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1
Karasova, Tatiana. « ISRAEL AND UKRAINIAN CONFLICT ». Eastern Analytics 14, no 2 (2023) (2023) : 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2023-02-117-127.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Israeli leadership's attitude towards the Ukrainian conflict is closely related to the specific internal and foreign policy of the State of Israel. Israel's approach is less strategic and more tactical. Its refusal to extend valuable military assistance to Ukraine is centered on narrow regional operational concerns (in Syria and conflict with Iran) and not on matters of geopolitical positioning. Israel hopes to maintain its partnership with Washington without alienating Moscow. The Jewish state tries to avoid Western pressure to «choose a side» and instead be guided by concrete Israeli interests. Israel relies less on the notion that Israelis should trust Washington to defend their interests but follow self-reliance the consequences to its own defense. Ukrainians have been puffing harsh demands to increase Israeli financial and military support and shift its declaratory policy in favor of Kiev. But Jerusalem clearly aware this step would lead to crossing red lines» marked by Moscow which threatens the Israeli's security interests. Israel takes into account Russian influence in the region and prefers to keep its cooperative ties with Kremlin. Israel remains Washington's closest ally in the Middle East, but Biden administration and collective West expectations that the Israelis government to act like it were mostly not met. Israel has maintained a passive stance on Ukraine despite mounting pressure by Western allies.
2
Schuster, Paulette K. « Falafel and Shwarma : Israeli Food in Mexico ». Transnational Marketing Journal 6, no 1 (31 mai 2018) : 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tmj.v6i1.376.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Falafel and Shwarma are two iconic national Israeli dishes that are widely recognized and loved in Mexico. They are also the most mentioned by the participants. Kosher stores selling Israeli snack like Bamba, Bisli and Shkedei Marak (soup almonds) have a long-standing tradition in Mexico. However, restaurants serving Israeli food are far less common. In fact, for most of the 1980s and 1990s there were only three establishments, until recently when a new gourmet Israeli cuisine restaurant opened up. So, why is Strauss Israel’s largest food company bothering to invest in Mexico? Why are they marketing a line of Israeli popular items there? In addition to answering these questions. other queries to be explored include: How is Israeli food perceived in Mexico by the Jewish community? How did it go from a simple snack/street food to a gourmet affair? How are they framed and marketed? The main objective is to compare three different groups: Jewish Mexicans in Israel, Israelis in Mexico and Jewish Mexicans who remained in Mexico and how they perceive Israeli food in Mexico and in Israel. In addition to this, how marketing of Israeli food in Mexico has evolved. Twenty interviews will be conducted in Israel in total. Ten will be conducted with Mexican Jews living in Israel and ten will with Israelis who lived in Mexico and who have returned to Israel. To date, eight interviews have been conducted. They will be carried out in various cities in Israel. So far the median age is 45. It seems that for the Israelis eating their national food in Mexico represented an attempt at trying to connect to a symbolic sense of home. For Jewish Mexicans, eating Israeli food was either a way to connect to their future home (those that later immigrated to Israel) or a means to show their solidarity with Israel. Israeli companies investing in Mexico have a vested interest in selling and marketing their authentic wares in Mexico as they seek to gain a foothold in this emerging market.
3
Ida, Yoram, et Gal Talit. « Israeli Government Policy on Non-Israeli Construction Workers ». Migration Letters 20, no 1 (31 janvier 2023) : 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2820.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Israel, there has been a severe shortage of housing units for several decades, due, among other things, to a shortage of skilled construction workers. The industry employs Palestinian labourers (since 1967) and migrant workers, mainly from Eastern Europe and China (since the 1990s). The Israeli government has changed its policy on the employment of non-Israeli workers several times. This article reviews these changes and discusses their successes and failures. The findings show that the shortage of workers in the construction industry in Israel might justify an increase in the quota of non-Israeli workers in the short term. However, in the medium and long term, measures must be taken to ensure implementation of planned reforms to reduce Israel's dependence on non-Israelis and encourage the integration of Israeli workers in the industry. This should be achieved mainly through technological improvements and a transition to industrialized construction.
