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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Israel »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 4 juin 2021

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Israel"

1

Karasova, Tatiana. « ISRAEL AND UKRAINIAN CONFLICT ». Eastern Analytics 14, n^o 2 (2023) (2023) : 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2023-02-117-127.

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The Israeli leadership's attitude towards the Ukrainian conflict is closely related to the specific internal and foreign policy of the State of Israel. Israel's approach is less strategic and more tactical. Its refusal to extend valuable military assistance to Ukraine is centered on narrow regional operational concerns (in Syria and conflict with Iran) and not on matters of geopolitical positioning. Israel hopes to maintain its partnership with Washington without alienating Moscow. The Jewish state tries to avoid Western pressure to «choose a side» and instead be guided by concrete Israeli interests. Israel relies less on the notion that Israelis should trust Washington to defend their interests but follow self-reliance the consequences to its own defense. Ukrainians have been puffing harsh demands to increase Israeli financial and military support and shift its declaratory policy in favor of Kiev. But Jerusalem clearly aware this step would lead to crossing red lines» marked by Moscow which threatens the Israeli's security interests. Israel takes into account Russian influence in the region and prefers to keep its cooperative ties with Kremlin. Israel remains Washington's closest ally in the Middle East, but Biden administration and collective West expectations that the Israelis government to act like it were mostly not met. Israel has maintained a passive stance on Ukraine despite mounting pressure by Western allies.

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Schuster, Paulette K. « Falafel and Shwarma : Israeli Food in Mexico ». Transnational Marketing Journal 6, n^o 1 (31 mai 2018) : 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tmj.v6i1.376.

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Falafel and Shwarma are two iconic national Israeli dishes that are widely recognized and loved in Mexico. They are also the most mentioned by the participants. Kosher stores selling Israeli snack like Bamba, Bisli and Shkedei Marak (soup almonds) have a long-standing tradition in Mexico. However, restaurants serving Israeli food are far less common. In fact, for most of the 1980s and 1990s there were only three establishments, until recently when a new gourmet Israeli cuisine restaurant opened up. So, why is Strauss Israel’s largest food company bothering to invest in Mexico? Why are they marketing a line of Israeli popular items there? In addition to answering these questions. other queries to be explored include: How is Israeli food perceived in Mexico by the Jewish community? How did it go from a simple snack/street food to a gourmet affair? How are they framed and marketed? The main objective is to compare three different groups: Jewish Mexicans in Israel, Israelis in Mexico and Jewish Mexicans who remained in Mexico and how they perceive Israeli food in Mexico and in Israel. In addition to this, how marketing of Israeli food in Mexico has evolved. Twenty interviews will be conducted in Israel in total. Ten will be conducted with Mexican Jews living in Israel and ten will with Israelis who lived in Mexico and who have returned to Israel. To date, eight interviews have been conducted. They will be carried out in various cities in Israel. So far the median age is 45. It seems that for the Israelis eating their national food in Mexico represented an attempt at trying to connect to a symbolic sense of home. For Jewish Mexicans, eating Israeli food was either a way to connect to their future home (those that later immigrated to Israel) or a means to show their solidarity with Israel. Israeli companies investing in Mexico have a vested interest in selling and marketing their authentic wares in Mexico as they seek to gain a foothold in this emerging market.

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Ida, Yoram, et Gal Talit. « Israeli Government Policy on Non-Israeli Construction Workers ». Migration Letters 20, n^o 1 (31 janvier 2023) : 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2820.

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In Israel, there has been a severe shortage of housing units for several decades, due, among other things, to a shortage of skilled construction workers. The industry employs Palestinian labourers (since 1967) and migrant workers, mainly from Eastern Europe and China (since the 1990s). The Israeli government has changed its policy on the employment of non-Israeli workers several times. This article reviews these changes and discusses their successes and failures. The findings show that the shortage of workers in the construction industry in Israel might justify an increase in the quota of non-Israeli workers in the short term. However, in the medium and long term, measures must be taken to ensure implementation of planned reforms to reduce Israel's dependence on non-Israelis and encourage the integration of Israeli workers in the industry. This should be achieved mainly through technological improvements and a transition to industrialized construction.

