’ Ulūm al-Dīn menawarkan sufisme yang dinamis dan kreatif dengan melihat kehidupan sebagai proses untuk mencapai penyempurnaan diri yang harus dilalui melalui aktivitas yang kreatif. Kitab Ihyā’ Ulūm al-Dīn mendapat sambutan antusias dari kalangan Islam, karena al- Ghazali mengelaborasi tasawuf dalam al-Qur’an dan Sunnah, sehingga Mir Valiuddin menulis disertasinya, The Qur`anic Sufism (Sufisme dalam al-Qur`an). Ia menyuguhkan konsep cinta (mahabbah), tauhīd (monoteisme), makhafah (takut) dan ma’rifah (pengetahuan). Di antara tokoh sufi terbesar yang terpengaruh oleh al-Ghazali ialah Muhyiddin Ibn Arabi (1165-1240) tentang perwujudan Tuhan secara keseluruhan alam nyata dan alam ghaib, kemudian al- Sya’rani (w.973/1585) salah seorang pengikut tarekat Syadziliyah (didirikan oleh al-Syadzili, w.656/1258) tentang akhlak bahwa hidup yang baik terletak pada pengabdian terhadap orang lain. Di samping itu, karya-karya al-Ghazali juga mempengaruhi penulis Kristen terbesar pada abad pertengahan, yaitu St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) tentang konsep Beatic Vision. Penulis generasi Kristen selanjutnya yang dapat dijumpai adanya dampak al-Ghazali adalah mistikus Perancis Pascal (1623-1662) tentang intuisi, yaitu hanya hati yang sadar akan Tuhan dan dapat memperoleh pengalaman langsung tentang Tuhan, bukan pikiran.
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Ebstein, Michael. "The Circular Vision of Existence: From Ismāʿīlī Writings to the Works of Ibn al-ʿArabī". Shii Studies Review 2, № 1-2 (2018): 156–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24682470-12340020.
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AbstractThe purpose of the article is to analyze the symbol of the circle and elucidate its significance in two medieval Islamic corpora: classical Ismāʿīlī writings, composed in the 4th/10th-6th/12th centuries, and the works of the famous Andalusī mystic Muḥyī l-Dīn Ibn al-ʿArabī (560/1165-638/1240). The discussion in the article focuses on two main areas: cosmology and sacred human history. Attention is also given to notions that are in this context unique to Ibn al-ʿArabī. The study reveals that the symbol of the circle and cyclical conceptions figure prominently in both Ismāʿīlī and Akbarian thought; moreover, the article demonstrates how Ismāʿīlī teachings are important for understanding the background against which Ibn al-ʿArabī developed his distinctive circular vision of existence.
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Knysh, Alexander. "Ibrāhīm al-Kūrānī (d. 1101/1690), an Apologist for waḥdat al-wujūd". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, № 1 (1995): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300013493.
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Few Islamic teachings can boast the fame, if not the notoriety, enjoyed by the doctrine of “unity of existence”, also known as “unity of being” (waḥdat al-wujūd). This controversialphilosophical doctrine became intimately associated with the towering figure of the Arabmystic of al-Andalus, Muḥyī'l-Dīn Ibn 'Arabī (d. 638/1240). Although Ibn 'Arabī himselfdoes not seem to have applied this ambiguous term to his loosely structured meta physical speculations, it gained wide currency among his followers starting from the celebrated Anatolian thinker Ṣadr al-Dīh al-Qūnawī (d. 673/1274).
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Lipton, G. A. "Ibn ‘Arabi and the Contemporary West." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 4 (2014): 140–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i4.1079.