4
Kranz, Dani. « Towards an Emerging Distinction between State and People : Return Migration Programs, Diaspora Management and Agentic Migrants ». Migration Letters 17, no 1 (23 janvier 2020) : 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i1.770.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While Jewish immigration to the State of Israel is a key component of Zionist ideology, emigration has been discouraged and vilified. Yet, Israeli Jewish citizens have been leaving throughout. This paper chronicles the approaches of the State of Israel towards its citizen diaspora, which shifted from rejection to the realisation of Israelis abroad as a fait accompli, and a resource for the state. At the same time, it depicts the self-organisation of Israeli citizens abroad, and their on-going ties to the State of Israel, even if they are highly critical of it. To elaborate on this dialectic, the paper zooms in on Israeli citizens in Germany. In consequence, I argue that the secularised notion of the ‘love for the Jewish people’ (ahavat yisrael) can be extended to ahava be’ad ha’medinat yisrael (love for the State of Israel) in the present to conceptualise the on-going relationship of Israeli citizens abroad to Israel, and its implementation by the state.
5
Braimah, Awaisu. « Killing to Cling to Power ? The Dilemmas of Israeli Prime Minister ». International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 7, no 3 (1 mars 2024) : 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v7i3.2034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Hamas's strategic surprise attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, is not only a military and intelligence failure on the part of Israel, but it also casts doubt on the capacity of the Israeli Prime Minister to provide the security needs of Israelis. What this paper does is explore the complexities and dilemmas of Israel’s war on Gaza despite domestic pressure to halt the Gaza war to enable the release of hostages, the call on the coalition government to account for the needless deaths of Israelis on the fateful October 7, 2023 attack and the growing pressure abroad to respect humanitarian law of war in Gaza. The war nevertheless continues unabated while Hamas is ducking for cover with the multiracial captives. The multilevel demands on the Israeli PM and his right-wing coalition have ramifications on the regime’s legitimacy, a bleak future for the two-state solution, and the general implication of the war on global politics. This paper utilised the Diversionary Theory of War to explain the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. The paper argues that Hamas attacked Israel to thwart the normalisation process between Israel and Saudi Arabia, while the Israeli prime minister is using the Gaza war as an alibi to boost his reelection bid and to divert the attention of Israelis from the toxic domestic politics to cling to power.
6
Zisser, Eyal. « Israel in the Middle East the Aftermath of the Arab Spring (2010-2017) ». International Journal of ICT Research in Africa and the Middle East 7, no 1 (janvier 2018) : 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijictrame.2018010102.
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This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.
7
Karasova, Tatiana A. « Biden Priorities and Possible Strategy for Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Settlement ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, no 6 (2021) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017648-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Israeli-U.S. relations are an important factor in U.S. policy in the Middle East. USA maintain Israel as a strategic ally and Israel was granted American “major non-NATO ally” status. United States actively influenced the Israeli regional policy. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement was always America’ the most priority area. Israelis and Americans share the view that the United States has a predominant role and responsibility in the Palestinians - Israeli dispute peace-making. The two-state outcome and critical issue over Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem was a topic of American concerns for a long time relied on bipartisanship support of Democrats and Republicans. During Osama’s presidency D. Biden held post of deputy president and supported no new ideas for restarting negotiations between the sides of the conflict but its policies have failed, from Israel’s refusal to freeze settlement. The next Trump administration however was the “most pro-Israel ever”. Trump’s White House led a radical departure from the U.S.’s traditional role as the honest broker between Israelis and Palestinians. Biden’s victory in 2021 signals restructure Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, rehabilitating a durable two-state formula that establishes political, territorial, and demographic separation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). But uunlike the Obama and Trump administrations, the Biden administration doesn't see the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a foreign policy priority. The question is: what really a Biden presidency might mean for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?