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Kranz, Dani. « Towards an Emerging Distinction between State and People : Return Migration Programs, Diaspora Management and Agentic Migrants ». Migration Letters 17, n^o 1 (23 janvier 2020) : 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i1.770.

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While Jewish immigration to the State of Israel is a key component of Zionist ideology, emigration has been discouraged and vilified. Yet, Israeli Jewish citizens have been leaving throughout. This paper chronicles the approaches of the State of Israel towards its citizen diaspora, which shifted from rejection to the realisation of Israelis abroad as a fait accompli, and a resource for the state. At the same time, it depicts the self-organisation of Israeli citizens abroad, and their on-going ties to the State of Israel, even if they are highly critical of it. To elaborate on this dialectic, the paper zooms in on Israeli citizens in Germany. In consequence, I argue that the secularised notion of the ‘love for the Jewish people’ (ahavat yisrael) can be extended to ahava be’ad ha’medinat yisrael (love for the State of Israel) in the present to conceptualise the on-going relationship of Israeli citizens abroad to Israel, and its implementation by the state.

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Braimah, Awaisu. « Killing to Cling to Power ? The Dilemmas of Israeli Prime Minister ». International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 7, n^o 3 (1 mars 2024) : 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v7i3.2034.

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Hamas's strategic surprise attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, is not only a military and intelligence failure on the part of Israel, but it also casts doubt on the capacity of the Israeli Prime Minister to provide the security needs of Israelis. What this paper does is explore the complexities and dilemmas of Israel’s war on Gaza despite domestic pressure to halt the Gaza war to enable the release of hostages, the call on the coalition government to account for the needless deaths of Israelis on the fateful October 7, 2023 attack and the growing pressure abroad to respect humanitarian law of war in Gaza. The war nevertheless continues unabated while Hamas is ducking for cover with the multiracial captives. The multilevel demands on the Israeli PM and his right-wing coalition have ramifications on the regime’s legitimacy, a bleak future for the two-state solution, and the general implication of the war on global politics. This paper utilised the Diversionary Theory of War to explain the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. The paper argues that Hamas attacked Israel to thwart the normalisation process between Israel and Saudi Arabia, while the Israeli prime minister is using the Gaza war as an alibi to boost his reelection bid and to divert the attention of Israelis from the toxic domestic politics to cling to power.

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Zisser, Eyal. « Israel in the Middle East the Aftermath of the Arab Spring (2010-2017) ». International Journal of ICT Research in Africa and the Middle East 7, n^o 1 (janvier 2018) : 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijictrame.2018010102.

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This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.

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Karasova, Tatiana A. « Biden Priorities and Possible Strategy for Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Settlement ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, n^o 6 (2021) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017648-9.

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Israeli-U.S. relations are an important factor in U.S. policy in the Middle East. USA maintain Israel as a strategic ally and Israel was granted American “major non-NATO ally” status. United States actively influenced the Israeli regional policy. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement was always America’ the most priority area. Israelis and Americans share the view that the United States has a predominant role and responsibility in the Palestinians - Israeli dispute peace-making. The two-state outcome and critical issue over Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem was a topic of American concerns for a long time relied on bipartisanship support of Democrats and Republicans. During Osama’s presidency D. Biden held post of deputy president and supported no new ideas for restarting negotiations between the sides of the conflict but its policies have failed, from Israel’s refusal to freeze settlement. The next Trump administration however was the “most pro-Israel ever”. Trump’s White House led a radical departure from the U.S.’s traditional role as the honest broker between Israelis and Palestinians. Biden’s victory in 2021 signals restructure Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, rehabilitating a durable two-state formula that establishes political, territorial, and demographic separation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). But uunlike the Obama and Trump administrations, the Biden administration doesn't see the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a foreign policy priority. The question is: what really a Biden presidency might mean for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?

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Culp, Julian. « Israeli History Textbooks and the Palestinians : Remarks on a Critical Theory of Israeli School Education ». Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 17, n^o 1 (mai 2018) : 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2018.0182.

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This article first of all illustrates how Israeli history schoolbooks fail to represent or misrepresent the culture of Palestinian citizens of Israel, and then explains the ways in which such mis- or non-representation hinders the cultivation of vital democratic virtues like empathy. Following that, the article identifies three obstacles for rendering Israeli school education more democratic: Israel's identity as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’, the socio-political domination of Palestinian citizens of Israel outside the educational system, and the unwillingness to recognise the existence of moral dilemmas. The article concludes that overcoming these obstacles is crucial for improving democratic education in Israel.