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Although the thought of the Andalusian Sufi Muhyi al-Din ibn ‘Arabi (d.1240) has become increasingly popular in the West during the last century,only very recently has there been any attempt to analyze his contemporary reception.Isobel Jeffery-Street’s recent study on Ibn ‘Arabi in the West – withits dual focus on the Beshara School “for the study of esoteric education” andthe Muhyiddin Ibn ‘Arabi Society – offers a fecund starting place for suchanalysis, since these interrelated institutions have been two of the most significantsources for the growing Western recognition of Ibn ‘Arabi over thelast thirty years.Ibn ‘Arabi’s eclectic, unitive metaphysics has a long-standing and popularcorrelation with the so-called doctrine of waḥdat al-wujūd (the Unity of Existence[or Being]), although he never used such particular phraseology.1Nevertheless,the book’s conceptual lynchpin and that of the Beshara School itselfis formed around this idea, which the author blithely reifies as central to Ibn‘Arabi’s “complex Neo-Platonic Gnostic system” (p. 6, n. 13). As if directlyreflecting the variegated discourses from which Beshara emerged during the1970s, this study combines rather antiquated categorizations of “Oriental Sufism”(p. 6) with New Age rhetoric of global spiritual revival. Accordingly,Jeffery-Street aims ...
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Koca, Ozgur. "Causality as a ‘Veil’: The Ashʿarites, Ibn ʿArabī (1165–1240) and Said Nursī (1877–1960)". Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 27, № 4 (2016): 455–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2016.1194565.
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Koca, Ozgur. "Ibn ʿArabī (1165–1240) and Rūmī (1207–1273) on the Question of Evil: Discontinuities in Sufi Metaphysics". Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 28, № 3 (2016): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2016.1267969.
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Kolis, Nur. "WAHDAT AL-ADYAN: MODERASI SUFISTIK ATAS PLURALITAS AGAMA." TAJDID: Jurnal Pemikiran Keislaman dan Kemanusiaan 1, no. 2 (2017): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52266/tadjid.v1i2.42.
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Perkembangan hubungan antara umat beragama ccenderung kehilangan spirit kemanusiaannya yang universal, berganti dengan semangat kelompok dan individu. Isu agama diangkat untuk keepentingan individu, kelompok, dan kekuasaan. Gagasan tentang pembelaan terhadap Tuhan telah menjadi gagasan yang utopis. Iman kemudian tertuju pada institusi agama, bukan kepada Tuhan. Akhirnya penganut ajaran agama lain dianggap bukan peenyembah Tuhan. Secara bertubi-tubi sikap keagamaan tersebut memicu terjadinya peperangan atas nama agama. Berbagai langkah solutif telah coba diwacanakan. Dikalangan pemikir Islam sufistik, jauh sebelum muncul wacana pluralisme agama, terdapat satu gagasan tentang waḥdat al-adyân atau “kesatuan agama-agama”. Pemikir sufistik waḥdat al-adyân menawarkan satu gagasan moderat yang humanis, dan universal dalam konteks relasi agama-agama, mengandung pesan moral yang terkait secara langsung dengan masalah harmoni kehidupan sosial keagamaan. Universalitas konsep waḥdat al-adyân terdapat pada aspek ontologis, epistemologis, dan aksiologis. Konsep waḥdat al-adyân dalam tasawuf dipopulerkan oleh dua tokoh sufi ternama, yaitu Husin Mansur al-Ḥallâj (w. 922 M) dan Muhyi al-Din Ibn ‘Arabi wahdat al-wujûd (w. 1240 M). Al-Ḥallâj menggandengkan konsep waḥdat al-adyân dengan hulûl, sedangkan Ibn ‘Arabi. Pemikiran dua sufi tersebut saling melengkapi, al-Ḥallâj sebagai penggagas waḥdat al-adyân sedangkan Ibn ‘Arabi membuat ide-ide al-Ḥallâj menjadi sistematis.
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Silvers, Laury. "In the Book We have left out Nothing: The Ethical Problem of the Existence of Verse 4:34 in the Qur’an." Comparative Islamic Studies 2, no. 2 (2008): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cisv2i2.171.