8
Culp, Julian. « Israeli History Textbooks and the Palestinians : Remarks on a Critical Theory of Israeli School Education ». Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 17, no 1 (mai 2018) : 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2018.0182.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article first of all illustrates how Israeli history schoolbooks fail to represent or misrepresent the culture of Palestinian citizens of Israel, and then explains the ways in which such mis- or non-representation hinders the cultivation of vital democratic virtues like empathy. Following that, the article identifies three obstacles for rendering Israeli school education more democratic: Israel's identity as a ‘Jewish and democratic state’, the socio-political domination of Palestinian citizens of Israel outside the educational system, and the unwillingness to recognise the existence of moral dilemmas. The article concludes that overcoming these obstacles is crucial for improving democratic education in Israel.
9
FREIBERG, Orit, et Daniela COJOCARU. « Trying to Build Shared Education in a Divided Society – Jewish Arab Bilingual Schools in Israel ». Revista de Cercetare si Interventie Sociala 83 (14 décembre 2023) : 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/rcis.83.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article describes an educational attempt to overcome an ongoing divide in Israel society. The Jewish - Arab or Israeli Palestinian divide in Israel is harsh and influences Israeli society in various realm such as social, political and economic. Israel's educational system reinforces this divide by separating Jewish and Arab schools. The Jewish Arab bilingual schools (JABS) in Israel attempt to change this segregation reality and create a shared and educational space for both Jews and Arabs. This article presents JABS principals, goals and model and a review of relevant recent research. It will suggest a new stream of study for the future.
10
Chazan, Idan. « "The Straw that Broke the Camel's Back" : The 1996 Blood Affair and the Navon Commission ». Israel Studies 28, no 3 (septembre 2023) : 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.28.3.08.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the role and functions of Israeli commissions of inquiry (COI) and specifically, the Navon Commission of 1996 which investigated a newly revealed Israeli policy calling for all Ethiopian-Israeli blood donations to be surreptitiously thrown out for fear of contamination from AIDS. The revelation of the affair led to a 10,000-person protest convened by the Beta Israel (Ethiopian Jews) and an official commission was formed to investigate the scandal (known as the "Blood Affair"), headed by former president of Israel Yitzhak Navon. Engaging with historical and theoretical literature that presents disparate "typologies" of Israeli commissions of inquiry and discusses their functions and socio-political significance, this article probes the reasons both the Ethiopian-Israelis and the state favored the formation of a commission of inquiry to investigate the Blood Affair. The study then asks how and why the Blood Affair narrative in the final report of the Navon Commission differed from the various narratives advanced by Beta Israel. The article contends that the Navon Commission and Beta Israel viewed the Blood Affair from different angles, the former as a public commission and the latter through the experience of Ethiopian-Israelis as immigrants and their process of integration.
11
Chazan, Idan. « "The Straw that Broke the Camel's Back" : The 1996 Blood Affair and the Navon Commission ». Israel Studies 28, no 3 (septembre 2023) : 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a903075.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the role and functions of Israeli commissions of inquiry (COI) and specifically, the Navon Commission of 1996 which investigated a newly revealed Israeli policy calling for all Ethiopian-Israeli blood donations to be surreptitiously thrown out for fear of contamination from AIDS. The revelation of the affair led to a 10,000-person protest convened by the Beta Israel (Ethiopian Jews) and an official commission was formed to investigate the scandal (known as the "Blood Affair"), headed by former president of Israel Yitzhak Navon. Engaging with historical and theoretical literature that presents disparate "typologies" of Israeli commissions of inquiry and discusses their functions and socio-political significance, this article probes the reasons both the Ethiopian-Israelis and the state favored the formation of a commission of inquiry to investigate the Blood Affair. The study then asks how and why the Blood Affair narrative in the final report of the Navon Commission differed from the various narratives advanced by Beta Israel. The article contends that the Navon Commission and Beta Israel viewed the Blood Affair from different angles, the former as a public commission and the latter through the experience of Ethiopian-Israelis as immigrants and their process of integration.
