Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : International relations – 21st century.
Thèses sur le sujet « International relations – 21st century »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « International relations – 21st century ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Encinas-Valenzuela, Jesus Ernesto. « Mexican foreign policy and UN peacekeeping operations in the 21st century ». Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FEncinas-Valenzuela.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Douglas A. Borer, Marcos T. Berger. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-76). Also available in print.
2
Wechsler, William Alfred. « Clausewitz in space : rethinking Realism in the 21st century ». Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86677.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Realism is a two-dimensional theory of International Relations that sprung from the mid-20th century pen of Hans Morgenthau. It was a useful construct to explain 19th century European balance of power politics and for the most part, the actions of the main protagonists during the Cold War. Notwithstanding purported improvements and modifications associated with its various progeny, Realism's contemporary analytic value is problematic. Despite Realism's universal and 'timeless' empirical and iconic pretensions, by the end of the Cold War, the theory had limited explanatory, predictive, or prescriptive value.The families of Realisms, including neo-Realism, are stepped in confusion over means and ends; agents and structures; and wholes and parts. International Politics cannot be properly understood or thought to exist as an independent and closed system in which specific outcomes can be calculated with regularity and precision in two-dimensional causal terms based upon normative distillations of human nature. Explanations of global politics as a linear function of interests defined as power among nations maintain limited relevance in the 21st century. Rather, world politics constitutes a complex interactive system. Clausewitz's nuanced, insightful, and non-linear approach to theory and method, as well as more recent developments in Critical Scientific Realism and Complex Systems Theory, provide the basis for a new non-linear theory of International Relations. Complex Realism provides the potential for more accurate, nuanced, and scientific understandings of evolving, emergent, and adaptive 21st century realities. The core tenets of Complex Realism have already been embraced by the US military in terms of tactics and operations in its approaches to fighting counterinsurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan. They should now be applied at the scholarly and grand strategic levels to better understand broader issues of international politics including security, and formulating policies for such daunting global challenges as the weaponization of space.
Le Réalisme est une théorie à deux dimensions des relations internationales, née au milieu du 20ème siècle sous la plume d'Hans Morgenthau. C'est une construction, utile au 19e siècle en Europe, pour expliquer l'équilibre de la politique de puissance européenne, et pour la plupart des actions des principaux protagonistes durant la guerre froide. En dépit des améliorations présumées et des modifications associées aux diverses théories inspirées du réalisme, la valeur analytique contemporaine du Réalisme est problématique. Malgré ses prétentions universalistes et scientifiquement "éternelles", empiriques, et iconiques, à partir de la fin du 20e siècle, la théorie du Réalisme a une valeur explicative, prédictive, ou normative limitée.
Les familles de Réalismes, y compris le Néo-Réalisme, sont chargées de confusion aussi bien dans le but que dans les moyens, les agents, les structures, que des parties et du tout. Les politiques internationales ne peuvent pas être correctement comprises ni être prises pour un système fermé et indépendant dans lequel les résultats spécifiques peuvent être calculés, avec régularité et précision, dans des termes de causalité qui sont basés sur les distillations normative de la nature humaine. Au contraire, les politiques mondiales constituent un système interactif complexe. Le regard nuancé, perspicace et non linéaire de Clausewitz d'aborder la théorie et la méthode, aussi bien que des développements plus récents dans le réalisme critique scientifique et de la théorie des systèmes complexes, fournissent la base pour une nouvelle théorie non-linéaire de relations internationales. Le Réalisme complexe fournit le potentiel pour des compréhensions plus précises, plus nuancées et plus scientifiques des réalités évolutives, émergentes et adaptatives du 21e siècle. Les principes fondamentaux du Réalisme complexe ont déjà été adoptés par les militaires des États-Unis au niveau des tactiques et des opérations dans leurs approches de combats anti-insurrectionnels en Irak et en Afghanistan. Ils devraient maintenant être employés au niveau académique et au niveau des grandes stratégies pour mieux comprendre les questions plus larges de la politique internationale dont la sécurité, ainsi pouvoir formuler d'importantes stratégies sur des questions majeures telles que la militarisation de l'espace. fr
3
Barton, Justin. « Foreign policy between the Russian Federation and European Union in the 21st century ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10093.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bibliography: leaves 74-77.This thesis examines the growing partnership between Russia and the ED. Although suspicious of each other's intentions at times, both sides have realized the necessity for close cooperation. In many respects, the ED is an economic empire in search of a security structure, while Russia is a military power without an economic base. The crime, corruption, and slowly developing democracy in Russia are of supreme security concern for the EU, because they create instability and uncertainty in the region.
4
Leiva, Diego. « Latin American Engagement Strategies towards China in the 21st Century ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/398090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite a common regional pattern of economic engagement between Latin America and China, consisting of exports of Latin American natural and energy resources and imports of Chinese manufactures, significant variations can be identified between the engagement strategies of Latin American states towards China between 2001 and 2016. To date, no major research efforts have been made to demonstrate and explain these variations by scholars of international relations (IR). This thesis aims to fill this gap building on the literature that explores the economic exchanges between China and the region. The research question that guides this thesis is: Why have Latin American countries developed significantly different engagement strategies for managing their relations with China between 2001 and 2016? To explain the varied strategies, I propose and test a neoclassical realist model, labelled “National Power and Perception” model, which incorporates two Independent Variables: a) Latin American countries’ position in the regional structure of power (systemic variable); and b) Latin American presidents’ perceptions of the US-led liberal order (domestic intervening variable). I develop a small-N comparative study with four cases, one typical case for each proposed type of engagement strategy (Mexico under Vicente Fox, Brazil under Lula da Silva, Chile under Ricardo Lagos, and Venezuela under Hugo Chávez). The findings suggest that the general hypothesis and the four specific hypotheses are confirmed. The interplay of both IVs explains the significant variation in the four types of Latin American engagement strategies towards China analysed in this thesis.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
Full Text
5
Humper, Diana Alexandrovna, et Діана Олександрівна Гумпер. « Kurdish problem in international relations in the middle in the 21st century ». Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51647.
