Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Intervention (International law) : Foreign relations : Soviet Union »

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Intervention (International law) : Foreign relations : Soviet Union"

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Green, Brendan Rittenhouse. "Two Concepts of Liberty: U.S. Cold War Grand Strategies and the Liberal Tradition." International Security 37, no. 2 (2012): 9–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00097.

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Contrary to conventional accounts, the United States did not immediately adopt a set of sweeping commitments to Europe after World War II. Instead, it pursued a buck-passing strategy until the early 1960s that sought to craft Western Europe into an independent pole of power capable of balancing the Soviet Union largely without the assistance of the United States, thereby facilitating the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the continent. Only under President John F. Kennedy did the United States adopt a balancing strategy, making permanent forward commitments to the defense of Europe. A new theory
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Posen, Barry R. "Competing Images of the Soviet Union." World Politics 39, no. 4 (1987): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010293.

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Two American debates on foreign policy and national security. The Reagan administration and those who share its ideology see today's Soviet Union as not much different from yesterday's, and yesterday's Soviet Union as not much different from Nazi Germany. Like its progenitors in the 1930s, the modern Soviet Union is a “totalitarian” state, and therefore by nature expansionist, armed to the teeth, disposed to violence, fond of diplomatic tests of political will, and—as a consequence of all these factors —hard to deter and harder to beat. A different view prevails among most of the arms control
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Butler, W. E. "Innocent Passage and the 1982 Convention: The Influence of Soviet Law and Policy." American Journal of International Law 81, no. 2 (1987): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202406.

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On April 28, 1983, the Soviet Union became the first maritime country of consequence and the largest sea power signatory to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea to enact legislation implementing the provisions of that instrument regulating the innocent passage of foreign warships. The stature of the Soviet Union within the framework of the Convention and the policy changes embodied in the 1983 legislation confer a special importance on these new Rules, whose text and interpretation will become a standard emulated by other countries. The present article examines the text of
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Trimble, Phillip R. "The President’s Foreign Affairs Power." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (1989): 750–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203363.

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In the wake of Vietnam and Watergate, Congress set out to attack the imperial Presidency and to recapture its “historic constitutional role” in foreign policy. The tools of congressional activism included the National Commitments Resolution, the War Powers Resolution, the Case Act, the legislative veto over arms sales and nuclear exports, trade restrictions aimed at the Soviet Union and regulation of intelligence activities. In response, Presidents Carter and Reagan charged that Congress was invading presidential prerogatives. Joined by former executive branch officials and academic commentato
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Koval ́kov, Olexandr. "Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan in the Documents of J. Carter Administration." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.8.

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The article examines the documents of Jimmy Carter Administration (1977-1981) published in «Foreign Relations of the United States» series that represent the U.S. position on the Soviet intervention in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in December 1979. The author argues that the growing Soviet presence and finally a military intervention in Afghanistan was taken seriously in the United States and made Washington watch the developments in this country closely. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan became one of the major themes in the U.S. foreign policy. It was presented in a large arra
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Lutta, Joseph. "A Critical Analysis of Western Intervention in Foreign Nations: A Case Study of Ukraine and Venezuela." Russian Law Journal 7, no. 4 (2019): 30–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2019-7-4-30-72.

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The end of the Cold War triggered the spread of multiparty politics across the global south and the former Soviet Union. The western democracies argued this form of governance would ensure the rule of law, human rights and constitutionalism. However, in the recent past a worrisome trend has emerged where these global powers support opposition leaders in order to oust legitimate but antagonistic elected leaders in foreign. More often than not, this political change is engineered in wanton disregard of the country’s constitution and the relevant provisions of international law. This geopolitical
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Veeder, V. V. "The Lena Goldfields Arbitration: The Historical Roots of Three Ideas." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 47, no. 4 (1998): 747–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300062527.

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On 12 February 1930 a near-insolvent English company began arbitration proceedings against a large and hostile foreign State under an ad hoc arbitration clause contained in a written concession agreement signed by both parties. This concession had been granted by the Soviet Union in 1925 in respect of gold mining and other properties previously operated by the English company's Russian subsidiaries until their dispossession by the Soviet Russian government in 1918, following the October 1917 Revolution. In May 1930, after three months, the Soviet Union abruptly withdrew from the arbitration pr
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Avey, Paul C. "Confronting Soviet Power: U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War." International Security 36, no. 4 (2012): 151–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00079.

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Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Ideas do not float freely: transnational coalitions, domestic structures, and the end of the cold war." International Organization 48, no. 2 (1994): 185–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028162.

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Realist or liberal explanations for the end of the cold war cannot account for the specific content of the change in Soviet foreign policy or for Western responses to it. These theories need to be complemented by approaches that emphasize the interaction between international and domestic factors and that take seriously the proposition that ideas intervene between structural conditions and actors' interests. Some of the strategic prescriptions that informed the reconceptualization of Soviet security interests originated in the Western liberal internationalist community, which formed transnatio
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Bunce, Valerie. "The empire strikes back: the evolution of the Eastern bloc from a Soviet asset to a Soviet liability." International Organization 39, no. 1 (1985): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004859.

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The structure of the Soviet bloc would appear to be ideal for the maximization of Soviet domestic and foreign interests. The actual ledger of Soviet gains and losses from control over Eastern Europe, however, reveals a different picture. Over the postwar period Eastern European contributions to Soviet national security, economic growth, and domestic stability have declined. This decline in the value of empire to the Soviets is a function of three factors. The first is growing regime-society tensions in Eastern Europe as a result of East Europe's dependence on the Soviet Union and the derivativ
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Thèses sur le sujet "Intervention (International law) : Foreign relations : Soviet Union"

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Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. "Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.