12
Ton, Degunias, et Saedo Marbun. « Internalisasi Nilai-nilai Teologis Shema Israel dalam Implikasi Pendidikan Anak Masa Kini ». MANTHANO : Jurnal Pendidikan Kristen 2, no 2 (30 septembre 2023) : 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.55967/manthano.v2i2.38.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract: Abstract. The Israeli shema is a form of Israeli confession of faith that is important and relevant to study today, therefore this article examines how the values of the Israeli shema are internalized in the education of today's children. This article uses a descriptive qualitative method by carrying out exegesis on the text of Deuteronomy 6:4-9. And browse various reading sources such as books, dictionaries, articles and other literature. From the research carried out, it was found that the theological values in Israel's shema are the recognition of God's identity, the oneness of God, and the command to love God. Therefore, the internalization of these values can be carried out by parents and teachers. Parents and teachers must teach the values of the Israeli shema repeatedly to children, discuss them, bind them and write them as signs, so that each child can remember well the values of the Israeli shema. By implementing it in today's children's education, namely parents as the main movers in children's education, collaboration between parents and teachers in education, selecting relevant teaching methods, and the active role of teachers in the classroom Abstrak: Shema Israel adalah bentuk pengakuan iman Israel yang penting dan relevan di pelajari saat ini, karena itu artikel ini meneliti tentang bagiamana internalisasi nilia-nilai shema Israel dalam pendidikan anak masa kini. Artikel ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dengan malakukan eksegesis pada teks Ulangan 6:4-9. Dan menelusuri dengan berbagai sumber bacaan seperti buku, kamus, artikel dan literatur lainya. Dari penelitan yang dilakukan maka di dapati hasil bahwa nilai-nilai teologis dalam shema Israel adalah pengenalan akan identitas Allah, keesaan Allah, dan perintah untuk mengasihi Allah. oleh sebab itu internalisasi nilai-nilai tersebut dapat dilakukan oleh orang tuan dan guru. Orang tua dan guru harus mengajarkan nilai-nilai shema isreal secara berulang-ulang kepada anak, mendiskusikannya, mengikatkanya dan menuliskanya sebagai tanda, supaya setiap anak dapat mengingat dengan baik nilai-nilai shema Israel. Dengan mengimpelentasikanya dalam pendidikan anak masa kini yaitu orang tua sebagai penggerak utama dalam pendidikan anak, kalaborasi antara orang tua dan guru dalam pendidikan, pemilahan metode ajar yang relevan, dan peran aktif guru dalam kelas.
13
Bodansky, Daniel, et Geoffrey R. Watson. « Mara’abe v. Prime Minister of Israel ». American Journal of International Law 100, no 4 (octobre 2006) : 895–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000031973.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mara'Abe v. Prime Minister of Israel. Case No. HCJ 7957/04. At <http://elyonl.court.gov.il/eng/home/index.html> (English translation).Supreme Court of Israel, sitting as the High Court of Justice, September 15, 2005.In Mara ‘abe v. Prime Minister of Israel, the Israeli Supreme Court held that the routing of a portion of Israel's “security fence” in the northern West Bank violated international humanitarian law. The Supreme Court, sitting as the High Court of Justice, ordered the Israeli government to consider alternative paths for the barrier. The Mara'abe decision expanded on the Court's earlier ruling in Beit Sourik Village Council v. Israel, in which the Court ordered the rerouting of another segment of the obstacle. Mara ’abe also revealed some of the Israeli Court's views on Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in Occupied Palestinian Territory— the 2004 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) holding that construction of the barrier anywhere in occupied territory violates international law.
14
Brown, J. P. « Foreign report : Psychiatry in Israel ». Bulletin of the Royal College of Psychiatrists 12, no 7 (juillet 1988) : 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s0140078900020599.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Seven years of ecstasy and agony have been enjoyed and endured in Israel, and from the calm of my sabbatical back in the UK, I welcome this opportunity to look in on Israeli psychiatry. The setting is a dramatic one. Israel's recent history is characterised by a hard-won statehood in 1948, massive waves of immigration, a clash of oriental and occidental cultures, and repeated wars. In the face of this rapid and traumatic change, Israelis have exhibited an exaggerated faith in the powers of the state. By denial of emotional and mental problems, a somewhat brittle stability has been achieved, not enhanced by almost uniformly negative attitudes to mental disorder. Understandably Israeli psychiatry has also been characterised by the fight for survival. The professional scene is made up of fierce, creative, one could almost say “true grit” individualists and powerful professional cliques. Israeli psychiatry was literally forged on the battlefields of the Independence War and has retained an Old Testament character of war-like struggle up until the present day. It is to the credit of Israeli psychiatrists that they have succeeded at the highest level in dealing with routine psychiatric problems alongside the awesome consequences of this continuous stress and trauma.