Texte intégralRésumé :
1. Лазарев М.С. Курды и курдский вопрос. URL: http://www.edu-zone.net
2. Никитин В. Курды: Пер. с фр. М.: Прогресс, 1964. 432 с.
3. Наджат С. Курдський фактор в міжнародних відносинах/ Одеса, 2019 р.
4. Наджат С. Відносини між Іракським Курдистаном та Іраком у другому десятилітті ХХІ ст.: пошук оптимальної моделі співіснування. Політичне життя.
2018. № 4. С. 102–106.The article analyzes the socio-political situation of Kurdish lands in four countries in the Middle East – Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria, as well as the prospects for Kurdish statehood in the medium term. The issues of Kurdish issues in the structure of modern international relations in the region, namely: Turkish-Iraqi relations; the war in Syria and Iranian ethno-national problems, are considered. Based on the conducted scientific research conclusions on the solution of the Kurdish issue are formed.
У статті проаналізовано соціально-політичну ситуацію курдських земель у чотирьох країнах Близького Сходу - Туреччині, Іраці, Ірані та Сирії, а також перспективи курдської державності в середньостроковій перспективі. Питання курдської проблематики в структурі сучасних міжнародних відносин в регіоні, а саме: турецько-іракські відносини; розглядаються війна в Сирії та іранські етнонаціональні проблеми. На основі проведених наукових досліджень формуються висновки щодо вирішення курдського питання.
6
Danewid, Ida. « Race, capital, and the politics of solidarity : radical internationalism in the 21st Century ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3848/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis interrogates the absence of questions of race, colonialism, and their contemporary legacies in the philosophical literature on global justice and cosmopolitan ethics. What are the ethical, political, and material consequences of these "unspeakable things unspoken", and what would it mean for cosmopolitanism to take seriously the problem of the global colour line? The thesis provides a tentative answer to these questions through a close engagement with contemporary debates about the meaning and purpose of international solidarity. It demonstrates that critical and liberal approaches often help reproduce and legitimise, rather than challenge and transcend, the current unjust and unequal racialized global order. Drawing on Cedric Robinson and the literature on racial capitalism, it interrogates how solidarity can be decolonised and reconceived so as to better attend to the materiality of the global colour line. Through a close reading of the European migrant crisis, recent forms of Black-Palestinian solidarity, and the ongoing struggle for decolonisation in South Africa, it identifies an alternative internationalist imaginary that grows out of the solidarities forged in the struggle against imperialism, patriarchy, and racial capitalism. This is a radicalised and decolonised emancipatory project which retrieves the idea of universal history and total critique, but does so without invoking Eurocentric ideas of progress and teleology. In an era of Trump, Brexit, and global fascist resurgence-where the "white working class" frequently is juxtaposed with "immigrants", and identity politics blamed for the demise of the organised Left-such an internationalist vision is urgently needed.
7
Fisher, Kathryn. « From 20th Century troubles to 21st Century international terrorism : identity, securitization, and British counterterrorism from 1968 to 2011 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/548/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an exploration into the consequential interrelation of official British discourse, identity, securitization, and counterterrorism from 1968 to 2011. Through a relational-securitization approach, the thesis narrative explains how discourse is both constitutive and causal for outcomes in a particular case. It is a relational mechanism based analysis that investigates how observed rhetorical commonplaces came together to influence intersubjective understanding and security practice. The ways that identities were temporarily stabilized across discourse through particular configurations was essential to how British counterterrorism emerged, was maintained, and became normalized. The thesis does not argue that possible insecurities categorized as “terrorism” do not exist, or that a security response is in itself surprising. However, how this response unfolded was not predetermined, and instead depended upon a securitization of terrorism along distinctive patterns of us/them construction. These patterns influenced the trajectory of counterterrorism by enabling certain outcomes to arise over others. Collective understandings of identity shape the conditions of possibility for political action. As such, discourses of securitization have a causal impact over intersubjective understanding and counterterrorism ractice. Historical moments, such as the 1974 Birmingham pub bombings or 11 September 2001 attacks, can facilitate a more rapid passage of exceptional measures. But the maintenance and normalization of these powers depends upon us/them and inside/outside boundary markers. Violent acts may thus influence outcomes, but they do not determine their substance or direction. Reasserted and/or reconfigured perceptions of distance and danger stabilizing the threat and referent in particular ways played a key role in counterterrorism’s transition from emergency response to permanent practice. Through a relational-securitization approach, analysis can better map out how processes of identity construction were essential to the securitization of terrorism, and contributed to the emergence, legitimation, and normalization of British counterterrorism from 1968 to 2011.
8
Encinas-Valenzuela, Jesus Ernesto. « Mexican foreign policy and UN peacekeeping operation s in the 21st century ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2502.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of MeÌ xico. This event was especially anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, was coming from a different party than the PRI, the old official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in the way of governing; with the moral obligation to be different, since the beginning of his administration one of the main goals was incline to pursue a more dynamic participation by Mexico in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by taking up several measures that included enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, world summits in Mexico, improvement of human rights and others. Among those plans one attracted special attention when Mexico asked for a seat as a non-permanent member in the UN Security Council for the period 2002-2003 the third time in Mexican history. There were divided opinions on the subject because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning internal situations of other countries, something that goes against the foreign policy principles of MeÌ xico. Eventually this discussion opened doors for other topics; one of them was the possibility of Mexico participating actively in peacekeeping operations by sending troops overseas; this initiated a biter debate in the political sphere. This study analyzes Mexican Foreign Policy and the historical perspective of the foreign principles stated in the Mexican Constitution[alpha]s article 89, followed by a discussion of their influence and interpretation in the politicalmilitary environment before and during the administration of President Fox. The study includes the analysis includes the new social and political scenario that MeÌ xico is facing in order to determine the odds and obstacles when dealing with military participation overseas. As MeÌ xico takes its place in the community of nations, the country[alpha]s leadership needs to search for possible options and test whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current threats and requirements for international security. An analysis on the capabilities of the Mexican Armed Forces is also necessary in order to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations. Finally bring out the real benefits and/or risks from getting Mexico involved in these kinds of operations are identified.