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Kecia Ali writes in her book Sexual Ethics and Islam that studies on the history and forms of gender injustice in Islam have yet to adequately address concomitant theological challenges concerning the nature of the divine justice and will. In response to this need, I would like to explore the problem posed by the mere existence of verse 4:34, otherwise known as “the beating verse,” in the Qur’an. This article is intended to be a primary theological and ethical response to the problem, rather than a secular academic analysis of historical approaches to the verse. My approach is grounded in the thought of Ibn al-`Arabi (d. 1240), arguably the most influential, systematically comprehensive, and prolific mystic and thinker of medieval Islam. Ibn al-`Arabi’s ontology, ethics, and hermeneutics of the Qur’an provide a useful frame and a possible resolution to the problem.
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Čemo, Kenan. "Shiite critique of Ibn Arabi's teachings on Qutbiyyah (spiritual polehood)." Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 9, no. 3 (2020): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom2003081c.
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Ibn Arabī (died in 1240) is seen as one of the key representatives of spiritual anthropology in Muslim mysticism (taṣawwuf), which he presented as a systematic analysis in his teachings on the Perfect Man (al-Insān al-kāmil) and the whole hierarchy of the spiritually excellent led by the so-called quṭb (spiritual Pivot or Pole). However, the theory of the Perfect Man and the institutions of spiritual Pole (quṭb) are not only crucial in taṣawwuf. We would say that these issues also essentially constitute the very core of Shiite spirituality, as well as within Shiism, as one of the two basic currents of Muslim interpretive genius. To talk about this central pillar of ʻirfānī (gnostic) wisdom without at least generally showing an understanding of it within the spirituality of duodecimal Shiism (al-iṯnā ʻashariyya), would be a gross negligence of the fundamental content of one of the two basic currents of Muslim "mysticism", even more so since Shiite critique of Ibn Arabī's teachings on quṭbiyyat and its supporters is the only viable and noteworthy one.
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Ceballos, Manuela. "Espejo y metáfora: hacia una lectura comparada de san Juan de la Cruz e Ibn ʿArabī". El Azufre Rojo, № 5 (29 травня 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/azufre.332401.
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Resumen: Este ensayo propone una lectura simultánea de los escritos de Ibn ʿArabī de Murcia (1165-1240) y San Juan de la Cruz (1542-1591) a través del uso de la metáfora. Como bien lo ha sugerido Luce López-Baralt, la metáfora del “espejo pulido” de Ibn ʿArabī ofrece modos inesperados de entender la presencia constante de ojos, fuentes y reflejos en el Cántico Espiritual. Ambos autores describenla búsqueda de la unión con la divinidad como un proceso de autoconocimiento. Asimismo, la lectura de un texto a través del reflejo del otro saca a la luz significados que estaban ocultos antes del encuentro intertextual. Estos procesos espirituales y de lectura indican que la conciencia de lo ajeno (sea divino o humano) es indispensable para la revelación de la identidad propia.Palabras clave: Ibn ʿArabī. San Juan de la Cruz. Cántico Espiritual. Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam. Tarǧumān al-ašwāq. Poesía mística. Intertextualidad.Abstract: This essay proposes a simultaneous reading of the writings of Ibn ʿArabī of Murcia (1165-1240) and St. John of the Cross (1542-1591) through the use of metaphor. As has been initially suggested by Luce López-Baralt, the metaphor of the “polished mirror” in the works of Ibn ʿArabī serves as a lens through which images of eyes, reflections, and fountains in the Cántico Espiritual reveal new semiotic possibilities in both texts. Just as, in the works of both authors, the search for union with the divine is also a journey of self-discovery, reading one text as a reflection of the other may reveal previously concealed meanings, implying in a broader sense how confronting the divine other as well as the religious other helps, in turn, to construct and reveal self-identity.Key words: Ibn ʿArabī. San Juan de la Cruz. Cántico Espiritual. Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam. Tarǧumān al-ašwāq. Mystical poetry. Intertextuality.