15
Shakkour, Aadel, et Nader Qasim. « Metaphor in the written discourse of Arab students at a College of Education in Israel ». Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 17, no 1-2 (1 juillet 2021) : 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lpp-2021-0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article shows how Arab students at an Arab college in Israel, majoring in teaching of mathematics, English, and science, rely on metaphor as an important rhetorical tool for the advancement of their ideological positions and for criticism of the policies of the Israeli government, which discriminates against and disenfranchises Arab Israelis. The underlying hypothesis of the article is that the way Arab students in Israel use metaphor in their writing has unique rhetorical aspects that help to sharpen their message in pursuit of the broader goal of emphasizing Arab Israelis’ suffering and changing for the better the Israeli government’s discriminatory patterns of action against them.
16
Ringel, Shoshana, Natti Ronell et Shimcha Getahune. « Factors in the integration process of adolescent immigrants ». International Social Work 48, no 1 (janvier 2005) : 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872805048709.
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English This is an exploratory study that examines factors in the process of adjustment and integration between Ethiopian immigrants and non-Ethiopian adolescents in Israel. The findings are that racism and discrimination, intergenerational conflicts and differences in communication systems pose significant difficulties for the integration of Ethiopian adolescents into Israeli society. French Cette étude exploratoire examine les facteurs dans le processus d'ajustement et d'intégration entre les adolescents immigrants éthiopiens et non-éthiopiens en Israël. Les résultats de l'étude revèlent que le racisme et la discrimination, les conflits intergénérationnels et les différences entre les systèmes de communication posent des difficultés significatives à l'intégration des adolescents juifs éthiopiens dans la société israëlienne. Spanish Este es un estudio exploratorio que examina los factores del proceso de ajuste e integración entre los inmigrantes Etiopíes y los adolescentes no-Etiopíes en Israel. Los hallazgos del estudio son que el racismo y la discriminación, los conflictos inter-generacionales y las diferencias en los sistemas de comunicación, suponen dificultades significativas para la integración de los adolescentes Etiopíes en la sociedad Israelí.
17
Podeh, Elie, et Andrew Felsenthal. « Israel and Sudan : The Origins of Clandestine Relations (1954–1964) ». Israel Studies 28, no 2 (juin 2023) : 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885227.
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ABSTRACT: The years 1954–1964 witnessed two phases of clandestine contacts pursued by Israeli and Sudanese representatives. During the first phase, 1954–1958, Israel developed secret ties with the Sudanese Umma party Israel in an attempt to establish the southern tier of the Periphery Alliance, with Ethiopia and Sudan against Nasser's Egypt but the attempt was sabotaged by the 1958 'Abboud coup. During the second phase, beginning in 1961, the Division for Politico-Economic Planning (DPEP) of Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs developed secret ties with certain Sudanese officials with the aim of helping Sudan compete with its primary competitor in the cotton market, Nasser's Egypt, in order to deal a blow to the Egyptian economy and the Arab boycott of Israel. Although at first the DPEP supplied the 'Abboud regime with anonymous information, over time the Sudanese partners recognized and approve the identity of their Israeli benefactor. This article reveals the extent of the secret ties between Israel and Sudan and the ingenious ways in which Israel fought against Egypt and the Arab Boycott.
