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Articles de revues sur le sujet « International relations – Germany »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 19 juillet 2025

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1

Vonnard, Philippe, and Sébastien Cala. "Playing with or without Politics: Studying the Position of East Germany within the FIS and FIFA from a Long-Term Perspective (1924–1962)." Sport History Review 51, no. 1 (2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2019-0025.

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The present paper looks at the different positions two major international sport federations, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) and the Fédération Internationale de Ski (FIS), took with respect to East Germany during the 1950s. Because these positions were greatly influenced by FIFA’s and the FIS’s prior relations with Germany and by the challenges posed by global politics, this study begins by examining these relations during the interwar period. By combining information from the FIFA, FIS, and International Olympic Committee (IOC) archives with documents from the G

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Rymkevich, Olga. "13th World Congress of the International Industrial Relations Association (IIRA)." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 20, Issue 2 (2004): 305–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2004017.

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The 13th IIRA World Congress held in Berlin on 8-12 September 2003 attracted participants from all over the world. In the course of five days a wide range of topics relating to the changing profile of industrial relations was covered. Due to the large number of papers, we focus here only on the contributions presented during the plenary sessions. The conference was opened with a speech by Professor Manfred Weiss, president of the IIRA Association, who drew attention to the variety of challenges industrial relations face today, underlining the need for scientific and practical discussion that c

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Chapin, Wesley D. "The Turkish Diaspora in Germany." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, no. 2 (1996): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.2.275.

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At the beginning of 1995, nearly two million Turkish nationals were living in Germany. While this represents only about 2.5% of the total population, the Turkish minority significantly influences German politics. As the single largest group of “foreigners” living in Germany, the Turkish population is a prime target of rightwing violence. Questions regarding Turkish rights to residency, work permits, and citizenship are controversial domestic political issues and their presence affects international relations between Germany and Turkey. This article examines the Turkish diaspora in Germany and

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Richter, Hedwig. "De-Nazification, Socialism and Solidarity: Re-Establishing International Relations in the Moravian Church after 1945." Journal of Moravian History 3, no. 1 (2007): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41179831.

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Abstract Despite the fierce animosities between Germans and Americans during the Second World War, a surprising sense of international fellowship developed between Moravians in the USA and in East Germany, even before the war had completely ended. The author shows how this new relationship evolved and how much East German Moravians depended on transatlantic help to rebuild their churches and communities. The old concept of an international Moravian "Unity" was revived by establishing and inventing new common traditions. The renewed international unity of the Moravian Church is placed in the co

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Martynov, Andriy. "US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.

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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a var

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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.

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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords,

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Ibragimov, Farkhad Elshan Ogli. "Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects)." Вопросы безопасности, no. 4 (April 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2022.4.39069.

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The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, altho

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Galimzyanova, A. "Sino-german cooperation as a factor in the formation of a multipolar world." Diplomatic Service, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 14–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2003-02.

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The article deals with the key components of the Sino-German bilateral relations. Much attention is given to the successes achieved in cooperation in 2019. It is spoken in detail about the importance of "panda diplomacy" in bilateral relations between China and Germany, as well as in relations with Russia and the United States. The author comes to the conclusion that China and Germany are the guarantors of the stability of international relations and contribute to the multipolarization of the world.

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Kravchenko, Valeriy, and Iryna Stasiukevych. "DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGES IN GERMAN POLITICS." Strategic Panorama, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2019): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2019.03.

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The article analyzes the current foreign policy of Germany and how it is influenced by domestic political developments as well as changes in the international arena. Germany, as a key player in Europe, remains declaratively consistent in its support for Ukraine and condemnation of Russian revisionism. However, a deeper analysis of the geopolitical and domestic position of Germany demonstrates certain risks to the stability of Ukraine-Germany relations.Attention is given to the dependence of Ukraine-Germany relations of Russia-Germany relations. Traditionally active economic ties between Berlin

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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.

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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history o

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Kryvonos, Roman. "What Ukrainian Diplomats Need to Know about Germany’s Foreign Policy in its Relations with Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 704–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46.

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The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to

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Datskiv, І., and М. Polych. "Brest-Lithuania peace of 1918 and Ukrainian-German relations." Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету. Серія Історія, економіка, філософія, no. 27 (May 29, 2023): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2412-9321.27.2022.276199.