9
Hengel, Gabriel Josiah. « 21st century energy security tensions within the transatlantic security community ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2017. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=235817.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Much has been written during this century's energy security debate about the external threats the West faces to oil and natural gas supplies. This literature is often prescriptive, offering solutions to address these assumed threats. This research takes a much-needed look inward at the pressures placed on the multi-dimensional relationships within the transatlantic security community. An original contribution to knowledge is made through the exploration of these energy security tensions within the community and how they impact the two energy security prerequisites, availability and affordability. An examination of key oil and natural gas issues in the United States, Europe and the main transatlantic institutions demonstrates that the transatlantic community is very secure and often acts inadvertently to undermine its own energy security condition. Thus, the conventional wisdom that the supply of fossil fuel energy is a leading and high-priority security issue is challenged. Contrary to most literature, the conclusion is reached that energy security is actually not a high-level concern to the transatlantic security community, and that on occasions leading members of the community, who are high energy consumers, choose to put fossil fuel energy supply at risk to pursue political and strategic policies assigned a higher priority. In practice, producer states are found to be much more dependent on uninterrupted energy trade than consumer states, positively contributing to the reliability of oil and natural gas supply. In fact, through highly competitive political engagement with Russia and the Middle East North Africa region, the transatlantic states risk undermining the energy security of the community. Nevertheless, transatlantic energy security tensions have not risen to an actionable level. When placed in the overall context of transatlantic security issues, these energy security tensions do not threaten to divide the transatlantic community in any meaningful way.
10
Boyer, Evan. « The Rise of Populism in 21st Century France : Normalizing Islamophobia ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2169.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Twenty-First Century has seen increasing support for far-right authoritarian policies across Europe, particularly in France. This paper identifies and explains the connection between the rising power of France’s far-right, populist party and the pervasive sentiments of Islamophobia through an examination of major theories, anxiety-producing events, and reactionary legal actions in France pertaining to the oppression of Muslims. It begins with an analysis of France’s colonial history and its lasting implications concerning the legitimacy of anti-Muslim rhetoric. Next, the paper analyzes the usage of terrorism as a framed threat by far-right politicians to promote authoritarian agendas. It then examines France’s unwillingness and inability to integrate Muslim immigrants into French society, predicated off of major threat perceptions associated with Muslims and Islam. Finally, the paper offers an understanding of how the greatest threat to France is not the electoral success of the Front National, but the historical implications concerning the increasingly normalized nature of policies supported by the FN.
11
Porter, Anthony G. « China's modus operandi for the 21st Century ». Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491923.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2005.Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 6, 2010). "CSC 2005" "Subject Area Topical Issues" Includes bibliographical references.
12
Dach, Toni M. « The World Trade Organization's Dispute Settlement Body and international economic relations in the 21st century ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1187704455.
Texte intégral
13
Francis, David. « The delicate balance Gazprom and Russia's competing and complementary roles in 21st century international relations / ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/501000066/viewonline.
Texte intégral
14
Hascher, Andrew Michael. « The Black Sea and the Turkish Straits : Resurgent Strategic Importance in the 21st Century ». The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1574428754309163.
Texte intégral
15
Corbett, Joel Hansen. « The United States and Russia : the need for old friends to form a new alliance in the 21st century ». Thesis, Boston University, 2009. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27625.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
16
Augestad, Knudsen Rita. « Moments of self-determination : the concept of 'self-determination' and the idea of freedom in 20th- and 21st century international discourse ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/923/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines how the concept of 'self-determination' has featured in high-level international discourse at key moments in the 20th and 21st centuries. The exact language of 'self-determination' was internationalised in 1918 by Woodrow Wilson in the political context of the First World War, and in reaction to Lenin’s earlier references to the concept, which he had developed between 1903 and 1917. Subsequently, 'self-determination' has been cited in important international legal settings, as in the League of Nations’ Aaland Islands case (1920–1921), in the UN Charter (1945), during the UN discussions on General Assembly Resolution 1514 (1960) and the International Covenants on Human Rights (1966), and at the International Court of Justice proceedings on Kosovo (2008–2010). Together, these uses of 'self-determination' constitute the 'self-determination moments' of my thesis. Taking a hitherto unexplored approach to 'self-determination', this thesis builds on previous scholarship on the concept – produced primarily within the fields of international law and international relations – and examines it from the perspective of intellectual and international history. Applying the methodology of Quentin Skinner, the thesis shows that the significant international mentions of 'self-determination' have sought legitimation. Specifically, the thesis argues that the central international references to 'self-determination' over the past hundred years have sought legitimation by invoking two different ideas of freedom: a 'radical' idea of freedom, and a 'liberal conservative' one. Based on a wide-ranging analysis of archival materials, published primary sources, original interviews, and relevant secondary works, the thesis finds that the liberal-conservative idea of freedom has dominated the international appearances of 'self-determination' at the selected 'self-determination moments'. However, it is the radical idea of freedom that has repeatedly triggered the re-emergence of ‘self- determination’ as a meaningful concept in international discourse, and kept its potency alive.
17
Silove, Nina. « Do great powers plan grand strategies ? : the effects of strategic plans on the formation of grand strategy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711731.
Texte intégral
18
Henry, Owen. « "Twitter Diplomacy" : Engagement through Social Media in 21st Century Statecraft ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1338307388.