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FREIBERG, Orit, et Daniela COJOCARU. « Trying to Build Shared Education in a Divided Society – Jewish Arab Bilingual Schools in Israel ». Revista de Cercetare si Interventie Sociala 83 (14 décembre 2023) : 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/rcis.83.7.

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This article describes an educational attempt to overcome an ongoing divide in Israel society. The Jewish - Arab or Israeli Palestinian divide in Israel is harsh and influences Israeli society in various realm such as social, political and economic. Israel's educational system reinforces this divide by separating Jewish and Arab schools. The Jewish Arab bilingual schools (JABS) in Israel attempt to change this segregation reality and create a shared and educational space for both Jews and Arabs. This article presents JABS principals, goals and model and a review of relevant recent research. It will suggest a new stream of study for the future.

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Chazan, Idan. « "The Straw that Broke the Camel's Back" : The 1996 Blood Affair and the Navon Commission ». Israel Studies 28, n^o 3 (septembre 2023) : 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.28.3.08.

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ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the role and functions of Israeli commissions of inquiry (COI) and specifically, the Navon Commission of 1996 which investigated a newly revealed Israeli policy calling for all Ethiopian-Israeli blood donations to be surreptitiously thrown out for fear of contamination from AIDS. The revelation of the affair led to a 10,000-person protest convened by the Beta Israel (Ethiopian Jews) and an official commission was formed to investigate the scandal (known as the "Blood Affair"), headed by former president of Israel Yitzhak Navon. Engaging with historical and theoretical literature that presents disparate "typologies" of Israeli commissions of inquiry and discusses their functions and socio-political significance, this article probes the reasons both the Ethiopian-Israelis and the state favored the formation of a commission of inquiry to investigate the Blood Affair. The study then asks how and why the Blood Affair narrative in the final report of the Navon Commission differed from the various narratives advanced by Beta Israel. The article contends that the Navon Commission and Beta Israel viewed the Blood Affair from different angles, the former as a public commission and the latter through the experience of Ethiopian-Israelis as immigrants and their process of integration.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Israel"

1

Tenembaum, Yoav Javier. « British policy towards Israel and the Arab-Israeli dispute 1951-1954 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315883.

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Ami, Avi ben. « Development co-operation between Israel and Ethiopia from an Israeli perspective ». Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443484.

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3

Seter, Ronit. « Yuvalim be-Israel : nationalism in Jewish-Israeli art music, 1940-2000 / ». Ann Arbor (Mich.) : UMI, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40050015j.

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Shenar, Gabriele. « Aesthetics and identity among the Bene Israel in Israel ». Thesis, Keele University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402636.

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Kennedy, Joel. « The recapitulation of Israel use of Israel's history in Matthew 1:1 - 4:11 ». Tübingen Mohr Siebeck, 2008. http://d-nb.info/992266742/04.

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Gilat, Eliyau Zeev. « the Arab boycott of Israel : economic political warfare against Israel ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/23542.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
This thesis examines the effectiveness of the Arab Boycott of Israel from an economic and a political perspective. This study covers the Arab boycott from 1946 until 1990. It demonstrates that economically and politically, the Arab boycott had three distinct phases. The first of these was the period from the declaration of the Arab boycott in 1946 until the 1973 War. The second phase took place between the 1973 War and the 1979 peace agreement between Israel and Egypt. The third phase began with the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement and ends in 1990. This study suggests that the boycott was most effective when supported by the threat of an oil embargo in effect between 1973 and 1979. U.S. actions against the Arab boycott were also effective. Finally, this thesis contends that the 1979 peace agreement between Israel and Egypt brought frustration to those who expected that Israel's trade with such a close and large country as Egypt would open a huge trade market. In sum, the Arab boycott did not succeed in destroying Israel's economy, as was its declared intention.

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Zucchi, Luciano Kneip. « Implantação do estado de Israel e a gênese dos conflitos israelo/árabes ». Universidade Estadual de Londrina. Centro de Letras e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, 2014. http://www.bibliotecadigital.uel.br/document/?code=vtls000190871.