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This article analyzes the international relations of Ukraine during the national liberation struggle of 1917-1918. The prerequisites for the intensification of Ukrainian-German contacts at the end of the First World War are studied. The peculiarities of contacts between Germany and Ukrainian governments are analyzed, the significant influence of German policy in the context of the formation and development of Ukrainian state-building processes is indicated. The participation of the Ukrainian delegation at the Brest-Litovsk negotiations and the conclusion of a peace treaty with the Central Powe

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Golik, Katarzyna. "W trójkącie współzależności. Relacje gospodarcze Polski z Niemcami i Chinami oraz ich znaczenie polityczne." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 29 (September 14, 2021): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2021.29.06.

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In the following text I will analyse the selected aspects of economic relations between Poland, Germany and China. I am going to compare elements of discourse with political actions and, above all, with economic realities. Clearly in economic terms, Chinese direction is not an alternative to Germany for Poland, but it may become a necessity in terms of diversification of international economic relations. Particularly in the context of forthcoming electromobility revolution, the crisis could affect the German automobile industry, spilling over into other sectors related to Poland’s export. In t

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Basov, F. "Cooperation of Russia and Germany in Energy and Ecology." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-101-109.

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Energy cooperation between Russia and Germany is a pragmatic basis of the Russian-German relations and also the key factor for Russia-EU relations. The author makes an attempt to consider German national interests in energy sphere and actual tendencies of energy cooperation in Europe. Energy is inseparably linked with ecology. The interaction of Russia and Germany in environmental sphere is also covered.

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Leonov, E. S. "The Origin of German-American Relations as a Partnership of Unequal Parties." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-15-22.

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Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cul

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Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.

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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-Americ

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Nagdaseva, A. P. "Sanctions as a Socio-Political Factor of International Cooperation (on the Example of the Influence of Modern Russian-German Relations on the International System)." Discourse 5, no. 4 (2019): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2019-5-4-73-85.

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Introduction. The research work defines the current significance of international sanctions, examines the types of sanctions, the goals of their imposition and the consequences for the international system. As an example, anti-Russian sanctions and retaliatory measures are being analyzed, as well as their influence on relations between the states. In the study an assessment of the development of Russian-German cooperation in various fields before and after the imposition of sanctions is given.Methodology and sources. Such research methods as analysis, synthesis, comparison, statistical methods

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Kaviaka, Iryna I. "FINLANDIZATION AS A CONCEPT OF THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF FOREIGN POLICY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2023): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-4-28-39.

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The article is aimed at studying the main stages in the formation of the scientific concept of finlandization on the example of German studies of Anglo-American historiography, at determining its essential characteristics and the possibilities of using it in the modern research of foreign policy and international relations. The choice of the German case seems logical. The special role of the German issue in the system of Great Powers relations, its obvious dependence on the microclimate of the Soviet-American relations, the close proximity of West Germany to the borders of the socialist bloc,

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Whitworth, William. "West German Rearmament Protests and the Reframing of Germany as Pacifist." European Review of International Studies 8, no. 2 (2021): 166–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-08020013.

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Abstract This paper tracks the reactions of British and U.S. officials to a wave of anti-rearmament protests in West Germany in the early 1950s. The conversations that these protests encouraged were significant in that they represented the beginning of a gradual change in the reputation of the German people – whereas in 1945 the Germans were widely considered a militaristic and aggressive people, by the end of the Cold War they were seen as largely pacifist. This change speaks to the power of social movements to drive new trends in international relations.

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Kudryachenko, A. "FRG-GDR: the Experience of Unification and the Role of International Actors in It." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-11.

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The article analyzes the practice and course of the events of 1989-1990 concerning the achievement of German state unity in terms of the coordination of foreign policy issues of the entry ofEast Germany (GDR) into the West Germany (FRG). The approaches of different states that were participants in the negotiation process are revealed, with regard to the harmonization of the foundations of the peaceful change of borders, while at the same time strengthening stability and confidence in a renewed Europe. Separately, the transformation of the conceptual approaches of the Soviet leadership to the s

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Ratmanov, P. E., та Yu V. Kirik. "Представительство народного комиссариата здравоохранения рс фср в германии (1921–1929 гг.) в контексте международных связей советской россии". Dalʹnevostočnyj medicinskij žurnal, № 4 (30 грудня 2019): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35177/1994-5191-2019-4-41-46.

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The paper is devoted to the activities of the Representative Office of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in Germany during the period of active economic, scientific and technical cooperation in the 1920s. The large-scale cooperation between Soviet Russia and Germany in healthcare actually began only after the 1922 Rapallo Agreement and the significant improvement in bilateral relations. The representative office of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in Germany published articles on health issues in the USSR in German press, promoted bilateral cooperation in social

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Pavlica, Branko. "Germany as a contract partner of Serbia and Yugoslavia 1882-1992." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 112-113 (2002): 287–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0213287p.