Texte intégral
19
Lundberg, Hillary E. « Moscow, We Have a Problem : Russia's Inconsistent Approach to the Evolving Concept of Sovereignty in the 21st Century ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/821.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 1648 Peace of Westphalia created an understanding of state sovereignty free from external interference that remained largely unaltered until the last century. The horrors of the Holocaust and the significant humanitarian crises of the 20th century have presented the international community with a new type of threat to international peace and security and have sparked an ongoing conversation about the limitations of traditional sovereignty. Russia has positioned itself as a firm supporter of a strict adherence to the Westphalian concept of sovereignty, but my thesis argues that Russians do not value this interpretation as much as they claim to, and that in fact Moscow recognizes that this definition is a thing of the past. I examine Russian actions surrounding the 2011 UN-sanctioned intervention in Libya and the ongoing conflict in Syria, particularly focusing on the major differences between Russian decision-making in the two cases. I analyze transcripts of Security Council meetings in order to demonstrate that there is far more to Russian actions in Syria than Moscow’s public position suggests, and I subsequently offer a number of alternative explanations for Russian decision-making surrounding Syria. These alternative explanations demonstrate that even the Russians, who have portrayed themselves as the great defenders of traditional state sovereignty, recognize the modern limitations to strict Westphalian sovereignty and understand that this traditional definition is a thing of the past. This conclusion is significant because in demonstrating that traditional sovereignty’s greatest champion acknowledges the modern shift in the concept, I prove that the departure from strict Westphalian sovereignty is not merely a theory, but a reality.
20
Leong, Chi Ian. « National power, international interdependence and state socialization : explaining China's diplomatic behaviour in climate change politics ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554612.
Texte intégral
21
Tsagkroni, Vasiliki. « Political communication in perspective : identifying the message of radical right parties in Europe during the first decade of the 21st century : a comparative case study ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/9026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis aims primarily to analyse the communication strategies of radical right parties. More specifically, the research examines three cases of radical right parties in Western Europe during the first decade of the twenty-first century with particular emphasis on the political communication along with marketing and branding techniques used to engage with the electorate to gain and maintain electoral support. These case studies comprise the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LA.O.S.), the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and the Italian National Alliance (AN). Different forms of content analysis are used in order to pinpoint the characteristics that identify the parties as members of the radical right family. Through this approach the thesis provides evidence that the parties, in their effort to become more appealing to their audiences, avoid direct engagement with issues, which reflect traditional ideological tenets of the radical right issues such as fascism, racism or xenophobia. Rather, they attempt to present a more mainstream and competitive profile in the political arena. From a market-oriented perspective, the thesis addresses questions on marketing and related explanations which focus both on how the parties choose to communicate with the electorate, what is their message and, through comparative analysis, whether there are similarities in communication techniques among the three parties and whether it can be argued that parties in the radical right family project a common profile in terms of their communication strategies. Furthermore, the application of such an approach to the use of political communication techniques of the selected radical right parties can contribute to a wider understanding of how the concept of ‘consumption’ has come to be applied increasingly in activities undertaken in the political arena.
22
Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. « A Dissatisfied Partner : A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU.
The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed.
The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
23
Svanefalk, Niclas. « Avoiding geopolitical self-destruction in the 21st century : How pragmatic idealism accounts for Sweden's neutrality in regards to its actions following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23718.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis intended to examine how the actions of Sweden, following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea, fit within the international relations theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism, focusing on the actions of Sweden's foreign policy that impacted its neutrality policy. This thesis is built upon the pragmatic idealism theoretical perspective of international relations, and attempted to address how this perspective accounted for, or failed to account for the actions of Sweden in the face of the escalating Russian threat. The analysis herein is grounded in case study methodology. First, the thesis examined how Sweden-Russia relations evolved in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Second, the thesis examined how Sweden-NATO relations changed after the 2014-15 annexation of Crimea by Russia. In both cases, the paper analysed how the evolution of these relationships affected Sweden's neutrality, and how the evolution was consistent or not consistent with the “pragmatic” and “idealist” dimensions of the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism. The culmination of this paper drew an inference of the applicability of the perspective of pragmatic idealism to Sweden's application of neutrality to international relations. It concluded that Sweden's neutrality both prior to and following the invasion, as well as its subsequent actions, were in line with the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism.
24
Blew, Dennis Jan. « The Europeanization of Political Parties : A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014 ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
25