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Objetivamos demonstrar principalmente, através da análise histórica e da política internacional, que a gênese dos conflitos no Oriente Médio, entre judeus e árabes, está inserida dentro de um contexto global e tem seu cerne em interesses imperialistas e também no bipolarismo surgido após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, e não em rivalidades ou ódios seculares entre povos, muito embora o discurso étnico/religioso tenha muitas vezes conseguido mascarar a realidade desse antagonismo, originário do século XX, que adentrou o XXI sem perspectivas de resolução. A História demonstra que se, por um lado, judeus e árabes tiveram alguns ínterins conflituosos, principalmente na aurora do Islã, por outro lado, conviveram pacificamente e produtivamente durante séculos, como no Califado Omíada da Espanha e em outras regiões. A proclamação do Estado de Israel em 1948, muito embora tenha se configurado numa solução de compromisso para o problema anti/semita no continente europeu, redundara, entretanto, e paradoxalmente, num novo estranhamento e em novos conflitos, agora entre judeus e árabes habitantes da Palestina e de todo o Oriente Médio. As potências europeias, nesse contexto, desaguam uma contradição que é sua no mesmo movimento em que reiteram seus preconceitos, transportando-os para o Médio Oriente e agravando o quadro sensivelmente com a Guerra Fria e o confronto entre Estados Unidos e União Soviética, que farão da região rica em recursos energéticos imprescindíveis ao Ocidente palco de seu enfrentamento, tornando pior uma situação que já era desesperada ao extremo.
We aimed to demonstrate mainly through historical analysis and international politics, the genesis of the conflict in the middle east between jews and arabs, is embedded within a global context and has its heart in imperialist interests and also the bipolarity emerged after world war ii world, and not in rivalry or hatred between secular people, although the ethnic/religious discourse has often succeeded mask the reality of this antagonism, originating in the twentieth century, which entered the xxi no prospect of resolution. history shows that, on the one hand, jews and arabs had some "conflicting interinsti'', especially at the dawn of islam, on the other hand, lived peacefully and productively for centuries, as the umayyad caliphate in spain and elsewhere. History shows that, on the one hand, Jews and Arabs had some "conflicting Interinsti'', especially at the dawn of Islam, on the other hand, lived peacefully and productively for centuries, as the Umayyad Caliphate in Spain and elsewhere. The proclamation of the State of Israel in 1948, although it had set up a compromise solution to the problem anti/Semitic in Europe, redound, however, and paradoxically, a new strangeness and new conflicts now between Jewish and Arab inhabitants of Palestine and throughout the Middle East. The European powers, in this context, flow into a contradiction that your in the same motion that reiterated their prejudices, transporting them to the Middle East and, worsening noticeably with the Cold War and the confrontation between the United States and Soviet Union, which will make region rich in essential energy resources to the West the scene of their confrontation, making worse a situation was already desperate in the extreme.

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Herman, Marilyn. « Songs, honour and identity : the Bet Israel (Ethiopian Jews) in Israel ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386510.

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Fisher, Darren Christopher Edwin. « The role of the Jerusalem Municipality in the conflict over the city ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322285.

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Baser, Zeynep. « Contending Approaches To Security In Israel : 1948-2000 ». Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609996/index.pdf.

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This thesis provides an analysis of Israel&
#8217
s security conceptions, discourses and practices, in the context of the Arab&
#8211
Israeli conflict in general and the Israeli&
#8211
Palestinian conflict in particular, between 1948 and 2000. The purpose of the study is, to explore those processes through which particular definitions and practices of security have been produced and changed, against the background of the domestic debates and competing worldviews among key political actors
and to highlight the overall impact of these points in different periods on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and, thus, on Israel&
#8217
s overall security. In this context, it is observed that the debates among the political actors, regarding the future borders and the identity of the state, have played a key role in the construction and reconstruction of Israeli security policy particularly vis-à
-vis the Palestinian problem. Nevertheless, it is also observed that the extent of these differences has been limited to the objectives of the security policy, and that a zero-sum conception of security, and the primacy of military means to confront the perceived threats have prevailed as common characteristics of Israeli security understanding, informing Israel&
#8217
s related practices. Along these lines the thesis considers the Oslo peace process as an anomaly, and tries to assess it within the framework of the continuities and changes it has introduced to thinking and acting about security in Israel.