18
Indriani, Susi, et Yati Sharfina Desiandri. « HAM dan Hukum Humaniter Internasional : Analisis Konflik Israel dan Palestina ». Politica : Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara dan Politik Islam 11, no 1 (4 mai 2024) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/politica.v11i1.7610.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The long-running conflict between Israel and Palestine has yet to find a bright light. The international community became aware of this situation and denounced Israel's actions in Palestine. Various parties believe that Israel has committed grave human rights breaches, while many Israeli supporters argue that the attack is a form of vengeance and protection for Israel against attacks by Palestinian supporters. The purpose of this study is to examine the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the standpoint of international humanitarian law and human rights. Primary, secondary, and tertiary legal resources are the sources of legal materials employed in the normative juridical research process. This study employs a conceptual and case-based approach, methodologies for collecting legal materials through library studies, and analysis of legal materials through the use of legal materials obtained to address problems. The research findings revealed that Israel has violated humanitarian norms (humanity). There were multiple cases in which the Israeli military breached humanitarian precepts. The use of heavy weaponry with uncertain consequences caused significant damage, and several Palestinians died. The Palestinian people's situation is deteriorating due to a food supply problem. Until recently, the International Court of Justice (ICC) has taken no action to prosecute war crimes committed by Zionist Israel.
19
Freedman, Robert O. « YOSEF GOVRIN, Israeli–Soviet Relations 1953–1967 : From Confrontation to Disruption (London : Frank Cass, 1998). Pp. 347. » International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no 4 (novembre 2000) : 582–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002907.
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This book is a most welcome addition to the literature on Russian–Israeli relations. Although Yaacov Ro⊃i, in his study Soviet Decision Making in Practice: The USSR and Israel 1947–1954 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1980), covered the 1947–53 period thoroughly, and although there is an extensive body of literature on Russian policy toward Israel (and the rest of the Middle East) after the 1967 war, a gap has existed for many years in the scholarly coverage of Russian–Israeli relations from the death of Stalin in March 1953 until the June 1967 Six Day War. Yosef Govrin, a retired Israeli Foreign Office official who specialized in relations with the USSR, has gone a long way toward filling this gap. Having the advantage of access to the Israeli archives and internal political debates, Govrin presents a balanced picture of the Soviet–Israeli relationship, pointing out where, in his opinion, both Israel and the USSR made mistakes in developing their ties. He also goes into great detail on the question of Soviet Jewry (more than half of the book), noting how Israel's efforts to get the Soviet government to allow Jews to emigrate to Israel was a serious complicating factor in the relationship, although the primary cause for the USSR's breaking of diplomatic relations with Israel in June 1967 (Govrin was first secretary of the Israeli embassy in Moscow at the time) stemmed from Moscow's backing of the radical Ba⊃athist regime in Syria, which helped precipitate the 1967 war.
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Amara, Muhammad. « My Enemy, My Neighbour : Characteristics and Challenges of Arabic Instruction in Israeli-Jewish Society ». Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no 1 (mai 2021) : 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0256.
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This article examines Arabic instruction in Israeli Hebrew schools with regard to the political, social, cultural, historical and pedagogical issues shaping it. It examines challenges facing Arabic instruction in Israel's education system, emphasising the dissonance between potential benefits of studying Arabic and its overall marginalised status in Israel. This article argues that that the main factors shaping Arabic instruction in Israeli-Jewish schools since 1948 are official security considerations and security claims — Arabic is studied as the language of the enemy and not the neighbour. A radical policy shift is required to ‘civilianise’ and demilitarise Arabic instruction and transform it into a bridge for understanding between Israeli-Jews, Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel, in particular, the Palestinians, in general, as well as Israel's Arab neighbours in the Middle East.
21
Barzilai, Gad, et Yossi Shain. « Israeli Democracy at the Crossroads : A Crisis of Non-governability ». Government and Opposition 26, no 3 (1 juillet 1991) : 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01146.x.