Fourie, Mieke. « What African voice ? The politics of publishing Africa in IR ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6644.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite the validity of arguments highlighting the inadequacy of existing theories to explain Third World and specifically African realities, criticism has perpetuated, rather than disarmed, status quo theories. This is because focus on (and thus within) the existing conceptual framework has impeded vision beyond these barriers, thereby hampering the formation of new, more applicable theories. The intellectual balance of power and methodological hegemony of the West is perpetuated, on the African continent through Western monopoly over course content in tertiary education as well as the preferences of publishers for Africanist rather than African contributions. This study provides a critical assessment of scholarly dominance on the topic of Africa in order contribute to a greater understanding of the dynamics acting to exclude non-Western ideas and experiences from the IR narrative. The study provides a content analysis of 25 peer-rated influential journals publishing IR content for the period January 2000 to August 2010. The aim was to identify dominant themes and scholars on the topic of Africa in IR. General biographical information on the five highest ranking scholars in terms of publication exposure was gathered in order to assess networks of academic and professional affiliation that could have contributed to their publishing success. Dominant themes vary between African, Third World and international-oriented journals. Governance is a prevalent theme throughout, but African journals prefer intervention to the international journals’ preoccupation with conflict in Africa. Third World Journals place development first. The five most prolific authors are Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku and Chris Alden. They are all currently lecturing at either American or British academic institutions and are all Africanists, save for Poku who is a diasporic African. Networks of affiliation are established through institutions of higher education primarily and through societal memberships. The internet does not seem to be an important tool of networking amongst Africanists. Dominant authors tend to collaborate, serve as article reviewers or on editorial boards of journals for which they also submit articles, and as research grant proposal reviewers, thus also constituting the gatekeepers in academia.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van geldige argumente wat aanvoer dat bestaande teorieë nie in staat is daartoe om Derdewêreld ervarings – spesifiek dié van Afrika – genoegsaam te begryp nie, het kritiek eerder hierdie teorieë versterk as ontsetel. Dit is omdat fokus op (en dus vanuit) bestaande teoretiese raamwerke die oorweging van elemente buite hierdie raamwerke onmoontlik maak, en sodoende die ontstaan van nuwe, meer verteenwoordigende raamwerke, teenwerk. Die intellektuele magsbalans en metodologiese hegemonie van die Weste word voortgesit, selfs op die Afrika kontinent, deur Westerse monopolie oor die kursusinhoude van tersiêre instansies, sowel as deur die voorkeur wat Afrikaniste se bydraes geniet bo dié van Afrikane vir publikasie. Hierdie studie bied ‘n kritiese analise van dominansie in kundigheid oor die onderwerp van Afrika om sodoende by te dra tot ‘n meer omskrywende geheelbeeld van die dinamiek wat nie-Westerse idees en ervarings uitsluit tot die diskoers van Internasionale Betrekkinge. Die navorsing is in die vorm van ‘n inhoudsanalise van 25 invloedryke joernale wat inhoud relevant tot Internasionale Betrekkinge publiseer, vir die periode Januarie 2000 tot Augustus 2010. Die doel is om dominante temas en kundiges oor die onderwerp van Afrika se internasionale betrekkinge te identifiseer. Biografiese inligting oor die vyf mees bedrewe kundiges in terme van publikasies is ingesamel om die netwerke van akademiese en professionele affiliasie wat moontlik tot hulle status kon bydra, te assesseer. Dominante temas verskil tussen Afrika-, Derdewêreld- en internasionaal-georiënteerde joernale. Regeerkunde is deurgaans ‘n prominente tema, maar die Afrika-joernale verkies intervensie teenoor die internasionale joernale se fokus op konflik in Afrika. Derdewêreld-joernale plaas meer klem op ontwikkeling. Die vyf mees bedrewe outeurs is Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku en Chris Alden. Hulle is almal lektore by Amerikaanse of Britse akademiese instansies en, behalwe vir Poku wat deel van die Afrika diaspora vorm, is hulle almal Afrikaniste. Netwerke van affiliasie word deur instansies van hoër opleiding of lidmaatskap aan professionele assosiasies bewerkstellig. Die internet is klaarblyklik nie ‘n baie belangrik instrument in kontakbouing vir Afrikaniste nie. Dominante outeurs is geneig om saam te skryf, hulle is dikwels die artikelkeurders vir joernale of dien op die redaksie en tree ook dikwels in ‘n hoedanigheid van keurders van navorsingsbefondsing op. As sulks is hulle gelyk die dominante akademici as die waghonde van die ivoortoring.
26
Hojzáková, Věra. « East Asia's Security System ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162792.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the master thesis is to characterize and evaluate the current security system in East Asia, to show the security strategies of the system actors and the existing friction points, and to assess the future development of the security system in place. For this purpose the author first defines the East Asia's security system using the conceptual tools of three international relations theories, namely neo-realism, neo-liberalism, and constructivism. In the following section, the security strategies and security issues are discussed. In the final section, the international relations theories are used again to assess the stability of the current security system and lastly the prospects for a change of the system are evaluated.
27
Kokkinos, Stephanie Helen. « China in Africa : The use of soft power and its implications for a global peaceful rise ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20172.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.
28
Mecum, Mark M. « Solving Alliance Cohesion : NATO Cohesion After the Cold War ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1180549294.
Texte intégral
29
Hamblin, Vicky. « A coxian analysis of key trends in Sub-Saharan Africa's political economy, 2000-2011 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20235.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a theoretical study that appraises the nature and dimensions of Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA's) political economy and the forces that underpin them, using a Coxian framework of analysis. Since 2000 the nature of SSA's political economy has been changing. Emergent trends and shifts in the region‟s political economy, including strong economic growth performances and increasing South-South cooperation, appear in contradiction to a dependent and conflict ridden depiction portrayed by most literature on SSA. From a Coxian perspective, it is contended in this study that these changes in SSA's political economy have arisen because of systemic changes occurring in the international system. At the same time, the study acknowledges that SSA's political economy is infused with dependence that can be identified through exploring the historical context of the twentieth century that shaped it. The majority of scholarly literature written on SSA has focused on humanitarian crises, poverty, war, corruption and conflict. In addition, mainstream International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) theory largely overlook SSA. The majority of those that explore SSA's place in world politics have failed to contextualise SSA's position within the context of structural changes occurring in the international system. This has resulted in mainstream IR and IPE paradigms being inadequate to provide explanations for emergent trends in SSA's political economy. Exploration and analysis of mainstream IR and IPE theories and Africa's epistemological and ontological requirements directed the study towards selecting a narrowed Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) framework to further explore SSA's political economy. Using the CCT theoretical tools of 'historical structures' and 'hegemony' in the international system, the study explores: What have been the key trends prevalent in SSA’s political economy from 2000-2011 and how have these been shaped by structural changes in the international system? Does the nature of SSA’s political economy between 2000 and 2011 give scope for SSA’s conditions