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Livres sur le sujet "Israel"

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1923-, Baum Gregory, Frankemölle Hubert 1939- et Münz Christoph 1961-, dir. Frieden für Israel : Israeli peace and human rights groups in Israel. Paderborn : Bonifatius, 2002.

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Wiesenhofer, Hans. Israel. Sous la direction de Wiesenhofer Hans 1954- et Time-Life Books. Alexandria, Va : Time-Life Books, 1987.

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Allard, Denise. Israel. Austin, TX : Raintree Steck-Vaughn, 1997.

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Woolf, Alex. Israel. London : Wayland, 2007.

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Patterson, José. Israel. Austin, TX : Raintree Steck-Vaughn, 1997.

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Allwardt, Ulrich, dir. Israel. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01260-3.

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Wolffsohn, Michael. Israel. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-14397-0.

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Wolffsohn, Michael, et Douglas Bokovoy. Israel. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95160-1.

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Wolffsohn, Michael, et Douglas Bokovoy. Israel. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95861-7.

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Wolffsohn, Michael. Israel. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-05405-4.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Israel"

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Taupitz, Jochen. « Israel ». Dans Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Deutsches, Europäisches und Internationales Medizinrecht, Gesundheitsrecht und Bioethik der Universitäten Heidelberg und Mannheim, 89–103. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-55732-3_9.

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van der Borg, H. H., M. Koning van der Veen et L. M. Wallace-Vanderlugt. « Israel ». Dans Horticultural Research International, 340–49. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-0003-8_31.

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Nir, Y. « Israel ». Dans The GeoJournal Library, 253–60. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-2999-9_28.

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Gat, Daniel. « Israel ». Dans Real Estate Education Throughout the World : Past, Present and Future, 205–14. Boston, MA : Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0869-4_13.

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Roy-Shapira, Aviel. « Israel ». Dans Three Patients, 77–82. Boston, MA : Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0939-4_12.

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Coombs, J., et Y. R. Alston. « Israel ». Dans The International Biotechnology Directory 1992, 201–5. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12700-9_15.

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Coombs, J., et Y. R. Alston. « Israel ». Dans The International Biotechnology Directory 1993, 140–43. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12702-3_13.

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Taylor, Ann C. M. « Israel ». Dans International Handbook of Universities, 483–86. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12912-6_70.

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Capie, Forrest. « Israel ». Dans Directory of Economic Institutions, 175–76. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10218-1_19.

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Coombs, J., et Y. R. Alston. « Israel ». Dans The International Biotechnology Directory 1989, 64. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10289-1_16.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Israel"

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Axinte, Teofan Narcis. « Educational Policy and Education Management. Study Case : Israel ». Dans Eighth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics : Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2022.275.

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The world today faces new realities, conditions, and challenges as a result of the remarkable development in many fields. Across the past century, education systems all over the world have seen significant improvements. The educational system has evolved, progressed, and transformed in a way that emphasizes the democratization of education. To adapt their educational systems and objectives to the 21st century, all developed nations are coping with and confronting changes and difficulties both locally and globally. The present article wants to present some specific aspects related to educational policy and education management in Israel. Israel is a relatively new state, found in 1948 and the Israeli educational system reflects Israeli society, similarly to anywhere else in the world. In all these years of existence, Israel’s educational system has accomplished prodigious achievements. As it is obvious, Israel is a relatively young nation, hence its educational system faces various challenges, some of which are exclusive to Israel. This presentation proposes to explain briefly the roots of Israel’s education system, which began before it was recognized as a state, and will illustrate some concrete facets of the actual education system, educational policy, and education management, as well, as in Israel

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Daas, Israa. « The American Perception of the Palestine-Israel Conflict ». Dans 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.013.

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Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements

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Hamida, Abdullah, et Yongsheng Jin. « Analysing Israel-Hamas Conflict Based on Game Theory Approach ». Dans 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.001.