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Mdaghri, Younes Alaoui. "Critical study of the erroneous attribution of the book Shajarat al-Kawn to Ibn ‘Arabī instead of to Ibn Ghānim al‐Maqdisī." Journal of Rotterdam Islamic and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jriss-2013-00013.
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AbstractShajarat al-kawn, (The Tree of the Universe) is a beautiful short treatise on Islamic mysticism that describes the universe and its true origin, the role and place of Prophet Muhammad (peace be on him), and his central place in the sacred presence. According to some manuscripts from the 19th century (13th century A.H.), it is attributed to Muhyī d- Dīn Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638 A.H./1240) . All scholars endorsed this attribution and it was conveyed via fifteen commercial book-prints.The study by Arabic scholars and orientalists and some translations led to doubt about the origin of the treatise. This was the start of an adventure because what was supposed to be known up to now would become questioned.During my research, I scrutinised two different unknown manuscripts of Shajarat alkawn. There was also a third, very old, manuscript written in the year 835 A.H. All these manuscripts refer to the author and poet ‘Izzu d-Dīn ‘Abd as-Salām Ibn Aḥmad Ibn Ghānim al-Maqdisī (d.678 A.H./1280) and not to Ibn ‘Arabī.Furthermore, I found some proof in the biographical history and the style of writing that pointed to Ibn Ghānim as the author. I came to the conclusion that the work was actually written by ‘Izzu d-Dīn ‘Abd as‐Salām Ibn Aḥmad Ibn Ghānim. From the results of my research, we can conclude that the book Shajarat al-kawn is by Ibn Ghānim and not Ibn ‘Arabī.This study consists of two parts. The first is: How did this treatise, Shajarat al-kawn, come to be universally attributed to Ibn ‘Arabī? The second is a discussion of the doubts that the treatise Shajarat al-kawn was written by Ibn ‘Arabī. This discussion consists of four topics: 1) the problem of copying manuscripts attributed to Ibn ‘Arabī, 2) the catalogues that attributed Shajarat al-kawn to Ibn ‘Arabī, 3) comparison of the text of the Shajarat al-kawn in both content and format with Ibn ‘Arabī and Ibn Ghānim, and 4) the studies and translations of the Shajarat al-kawn attributed to Ibn ‘Arabī.”
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Puerta Vílchez, José Miguel. "Yūsuf (José) en el universo imaginal de IbnʿArabī". El Azufre Rojo, № 1 (22 листопада 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/azufre.295361.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Si el paradigma profético cumple una función determinante en la construcción del edificio hermenéutico de Ibn ʿArabī (1165-1240), sobre todo los profetas Adán y Muhammad, con quienes se inaugura y cierra la realización del Ser Humano Perfecto, es evidente también que, entre todos los demás profetas, la figura de Yūsuf fascinó al gran místico murciano de una manera especial, debido a su directa relación simbólica con la Belleza y la Imaginación, dos conceptos fundamentales del pensamiento akbarí. La doble belleza física y espiritual de Yūsuf, junto con su inocencia, humillación y encarcelamiento, más su condición de iluminado intérprete de los sueños y conocedor de los símbolos del Mundo Imaginal, sitúan a este profeta en el eje de la aventura exegética, poética y de febril re-escritura del yo y del Mundo emprendida por Ibn ʿArabī. Podría decirse, incluso, que entre el Hijo de Platón, como se llamó también al Šayḫ al-Akbar, y el Hijo de Yaʿqūb, el profeta Yūsuf, aflora un interesante paralelismo, que parece ir más allá de la mera coincidencia: padecimiento de cárcel durante la juventud, elevación existencial a través de la plena purificación interior, perpetuo tránsito por el espacio físico y por el universo de las imágenes, ejercicio -también por parte de Ibn ʿArabī- de la interpretación de las visiones oníricas y de los símbolos del Mundo, y emulación, en fin, del poder de Yūsuf para vislumbrar lo oculto.