of dependence to alter? A historicised approach in line with CCT allows for exploration of SSA's conditions of dependence through identifying the key ideas, institutions and material capabilities pertinent to SSA's political economy in the twentieth century. The main trends of SSA's political economy from 2000 to 2011 include: a resilient economic and political performance in the face of the financial crisis of 2007 to 2010; increasing engagement with emerging powers resulting in being typified as the 'swing continent'; and different ideas and new approaches with regards to development thinking and the role and nature of institutions. These trends have been highly influenced by the structural change in relative material capabilities from traditional to emerging powers during this decade. The specific use of CCT as a framework has provided the means to analyse the fluid interactions between the key forces in SSA's political economy and the international system, allowing analysis of the possibility of SSA's conditions of dependency to alter. However, this is contingent on factors such as the desire of African leaders and policymakers to end the conditions of dependence. The study identifies the scope and limitations of Coxian analysis for understanding trajectories in SSA's political economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is 'n teoretiese studie wat die aard en die omvang van sub-Sahara Afrika (SSA) se politieke ekonomie en die kragte wat dit beïnvloed ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van 'n Coxiaanse (Coxian) ontledingsraamwerk. Sedert die jaar 2000 het die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie begin verander. Verskuiwings en tendense in die streek se politieke ekonomie, insluitende sterk ekonomiese groeisyfers en 'n toename in Suid-Suid samewerking, strook nie met die beeld van 'n afhanklike en geweld geteisterde gebied wat dikwels in die literatuur oor SSA verskyn nie. Hierdie studie voer aan, vanuit 'n Coxiaanse oogpunt, dat sulke veranderinge in SSA se politieke ekonomie hul oorsprong het in sistemiese verskuiwinge in die internasionale bestel. Terselfdertyd, word dit aanvaar dat SSA se politieke ekonomie wel aspekte van afhanklikheid toon, veral wanneer die 20ste eeu in oënskou geneem word. Meeste akademiese literatuur oor SSA plaas die fokus op humanitêre krisisse, armoede, oorlog, korrupsie en konflik. Daarbenewens het hoofstroom Internationale Betrekinge (IB) en Internasionale Politieke Ekonomie (IPE) hoofsaaklik SSA oor die hoof gesien, terwyl dié wat SSA se plek in die internasionale sisteem ondersoek, dikwels daarin faal om SSA se posisie in die konteks van strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel te ontleed. Dit het IB en IPE paradigmas tot gevolg wat onvoldoende is om ontluikende tendense in SSA te verklaar. Daar is dus tekortkominge in hoofstroom IB en IPE teorieë. Terselfdertyd stel ontleding van SSA epistemologiese en ontologiese vereistes. Derhalwe gebruik hierdie studie 'n nouCoxiaanse Kritiese Teoretiese (CKT) raamwerk om SSA se politieke ekonomie dieper te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van CKT se teoretiese gereedskap, historiese strukture en hegemonie in die internasionale stelsel, ondersoek die studie die volgende vraag: Wat is die belangrikste tendense wat voorkom in SSA se politieke ekonomie vanaf 2000-2011 en hoe is hierdie tendense gevorm deur die strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel? Ook, bied die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 en 2011 ruimte vir SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid om te verander? 'n Gehistoriseerde aanslag in lyn met CKT maak voorsiening vir die verkenning van SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid deur die identifisering van die belangrikste idees, instellings en materiële vermoëns wat betrekking het op SSA se politieke ekonomie in die twintigste eeu. Van die hoof tendense in SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 tot 2011 sluit in: sterk ekonomiese en politieke prestasie ten spyte van die finansiële krisis van 2007-2010; toenemende betrokkenheid deur opkomende magte wat daartoe lei tot Afrika bekend te staan as die 'swaai kontinent'; en, nuwe begrippe en idees oorontwikkeling, sowel as oor die rol en aard van instellings. Hierdie tendense is sterk beïnvloed deur strukturele veranderinge die afgelope decade in die relatiewe én materiële bevoegdhede van tradisionele en ontluikende magte. Die gebruik van CKT laat ontleding van die wisselwerking tussen sleutelmagte in SSA se politieke ekonomie toe, wat gevolglik ook analise van potensiële verandering in SSA se afhanklikheid moontlik maak. Of afhanklikheid wel beeindig sal word, hang onder meer af van die bereidheid van Afrika-leiers en beleidmakers om daad by die woord te voeg. Die studie bepaal die bydrae en beperkinge van Coxiaanse analise vir 'n begrip van die trajek wat SSA se politieke ekonomie inneem.
30
Baum, Chris W. « Nationalism in United States Foreign Policy in the Post 9/11 Era ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2531.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.
31
Taylor, Edward R. « Command in the 21st century : an introduction to civil-military relations ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA346358.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1998."June 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Dan C. Boger, John H. Gibson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-99). Also available online.
32
Lunceford, Gregg M. « WHAT IS RETIREMENT IN THE 21ST CENTURY ? » Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1491153247367374.
Texte intégral
33
O'Hair, Shelby R. « The realm of the Red Queen : facing change in the 21st century / ». Lynchburg, VA : Liberty University, 2007. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.
Texte intégral
34
Gray, Gavan Patrick. « Japanese defence production, national security and alliance relations in the 21st century ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/29244.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As a result of constitutional restrictions on its use of military force, Japan has long held a reputation as a pacifist state. Yet, for more than twenty years, it has been undergoing a steady process of normalization that has seen these restrictions gradually removed or bypassed. At a time when Japan is moving toward a more proactive security policy this thesis examines the important effect procurement choices have upon both its strategic options and its regional relations. This study examines the development and structure of Japan's defence industry, assesses the threats it is required to address, and gauges the impact of domestic and foreign influence upon security policy. In addition, it raises important questions regarding the nature of Japan's strategic direction and the lack of open discussion of areas of significance. In particular, it looks at the failure of weapon choices to become more than an economic issue, despite the far broader impact of the choices made. It also considers the extent to which the threats faced by Japan have been accurately assessed, and the possible implications of narrow adherence to the US-Japan security alliance. Finally the thesis helps to address a long-standing gulf in Japan's academic community which has seen liberal academics largely standing removed from discussion of security policy on ideologically pacifist grounds. By showing that the possible choices in security policy are far broader than commonly perceived, this thesis allows and encourages a more open and active debate on Japan's future role, both in East Asia and internationally.