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Continuously from 1882 to 1992 (till the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia), Germany was the contract partner of Serbia, that is The Kingdom of Yugoslavia, that is the SFR of Yugoslavia. In spite of belligerent relations (disruption of diplomatic relations, discontinuity of contract practice) Germany occupied an extremely significant place within the international contract capacity of Serbia in the 19th century, that is of The Kingdom of Yugoslavia between the two wars, and specially in the period from 1934. to 1941, that is of Yugoslavia in the period from 1949 to 1990. Precisely the hi

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Panara, Carlo. "In the Name of Cooperation: The External Relations of the German Länder and Their Participation in the EU Decision-Making." European Constitutional Law Review 6, no. 1 (2010): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019610100042.

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‘Foreign relations power’ (auswärtige Gewalt) in the Federal Republic of Germany strongly centralised by the Lindau Agreement in 1957 – Although the German Länder still retain some rights to act at an international level, the Federal Government is the dominant player in the foreign relations of the state – Introduction of Länder participation in European Union law-making and policy-making; new opportunities for them to perform a role in external relations – Cooperative character of German federalism confirmed

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Obszarski, Piotr. "Relacje niemiecko-namibijskie jako przykład stosunków specjalnych." Prace i Studia Geograficzne 67, no. 3 (2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.48128/pisg/2022-67.3-02.

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The article is focused on the issue of bilateral relations, using the concept found in the study of international relations, which is special relations. The shape of German-Namibian relations is discussed, taking into account the special place that the Republic of Namibia holds in the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. For this purpose, the theoretical approach to the concept of special relations, the historical background of the relationship, as well as its contemporary shape are presented. The article presents arguments in favor of the thesis that Namibian-German relations ca

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HENTILÄ, SEPPO. "Maintaining Neutrality between the Two German States: Finland and Divided Germany until 1973." Contemporary European History 15, no. 4 (2006): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730600350x.

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After the end of the Second World War, when Finland sought to redefine its position vis-à-vis Germany, negotiations were dogged by the fact that Finland had been a close ally of Hitler's Germany in 1941–4 in the war against the USSR. In April 1948 Finland signed a Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance (FCMA) with the USSR, in which the military articles were based on the need to counter a potential German attack on the Soviets via Finland's territory. Finland's international position was so difficult that it became the only country in the world that did not establish full di

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Rastvortseva, A. N., A. G. Konfisakhor, and N. O. Sveshnikova. "The Influence of the Psychological Phenomenon “Inattentional Blindness” on People's Opinions about Another State (Based on the Example of the Ideas of Russians and Germans about Russia and Germany)." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Psychology, no. 3 (2024): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2410-6364.2024.3.54-62.

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The paper presents a study of the psychological phenomenon “inattentional blindness” and its influence on the ideas of residents of one state about another state using the example of the ideas of Russians and Germans about Russia and Germany. The article provides an overview of the visible factors that influenced the deterioration of Russian-German relations, such as historical events that are studied by experts in the field of history, political science, and international relations, but the emphasis is placed on the fact that in addition to the study of these factors, one should also take int

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Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.

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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and o

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Volodymyr, Potulnytsky. "The Image of Germany in the Context of Mutual Relations Between the Ukrainians and the Germans, as It is Presented in Intellectual Heritage of Historian and Geographer Stepan Rudnytskyi." Славістична збірка VI, Slavic studies (2022): 264–72. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6382863.

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The author of the article, using archival documents and literature, reproduces the conceptual views on the common pages of German-Ukrainian history, set out in the works of a prominent Ukrainian scholar, Academician Stepan Rudnytskyi. The article proves that Rudnytsky attached great importance to German influences on the rise of Ukrainian nation-building and stressed that these ties were only constructive for Ukraine. The scholar believed that the German neighborhood had only beneficial consequences for Ukraine, as even Ukrainian nationalism emerged in Galicia in the late 19th and early 20th c

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James, Peter. "An Election with No Losers: The 1994 Federal Elections in the New Germany." Politics 16, no. 1 (1996): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00143.x.

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The German federal election in October 1994, just four years after German Unity, revealed that clear divisions between east and west Germany still exist. Whilst the PDS on the left of the political spectrum was supported by around one fifth of east German voters, the parties on the right gained negligible support in Germany as a whole. The federal German electoral system, based on a personalised sytem of PR, again played a key role; it is, however still too early in the development of the new Germany to speak of a single new party system.

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Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. "German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.