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THROUGHOUT THIS CENTURY, THE STRUGGLE FOR AND consolidation of Jewish territorial sovereignty in the ancient Land of Israel has been characterized by two complementary processes: waves of Jewish immigration from throughout the diaspora, and a succession of violent conflicts with Israel's Arab neighbours. Both of those processes were at work during 1990 — 91 when Israel became reluctantly involved in the Gulf war while also having to cope with an influx of hundreds of thousands of Jews seeking escape from the crumbling Soviet empire, as well as a few thousand emigrants from Ethiopia and from South America. For many Israelis, the surrealistic spectacle of immigrants being greeted at Ben-Gurion Airport with gas-masks designed to protect them from the Iraqi Scud missiles raining down on major Israeli cities, represented highly dramatic evidence of the fulfilment of Zionism's aspirations.
22
Evron, Yoram. « Between Beijing and Washington : Israel's Technology Transfers to China ». Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no 3 (décembre 2013) : 503–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008328.
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Technological ties between Israel and China have always been a central and constant element of their relationship. Defense contracts played a leading role here but were also responsible for the severe crisis that erupted between the countries in the early 2000s after Israel, capitulating to US pressure, backed off from its commitment to provide China with military technologies. This not only forced Israel to sever its defense relations with China but also made US-Israel relations a principal factor in the Sino-Israeli connection and imposed tight constraints on Israel's technology transfers to China generally. For Israel, this placed the dilemma of commercial versus political and national security interests at the forefront, since technology connections allowed it to promote its economic, political, and strategic causes through China. Indeed, while technology ties between the states have not stopped entirely—they have shifted to the civilian sphere—technology transfers to China are subject to heavy limitations, and Israel's export control mechanism faces greater challenges to screen them. As China's economic and political influence is ever increasing, Israel's cautious approach to technology transfers to China may be expected to come under mounting pressure.
23
Kadman, Noga. « Roots Tourism–Whose Roots ? » Téoros 29, no 1 (2 mai 2014) : 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024755ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Israel is the contested homeland of both the Jewish-Israeli and the Arab-Palestinian peoples. In the practice of tourism, Israel highlights sites of Jewish history and tends to neglect those of Palestinian history. Many of the Palestinian villages and heritage sites were destroyed by Israel in 1948 and onwards, or were gradually dilapidated due to lack of official care. Large-scale Palestinian roots tourism does not exist, due to the impossibility of most Palestinians to gain access into Israel. This paper explores an unusual form of roots tourism: the encounter between Jewish-Israelis and Palestinian depopulated villages that are located today within the boundaries of Israeli tourist sites. The paper demonstrates that the villages are largely ignored or marginalized in the information given to the public. The tourism authorities therefore underestimate the roots of the Palestinians in the country and portray an overall picture of a Jewish country, with very minor Arab heritage.
24
DE WAART, PAUL J. I. M. « Israel's Settlement-Policy Stumbling-Block in the Middle East Peace Process ». Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no 4 (décembre 2007) : 825–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156507004475.
Texte intégralRésumé :
According to Israel's Guide to the Mideast Peace Process, charges regarding the illegality of Israeli settlements in the 1967 Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) have no foundation in international law. Peace efforts between Israel and Palestine will have no chance of success as long as Israel uses its prolonged military occupation to promote and protect its annexation-in-disguise of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. John Dugard has passed on this hard truth consistently as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the OPT. The international community should take the same hard line towards the Guide as it has done towards the Hamas Charter. If it wants to establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, it should not allow Israel to bend the truth any more in respect of the legality of the Israeli settlements in the OPT as Hamas has done in respect of the illegality of Israel.
25
Palamarenko, Evgenii V. « FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ISRAELI ECONOMY AT THE PRESENT STAGE ». SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no 1-2 (2020) : 126–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2020-1-2-11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Israel's economy is distinguished by a high degree of involvement in international economic relations. The peculiarities of Israel's economic development indicate a large-scale transition from low-tech (agricultural and textile industries) to high-tech (defense industry, high technology) production. This has become possible both thanks to American aid to Israel and due to proper investment in education. A feature of the current stage of technological development is the transnationalization of industries, the commercialization of Israeli start-up companies, the creation of an innovative environment for business development. An extraordinary turn for Israel was the shift from energy dependence on Arab producers to energy independence and an exporter of natural gas. Israel, Greece, Egypt and Cyprus have found common interests in energy and natural gas production off their shores. Due to the discovery of energy resources in the exclusive economic zone, Israel has declared itself not only as an energy independent actor in the regional economy, but also as a potential exporter of natural gas in the region and to Europe. In addition, the intensification of Israel's international economic relations with the countries of the world has shown itself in expanding the geography of new agreements on a free trade zone with a number of states. It is thanks to this that new markets for the supply of Israeli products in Africa and the CIS strengthen Israel's international economic cooperation, establishing strong and promising economic ties.