35
Hayes, Jacqueline. « Fighting for Protections| Challenging the 21st Century Sweatshop in New York State ». Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10682549.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines how neoliberalism and immigration enforcement between 1980 and 2010 changed the nature of ‘sweated’ work in the U.S. This dissertation focuses on the particular case of Latino undocumented workers in New York State and the organizations fighting to win them protections. In order to answer my research questions, I conducted 30 semi-structured interviews over the course of 2 years (2013–2015), examined immigration enforcement data, and analyzed U.S. immigration and welfare policies between 1980 and the present. Research interviews made clear that both the lack of social and legal protections alongside the threat of immigration enforcement have a definitive impact on working conditions in low-wage sectors. Staff and volunteers from worker justice centers and immigration rights organizations also emphasized the fact that some of the old protections that were hard fought and won by prior generations of labor activists are ill-suited to address the needs of low-wage, non-citizen workers who face a number of new challenges. By focusing on undocumented Latino workers and worker centers in New York State this dissertation shifts the conceptual lens from a particular ‘worksite’ to the forces—historical, legal, and social—which make sweating possible once an individual enters a workplace. This dissertation contends that the specters of wagelessness and deportation collaborate to ensure the flexibility of undocumented labor and that these are the distinctive features of the contemporary U.S. sweatshop.
36
Al, Mansoori Ahmed Yousef. « The international community's response to terrorism in the 21st century : force or law ? » Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604552.
Texte intégral
37
Colatosti, Sistino Paolo. « Canada World Youth's international development programs, providing youth the skills for the 21st century ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ36415.pdf.
Texte intégral
38
Moore, Tameka Tammy. « An International Quantitative Comparative Content Analysis of Reading Curriculum Using a 21st Century Framework ». Thesis, Lindenwood University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10170204.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research in the area of 21st century learning suggested the American public education system lacked educational preparation for students to compete in a global/connection economy. The United States performed lower than other nations on the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2012 reading performance. However, the United States had a higher number of 21st century skills and knowledge embedded in the curriculum. The 21st century skills, referred to as the 4Cs (collaboration, communication, creativity, and critical thinking) served as the foundation of this research. Moreover, while the United Sates performance on the PISA was no match to other developed nations; the country ranked above competitors in other international indexes such as the Global Competitiveness Index and the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor.
The researcher analyzed data using an Analysis of Variance (ANOVA), Pearson Product Moment Correlation Coefficient (PPMCC), and Chi-Square tests for independence and goodness of fit, to seek a possible relationship between the number of 21st century skills included within the 2012 reading curriculums in the countries of Finland, Singapore, and the United States and compared to reading scores measured by the 2012 PISA. For the null hypotheses numbers one through five the researcher applied a PPMCC to the data by comparing a single 4C to the score of each researched country for reading PISA results. With exception to null hypothesis three, a significant inverse relationship existed between the number of 21st century skills included within the 2012 reading curriculums and the 2012 PISA reading scores of the researched countries. Although null hypothesis three was not significant, an observable inverse relationship did exist. This study revealed when a country scored higher on the PISA 2012, the total number of 21st century skills included in the reading curriculums were lower. Additionally, students within the American educational system may benefit from increased focus on academic performance and instructional design to harness creativity and develop an entrepreneurial spirit.
39
HUNT, AMBER MARIE. « PARTY POLITICS AND CHANGING DIPLOMATIC PRIORITIES : JAPAN-SOUTH KOREAN RELATIONS INTO THE 21ST CENTURY ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613080.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Japan-South Korean relations have been consistently hindered by political and
social reminders regarding their shared history that includes Japan’s violent occupation of
Korea in the 20th century. However, relations had been improving into the 21st century
until now, where positive relations and cooperation appear to be at a standstill regardless
of the expectation that they would have grown closer given current events. This paper
explains the motivations for the lack of a fully realized cooperative relationship between
the two nations using the following explanations: dysfunctional political parties in South
Korea benefits politically from pushing emotional anti-Japan rhetoric to a typically
disaffected voting base; Japan is no longer viewed as being as critical an economic
partner compared to China; and this anti-Japan rhetoric has no substantial pushback or
reaction from the Japanese government and public.
40
Söylemez, Mehmet. « Turkey-China relations in the 21st century : from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.
41
Chang, Kwai-yan. « Will the English language become the single world language in the 21st century ? » Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42575709.
Texte intégral
42
Musayev, Samir Sohbert Oglu. « Energy Policy in China-Russia Relations in The Early 21st Century and Its Future Perspectives ». Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20120607_143427-76248.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is an undeniable fact that energy plays a powerful role in economy. In this way, a country that is rich in energy resources, as a rule, is also a state with a strong economy and broad international cooperation with other powerful states.
Fifteen years have passed since the establishment of a “strategic cooperative and partnership” in 1996; and the year 2011 marked the tenthanniversary of the “Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation” between the People’s Republic of China and Russian Federation. During this period, a variety of significant changes have taken place in both countries, especially in the field of energy.
The goal of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of historical development of China and Russia relationship in the energy sphere, specifically China’s energy potential, its role in the economy and relationship with Russia. Moreover, the thesis aims at analyzing the forthcoming perspectives of the China-Russia relationship with the regard to other Western countries (such as US).
China and Russia are interested in enlarging bilateral cooperation in a variety of areas; the states share a number of mutual interests concerning regional and international security and stability. Chinese observers characterize China-Russia relations as warm on the governmental level, cold on the historical level, and weak on the economical level. Hereby, one of the main aims of this research is to analyze the role of energy in the historical relationship... [to full text]Tai nepaneigiamas faktas, kad energetika atlieka didelį vaidmenį ekonomikoje. Todėl šalis turtinga savo energetiniais ištekliais yra, kaip taisyklė, taip pat šalis su stipria ekonomika, plačiu tarptautiniu bendradarbiavimu su kitomis galingomis valstybėmis. 15 metų praėjo nuo tada, kai buvo įkurta “strateginio bendradarbiavimo ir partnerystės” sutartis 1996; ir 2011 metai pažymėjo “Sutarties dėl geros kaiminystės ir draugiško bendradarbiavimo” dešimties metų sukaktį tarp Kinijos Liaudies Respublikos ir Rusijos Federacijos. Per šį laikotarpį įvyko įvairūs reikšmingi pokyčiai abejose šalyse, ypač energetikos srityje. Šio tyrimo tikslas – pateikti išsamią analizę apie istorinį Kinijos ir Rusijos santykių energetikos srityje vystymąsi, ypač Kinijos energijos potencialą, jos vaidmenį ekonomikoje ir santykiuose su Rusija. Baigiamojo darbo disertacija siekiama analizuoti būsimas Kinijos ir Rusijos santykių perspektyvas atsižvelgiant į kitas Vakarų valstybes (pavyzdžiui JAV). Kinija ir Rusija yra suinteresuotos plėsti dvišalį bendradarbiavimą įvairiose srityse; valstybės dalijasi bendrais interesais, susijusiais su regioniniu ir tarptautiniu saugumu ir stabilumu. Kinijos apžvalgininkai apibūdina Kinijos-Rusijos santykius kaip šiltus valstybiniame lygyje, šaltus istoriniame lygyje ir silpnus ekonominiame lygyje. Šiuo dokumentu, vienas iš pagrindinių tyrimo tikslų yra išanalizuoti energetikos vaidmenį istoriniuose santykiuose tarp dviejų valstybių ir įvertinti jų svarbą. Manoma, ka... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
43
Viana, Josà Ãtalo Bezerra. « The many arts of Cariri : relations between tourism and cultural heritage in the 21st century ». Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2017. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=19201.