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The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighbor

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Trunov, F. "German Participation in International Crisis Management (1991–2012)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-34-44.

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The article discusses the participation of the Federal Republic of Germany in the struggle against new challenges of the world security sphere. In this regard the main focus is on the usage of German armed forces (Bundeswehr) for International Crisis Management (ICM), first of all – outside the NATO area. Although Germany has been taking part in this type of activities since 1991, only in 1994 German Bundestag formulated and approved the mechanism of parliamentary control over the Bundeswehr usage outside the NATO area. The author attempts to define the periods of this process and cover practi

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Handl, Vladimír. "German Multilateralism and Relations among the Visegrad group countries." Czech Journal of International Relations 38, no. 1 (2003): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.979.

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German policy has experienced dynamic development and significant elements of change since the country's unification, mainly in the area of security and integration policy. However, German policy has been still defined to a great extent by its internal "institutional pluralism" (Bulmer, Paterson, Jeffery). The "pragmatization" of German integration policy (Schmalz) does not mean rejection of principal orientation on multilateralism. German policy towards the Visegrad group countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has focused mainly on normalisation of mutual relations and t

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von Beyme, Klaus. "Elite Relations in Germany." German Politics 10, no. 2 (2001): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/772713261.

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Ritscher, Christian. "COVID-19 and International Crimes Trials in Germany." Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no. 5 (2020): 1077–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa055.

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Abstract With the appearance of the COVID-19 virus, the world faces new challenges in almost every area of social life. Social distancing and protection measures provide new challenges in business relations. This also holds true for criminal trials in general, and for international criminal trials, in particular. In Germany, several trials concerning charges of crimes under international law, established by the German Code of Crimes Against International Law (Völkerstrafgesetzbuch), are currently in progress. In particular, the trial against two former Syrian intelligence officers, which is cu

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Lehrs, Lior. "A Last-Minute Private Peace Initiative: Albert Ballin’s Mediation Efforts between Germany and Britain, 1908-1914." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 3 (2018): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341373.

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Summary As relations between Germany and Britain were deteriorating during the years 1908-1914, Albert Ballin, a German businessman, became concerned and decided to promote Anglo–German talks on naval arms limitations in order to halt the naval arms race and improve relations between the two states. This article analyses Albert Ballin’s — and his British friend Ernest Cassel’s — private peace initiatives during the years 1908-1914 as a historical example of ‘unofficial diplomacy’ long before this term was discussed in International Relations literature. It examines the tools and conditions tha

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RYNHOLD, JONATHAN. "The German question in Central and Eastern Europe and the long peace in Europe after 1945: an integrated theoretical explanation." Review of International Studies 37, no. 1 (2010): 249–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000501.

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AbstractWithin the field of International Relations, theoretically informed explanations of the long peace in Europe since 1945 tend to focus on Western Europe, especially the revolution in Franco-German relations. In contrast, German relations with Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are ignored, despite the fact that this nexus was a major cause of instability prior to 1945. This article focuses on why the German question in CEE ceased to threaten the stability of Europe after 1945. The article empirically examines the development of the German question in CEE since 1945, which refers here main

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Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.

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On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the

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Sharikov, Pavel. "AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (2021): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620214149.

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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, i

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Locaitis, Linas. "Colonel k. Škirpa's suggestion to guarrantee Lithuanian independence by Germany and the Soviet Union and their pledge to support Lithuania in her fight for Vilnius." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 6 (December 28, 1998): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.1998.37283.

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In the 1930's, Colonel Kazys Škirpa served as Lithuania's military attaché in Berlin. His responsibilities included the representation of the Lithuanian Army, development and promotion of friendly relations between Lithuanian and German armies, and collection of information about the German army itself. However, very often during meetings with high-ranking German military staff officers, Colonel K. Škirpa not only discussed political problems that had arisen between Lithuania and Germany, but also spoke of a joint military action against Poland. He attempted to gain support from Germany and th

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Trunov, F. "Relations between Germany and the Countries of North Africa." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-61-71.

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The article examines the process of the growing German political and military activity in North Africa during the second half of the 2010s. The first key reason of this process was the new awareness of the regional role in the ensuring of Germany’s and the EU security. During and after the “Arab Spring”, the interstate “corridor of instability” arose. It went from Mali further to Niger and Libya which has been facing permanent instability after the intervention of the group of Western countries (2011, without German participation). The full-fledged functioning of the “corridor of instability”

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CHO, Hong Sik. "The Franco-British Relations from Hostility to Entente 1815-1914." Korean Society for European Integration 13, no. 3 (2022): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.31.