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ABSTRACT The Islamic Resistance Movement (AKA: Hamas) has taken control over Gaza Strip, Palestine, in 2007. Since then, the organization was in a continues hit-run conflict against the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF). The conflict is very resistant to any sort of resolution, and Hamas and Israel engage frequently in what it seems an endless cycle of resentment and violence. Despite numerous mediations by global and regional powers, this conflict appears to be further away than ever. This particular conflict can’t be addressed according to the common negotiation theories that based on rationality and hard politics, which seems not that functional. Instead, a model based on the game theory approach is presented in this study to explain this phenomenon. In this work, some facts about Israel - Hamas regional concerns are explained. Moreover, the study analyses the reasons behind Hamas enforcing calm in Gaza, even though Hamas considers Israel as its arch enemy. The presented model shows that whenever Israel and Hamas reach an agreement, both sides can collaborate in maintaining a state of calm. Moreover, results show that the proposed model is applicable to analyse a conflict in terms of actions, duration and terms of settlement. KEYWORDS: Israel; Israeli-Palestinian conflict; Hamas; Gaza strip; Game theory

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Shoshan, Stacy, Iris Levy et Paola Rosca. « Israel : the land of milk, honey and cannabis ». Dans 2021 Virtual Scientific Meeting of the Research Society on Marijuana. Research Society on Marijuana, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26828/cannabis.2022.01.000.26.

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Cannabis use in Israel has escalated exponentially leading to paralleled increases in psychiatric disorders and admissions to residential drug treatment facilities. Our data from the Israeli Ministry of Health Department for the Treatment of Substance Abuse shows that mental and behavioral disorders due to cannabis use have gone up 825% between 2010 and 2019. Also in 2019, amongst drug and alcohol residential treatment centers, where polysubstance use has become the norm, cannabis was reported as the primary substance leading to treatment admission. 52% of those admitted to treatment listed cannabis as their drug of choice, with a huge gap between cannabis and alcohol in second place at 21%. These statistics are particularly concerning since cannabis is currently available not only in the black market and online in Israel, but also as "medical cannabis." The most alarming issue is that Israel will most likely become the 3rd nation in the world to officially legalize cannabis within the next year.

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« IEEE Israel section ». Dans 2004 23rd IEEE Convention of Electrical and Electronics Engineers in Israel. IEEE, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eeei.2004.1361072.

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Petkova, Tatyana V., et Daniel Galily. « When you are named Ruth ». Dans 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.06085p.

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This study aims to recall the ideas and activities in the field of law, politics, philosophy, the struggle for democracy and respect for human rights of two bright and exceptional personalities who left this world last year: Ruth Gavison (her areas of study include ethnic conflicts, protection of minorities, human rights, political theory, the judiciary, religion and politics, and Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. She was a member of the Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Nominated as a Judge at the Supreme Court of Israel in 2005.) and Ruth Bader Ginsburg (Judge at the Supreme Court of the United States. She upholds and defends the rights of women and people of color, gender equality.).

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Rosenwaks, S. « COIL research in Israel ». Dans 25th Plasmadynamics and Lasers Conference. Reston, Virigina : American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.1994-2418.

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Bouhnik, Dan, Yahel Giat et Issachar Zarruk. « The Informing Needs of Procurement Officers in Israel ». Dans InSITE 2017 : Informing Science + IT Education Conferences : Vietnam. Informing Science Institute, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3686.

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Aim/Purpose: [This Proceedings paper was revised and published in Informing Science: the International Journal of an Emerging Transdiscipline (InfoSci)] To develop and introduce a questionnaire that investigates the informing needs, information-seeking behavior, and supplier selection of procurement officers in Israel. The questionnaire’s internal consistency reliability is given. Additionally, we describe the demographic description of the procurement officers in Israel. Background: Procurement science is an important field that affects firms’ profits in the private sector and is significant to growth, innovation, sustainability, and welfare in the public sector. There is little research about the informing needs of procurement officers in general and particularly in Israel. Methodology: A quantitative questionnaire that is sent to all the procurement officers in Israel’s purchasing and logistics managers association. Contribution: The questionnaire that is developed in this paper may be used by other researchers and practitioners to evaluate the informing needs of procurement officers. Findings: The typical procurement officer is male, with a bachelor degree and is digitally proficient. Recommendations for Practitioners: The procuring side can use the questionnaire to develop better tools for obtaining information efficiently. The supplying side can use this knowledge to improve its exposure to potential customers and address its customer’s needs better. Recommendation for Researchers: The questionnaire can address theoretical questions such as how digital literacy affects the procurement process and provide empirical findings about active research areas such as supplier selection and information-seeking behavior. Future Research: Future research will examine the relationship between the various variables and demographic features to understand why specific informing needs and information-seeking behaviors arise.