Texte intégralRésumé :
CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorThe main research subjects of this dissertation are the relations between tourism and cultural heritage in setting discourses about time and the representations on a Cariri region cultural identity. The objective of this work is to analyse the touristic uses of cultural heritage aiming to the social and economic development of Cariri region at the beginning of 21st century. Starting in the 2000s, one notes that the patrimonialising processes engendered in Cariri were bound to projects of future that mobilized the cultural assets as touristic resources, putting them in temporal paces that sometimes drawn close to the past, associated to tradition, sometimes reaching to the future, associated with some aspects of the market integration of cultural heritage. This movement corresponded to social processes that singularized the present by means of deliberate strategies on the fabrication of traditions and the invention of practices and cultural values on which it was set as relevant in the elaboration of a sense of belonging. Developed from a group of documents â which embraces journals from the press, tourist guides and leaflets, reports of work, development projects from touristic sector, and others â, the issues on this work converge with the discussions carried out by Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisa em PatrimÃnio e MemÃria â GEPPM/UFC/CNPq, to which this research is associated. It aims to contribute to the debate related to the field of cultural heritage in Brazil.
As relaÃÃes entre turismo e patrimÃnio cultural na configuraÃÃo de discursos sobre o tempo e as representaÃÃes acerca de uma identidade cultural caririense sÃo os objetos de estudo desta tese. O objetivo do trabalho à analisar os usos turÃsticos do patrimÃnio cultural com vistas ao desenvolvimento sociocultural e econÃmico da regiÃo do Cariri no limiar do sÃculo XXI. A partir dos anos 2000, nota-se que os processos de patrimonializaÃÃo engendrados ali estiveram vinculados a projetos de futuro que mobilizavam os bens culturais enquanto recursos turÃsticos, inserindo-os nos ritmos de temporalidades que ora se aproximavam do passado, associado à tradiÃÃo, ora se dirigiam ao futuro, relacionado aos aspectos de inserÃÃo comercial do patrimÃnio. Esse movimento correspondeu a processos sociais de singularizaÃÃo do presente, mediante estratÃgias deliberadas de fabricaÃÃo de tradiÃÃes e invenÃÃo de prÃticas e valores culturais sobre os quais atribuiu-se relevante importÃncia na construÃÃo dos sentidos de pertencimento. Desenvolvidas a partir de um conjunto documental que abrange periÃdicos da impressa, guias e folderes de divulgaÃÃo turÃstica, relatÃrios de trabalho, projetos de desenvolvimento do setor do turismo, entre outras, as problemÃticas deste trabalho convergem com as discussÃes realizadas pelo Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisa em PatrimÃnio e MemÃria âGEPPM/UFC/CNPQ, no qual esta pesquisa vinculada, no intuito de contribuir com a reflexÃo em torno das questÃes relativas ao campo do patrimÃnio cultural no Brasil
44
Kapyata, Dennis. « China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
45
D'Arro`, Evelina. « Where's the sense in staying neutral ? : - Exploring the possibility of Neutral Humanitarianism in the 21st century ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-15506.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Red Cross, Red Crescent and Red Crystal Movement is the largest humanitarian movement in the world with 97 million volunteer workers around the globe. The organisation relies on seven fundamental principles, the Neutrality Principle being one of them. The questions of this essay are: *Is it yet possible to provide neutral humanitarian aid in the 21st century? *Have the humanitarian crisis’s changed between the 20th century and the 21st century?
46
Kouzoupis, Andreas P. « The European dimension to the protection of national minorities under international law : into the 21st century ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289084.
Texte intégral
47
Potter, Donald W. « Responsibility to protect no more Rwandas. The international community and humanitarian intervention in the 21st century / ». Hobart, Tasmania : University of Tasmania, 2006. http://eprints.utas.edu.au/1418/.
Texte intégral
48
Dumitrescu, Theodor. « The early Tudor court and international musical relations / ». Aldershot [u.a.] : Ashgate, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016142806&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Revised Thesis (doctoral)--University of Oxford, 2004.Foreign cultural models at the English royal court -- International events and musical exchanges -- Building a foreign musical establishment at the early Tudor court -- Anglo-continental relations in music manuscripts -- English music theory and the international traditions. Includes bibliographical references (p. [297]-315) and index.
49
Evans, Daniel T. « Making decisions about U.S.-Japan security relations : toward a limited forward-deployment in the 21st century / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998."December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-79). Also available online.
50
Stewart, Larry Buster. « Sino-American relations in the 21st century the political, social and economic realities of China's rise / ». Click here to access thesis, 2008. http://www.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/archive/fall2008/larry_b_stewart/stewart_larry_b_200808_ma.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia Southern University, 2008."A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Georgia Southern University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts." Directed by Emilia Powell. ETD. Includes bibliographical references (p. 64-66)