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This article explains the transformation of the relationship between Britain and France from hereditary enemies to alliance partners in three stages. At first, the Franco-British couple has evolved tremendously in the long period between 1815 and 1914 from structural hostility to firm allies. The domestic political change and European international balance of power, as well as the world political evolution are analyzed for this one hundred year peace. The structural comparison is followed by more detailed and historical analysis. The period 1815-1870 forms a cycle. In 1815, France was militari

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Pukhovskaya, Natalia E. "The Weimar Republic and France: Relationship Problems Between Two Bitter Rivals in the Post-Versailles Period." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (208) (December 23, 2020): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-4-91-101.

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The article considers the process of difficult, confrontational interaction between two long-standing Euro-pean rivals, France and Germany. Using specific historical examples and events, the author explores not only the style of political and diplomatic behaviour of the two countries, but also the deep-rooted collective perceptions of the French and Germans in relation to each other. The specific historical analysis carried out within the framework of this article allows concluding that a stable stereotype of the ‘enemy’ was formed and rooted in the people’s minds on both ends of aggravated Fr

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Саликов, А. Н., И. Н. Тарасов, and Е. Е. Уразбаев. "The Baltic policy of Germany and current international relations." Baltijskij region 8, no. 1 (2016): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2074-9848-2016-1-5.

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Salikov, A., I. Tarasov, and E. Urazbaev. "The Baltic policy of Germany and current international relations." Baltic Region 1, no. 8 (2016): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2016-1-5.

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DELMARTINO, BART. "The End of the Road for the Prince? Sixty Years after the Czechoslovak Confiscation of Liechtenstein Property." Leiden Journal of International Law 19, no. 2 (2006): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156506003372.

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In 1945 Czechoslovakia confiscated Liechtenstein property as reparation for the damage done by Nazi Germany. Private claims failed before the courts of Czechoslovakia, and international law did not provide Liechtenstein with a means of action against Czechoslovakia. When the property was on loan in Germany, a private case for recovery was declared inadmissible by the German courts, in line with Germany's international obligations. The European Court of Human Rights accepted these decisions. Liechtenstein, on the other hand, considered them to violate its sovereignty. In 2005, the International

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Gärditz, Klaus Ferdinand. "Shepherd v. Germany." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 3 (2015): 623–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.3.0623.

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In Shepherd v. Germany, the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) issued a preliminary ruling requested by a German administrative court in an asylum case brought by a United States Army service member. Applying the relevant asylum law of the European Union (EU), the ECJ held that, under certain circumstances, a conscientious objector who has deserted from his military unit may claim international refugee protection. It also clarified the conditions under which the basically legitimate prosecution of military deserters must be qualified as illegitimate persecution under international re

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Lehman, Brittany. "West German-Moroccan Relations and Politics of Labour Migration, 1958–1972." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 1 (2019): 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00501001.

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In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article pro

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Kirilina, E. Yu. "Foreign Policy of Germany towards Kazakhstan." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 18, no. 2 (2024): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2024-02-189-197.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a large number of newly formed states appeared on the geopolitical map of the world, some of which are located in Central Asia. As one of the largest and most influential countries in Europe, Germany sought to establish strong economic, political and cultural ties with these countries. The author pays attention to the stages of development of bilateral relations from the early 90s to the present.Aim. The aim of this study is to identify key aspects of German foreign policy in the region, focusing on relations with Kazakhstan.Tasks. Study the main stages

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Koszel, Bogdan. "Nouvel èlan? European context of Germany-France relations under President Emmanuel Macron (2017–2021)." Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej, no. 17 (December 30, 2023): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rie.2023.17.3.

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The purpose of the article was to analyze German-French cooperation in the face of the biggest crises and challenges to bilateral relations for France and Germany in the first two decades of the 21st century. President Macron’s European offensive, with the EU reform package, was carried out in order to strengthen the role of Paris in European integration and international politics. Chancellor Merkel’s experience in the European policy of Germany made her quite cautious in approving the ambitious, far-reaching reforms, which could add to the instability during an already difficult time for the

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Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS. UKRAINIAN FACTOR. PART 3." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 27, no. 3 (2022): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran320227082.

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The Russian special military operation in Ukraine has had a negative impact not only on German-Russian relations in the political and economic sphere, but also in the field of scientific, educational, cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The decision to terminate cooperation with the Russian Federation was made both at the level of the structures of the German government, and at the level of individual non–governmental organizations and institutions – leading scientific societyes, universities and colleges. It affected hundreds of existing joint programs, including international ones. The pa

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