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This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observer
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Fink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.

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Livres sur le sujet "Intervention (International law) : Foreign relations : Soviet Union"

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Japan's Siberian intervention, 1918-1922: A great disobedience against the people. Lexington Books, 2011.

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Superpower illusions: How myths and false ideologies led America astray-- and how to return to reality. Yale University Press, 2010.

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International business in Gorbachev's Soviet Union. Pinter, 1989.

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International business in Gorbachev's Soviet Union. St. Martin's Press, 1989.

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Granville, Johanna C. In the line of fire: The Soviet crackdown on Hungary, 1956-1958. Center for Russian and East European Studies, University of Pittsburgh, 1998.

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Boguslavskiĭ, M. M. The reorganization of Soviet foreign trade: Legal aspects. M.E. Sharpe, 1989.

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Abraham Lincoln and a new birth of freedom: The Union and slavery in the diplomacy of the Civil War. University of Nebraska Press, 1999.

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Green, James A. Conflict in the Caucasus: Implications for international legal order. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Office, General Accounting. Former Soviet Union: U.S. rule of law assistance has had limited impact : report to congressional requesters. The Office, 2001.

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Office, General Accounting. Former Soviet Union: U.S. rule of law assistance has had limited impact : report to congressional requesters. The Office, 2001.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Intervention (International law) : Foreign relations : Soviet Union"

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Young, John W., and John Kent. "21. US Predominance and the Search for a Post-Cold War Order." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0021.

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This chapter focuses on the predominance of the US and the search for order in the post-Cold War period. George H. W. Bush, who came to power in January 1989, concentrated on world affairs and had a series of foreign successes before the end of 1991. Bush’s cautious, pragmatic, approach carried both advantages and disadvantages. On one hand, he escaped any major disasters abroad and avoided antagonizing the Soviet Union or rekindling the Cold War. On the other, he seemed to be undynamic and at the mercy of events—he failed to provide a sense of overall direction to US foreign policy once the Cold War ended. The chapter first considers US foreign policy in the 1990s, before discussing the Gulf War of 1990–1, US–Soviet relations in the 1990s, US policy towards the ‘rogue states’ during the time of Bill Clinton, and ‘humanitarian intervention’ in Somalia and Haiti.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "21. US Predominance and the Search for a Post-Cold War Order." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0027.

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This chapter focuses on the United States’s predominance and the search for order in the post-Cold War period. George H. W. Bush, who came to power in January 1989, concentrated on world affairs and had a series of foreign successes before the end of 1991. Bush’s cautious, pragmatic, orderly approach carried both advantages and disadvantages. On the one hand he escaped any major disasters abroad and avoided antagonizing the Soviet Union or rekindling the Cold War. On the other hand, he seemed to be undynamic and at the mercy of events — he failed to provide a sense of overall direction to US foreign policy once the Cold War ended. The chapter first considers US foreign policy in the 1990s before discussing the Gulf War of 1990–1991, US–Soviet relations in the 1990s, US policy towards the ‘rogue states’ during the time of Bill Clinton, and ‘humanitarian intervention’ in Somalia and Haiti.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "28. Threats to the Existing Global Order: Challenges from the East." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0028.

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This chapter considers challenges from Russia, North Korea, and China. The first section describes Vladimir Putin’s acquisition and retention of power, and his antagonistic approach towards former members of the Soviet Union. Russia’s rift with the West was exacerbated by its annexation of Crimea and military intervention in Syria. The second section discusses tensions arising from North Korea’s nuclear policy, and attempts by Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un to achieve a lasting peace agreement. The third section examines the economic growth of China, the development of its international role since joining the WTO, its increasing military strength, and its foreign policy. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the opportunities and the geopolitical risks for Asia and China while the influence of the United States, European Union, and Russia wanes.
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Greenberg, Udi. "From the League of Nations to Vietnam." In The Weimar Century. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159331.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on theories of Hans J. Morgenthau, a German émigré specialist on foreign relations. In the years immediately after World War II, Morgenthau emerged as the highest intellectual authority on international relations in the United States. His theory, which became known as “realism,” explained why the United States had no choice but to oppose the Soviet Union and China and prevent them from expanding their power in Europe and East Asia. However, Morgenthau also opposed U.S. intervention in the Vietnam War. This dual position marked both the high point of the German–American symbiosis and the moment of its crisis.
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Gegout, Catherine. "The European Union." In Why Europe Intervenes in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845162.003.0007.

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Chapter six shows that even the European Union, which gives a high priority to addressing development problems, and which is legally constrained to act in accordance with international law, often adopts a realist type of foreign policy in Africa. First, in terms of aid and trade (including arms trade), the European Union privileges relations with strong economies in the North of Africa, South Africa, and oil-resource states. The second section demonstrates that the European Union plays a limited diplomatic role in conflicts in Africa, it is securitizing its development policies, and has deployed civilian operations which face difficulties on the ground. Then, an analysis of EU military interventions in Africa shows that they are not consistent, and are either discussed but not carried out, or limited in time and space. The fourth section focuses on motives. The European Union has never intervened primarily for humanitarian motives. EU states do not have a consistent approach towards conflicts, and when they discuss intervention, they often fail to give any priority to European solidarity. As a result, and as expected by realism, member states are more likely not to intervene, or to intervene unilaterally or in ad hoc interventions, than to work through the EU framework.
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Intervention (International law) : Foreign relations : Soviet Union"

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into
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