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Yitzhaki, Moshe. « Free Flow of Information and Knowledge and Use of IT in a Conservative Community : The Case of the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel ». Dans InSITE 2016 : Informing Science + IT Education Conferences : Lithuania. Informing Science Institute, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3503.

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The free flow of unfiltered information, as facilitated by current IT, poses great challenges for a conservative community that strives to retain its members, and especially its youngsters, within a traditional lifestyle. The study explores the ways by which the Israeli ultra-orthodox community, a conservative minority one, upholding a unique subculture, copes with the challenges of unrestricted information flow in a developed country like Israel, which largely embraces the latest IT innovations.

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Karpel, Moti, Daniella Raveh et Yuval Levy. « Computational Aeroelasticity Research in Israel ». Dans 50th AIAA/ASME/ASCE/AHS/ASC Structures, Structural Dynamics, and Materials Conference. Reston, Virigina : American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.2009-2437.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Israel"

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Busch, Oberst G. German-Israeli Relations : Security of Israel--Reason of State ? Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mars 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada589061.

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Ferrara, Anthony, et Sara Abdulla. Financing “The New Oil” : Assessing AI Investment in Israel and the Broader Middle East. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, mai 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20230002.

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Israel has by far the largest AI ecosystem in the Middle East as measured in AI companies and financial investments, and foreign investors play a critical role in Israel’s AI market growth. This issue brief finds that AI investments in Israel have mostly originated from the United States. To date, Chinese investors have played a limited role in funding Israel’s dynamic AI companies. But understanding the risk of Chinese investments into the Israeli AI ecosystem will be important for the national security of both the United States and Israel.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, et Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel : The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.

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Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.

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Wigington, John T. Syria's Negotiations with Israel. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, avril 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada276558.

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Ferguson, Mel. Geostrategic Security Analysis of Israel. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, janvier 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada441496.

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Levy, David A. Palestinian Political Biolence and Israel. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juin 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada380839.

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Yaari, Menahem, Elhanan Helpman, Ariel Weiss, Nathan Sussman, Ori Heffetz, Hadas Mandel, Avner Offer et al. Sustainable Well-Being in Israel. The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, juin 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52873/policy.2021.wellbeing-en.

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Well-being is a common human aspiration. Governments and states, too, seek to promote and ensure the well-being of their citizens; some even argue that this should be their overarching goal. But it is not enough for a country to flourish, and for its citizens to enjoy well-being, if the situation cannot be maintained over the long term. Well-being must be sustainable. The state needs criteria for assessing the well-being of its citizens, so that it can work to raise the well-being level. Joining many other governments around the world, the Israeli government adopted a comprehensive set of indices for measuring well-being in 2015. Since 2016, the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics has been publishing the assessment results on an annual basis. Having determined that the monitoring of well-being in Israel should employ complementary indices relating to its sustainability, the Ministry of Environmental Protection, the Bank of Israel, the Central Bureau of Statistics, and Yad Hanadiv asked the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities to establish an expert committee to draft recommendations on this issue. The Academy's assistance was sought in recognition of its statutory authority "to advise the government on activities relating to research and scientific planning of national significance." The Committee was appointed by the President of the Academy, Professor Nili Cohen, in March 2017; its members are social scientists spanning a variety of disciplines. This report presents the Committee's conclusions. Israel's ability to ensure the well-being of its citizens depends on the resources or capital stocks available to it, in particular its economic, natural, human, social, and cultural resources. At the heart of this report are a mapping of these resources, and recommendations for how to measure them.

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Bruno, Michael. Generating a Sharp Disinflation : Israel 1985. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, janvier 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w1822.

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Ramakrishnan, A. K. India’s confusing messages on Israel-Palestine. Sous la direction de Bharat Bhushan. Monash University, novembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/bbb5-9769.

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Accius, Jean, Justin Ladner et Staci Alexander. Global Longevity Economy Outlook : Israel Infographic. Washington, DC : AARP Research, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/int.00052.035.

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