26
Kober, Avi. « Great-Power Involvement and Israeli Battlefield Success in the Arab-Israeli Wars, 1948–1982 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no 1 (janvier 2006) : 20–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039706775212058.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article shows that Israel's success in wars against Arab states should not be attributed exclusively to its own military prowess and the relative incompetence of its enemies. Another important factor was great-power involvement in the Arab-Israeli wars.Despite Israel's early fears, such involvement in most cases either failed to deny Israel its military achievements or was an asset for two main reasons: lack of will or capability on the part of hostile great powers to intervene against Israel; and a friendly patron's support, without which Israel's own military skills might not have been suf ficient to secure military success.
27
Ben-David, Boaz, Ortal Shimon-Raz, Yuval Palgi, lia Ring et Tchelet Bresslet. « ACTIVE PARTICIPATION OF OLDER ADULTS AT POLITICAL RALLIES AS A SOURCE OF RESILIENCE : THE CASE OF THE ISRAELI PROTEST ». Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (1 décembre 2023) : 1170. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.3752.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The governing Israeli coalition suggested on Dec 2022 a reform plan that would fundamentally alter the system of checks and balances within Israeli society. According to law experts, the plan would effectively end liberal democracy in Israel. This turn of events sparked the largest protest movement in the 75year history of Israel. The current situation is unparalleled, and the mental health costs appear to be significant. However, the toll on older adults has not been directly examined yet. The breadth of the protest movement is remarkable. A July 2023 poll conducted by the Israel Democracy Institute estimated that almost a quarter of Israeli citizens had participated at a protest action at least once. It was primarily through participation at large rallies held weekly across the country - one of the main symbols of the protest movement. Interestingly, the survey reported a 37% participation rate among older adults, the highesy participation rate among all tested age groups. Since older Israelis are members of the founding generation of the state, their participation is not surprising. They feel threatened as their way of life and heritage are at risk. In the current study, we conducted a survey that examined mental health indices among older Israelis. Specifically, we wanted to test whether active participation at the protest could serve as a source for resilience in older age. Unfortunately, political turmoil is not unique to Israel. Thus, we hope that our findings could assist practitioners globally.
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Shemesh, Moshe. « The Secret Negotiations between Israel and Jordan over Routine Security Measures, 1967–1971 ». Israel Studies 28, no 3 (septembre 2023) : 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.28.3.07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT: The phenomenon of the secret bilateral negotiations that took place between Israel and Jordan over routine security measures was unique in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Israel had exhorted Jordan to suppress the Palestinian organizations' Fidaʾī activity, and the expectation was high that the combination of political pressure and military retaliation would force King Hussein to quell the Fida'iyyun. The Israelis tried to differentiate between the Fida'iyyun and the political situation while the Hashemite regime sought to restrain Israel's responses by laying out its efforts to suppress Fidaʾī activity. King Hussein's strategy hinged on progress in the political arena and a corresponding ability or intention to suppress the Fida'iyyun without destabilizing his regime. Although the IDF ousted the guerrillas from the West Bank and blocked them from the Jordan Valley and the eastern border, it failed to eliminate them, and the mortar fire and rocket barrages on Beit She'an and the Jordan Valley settlements persisted until the eruption of civil war in Jordan in September 1970. In this regard, Israel's policy of retaliation was unsuccessful, and the guerrilla bases were ultimately eradicated by and large due to the threat they posed as "a state within a state" to the Hashemite regime. The talks between Israel and Jordan are examined here via the diaries of Yaakov Herzog who was Director of the Prime Minister's Office.
29
Shemesh, Moshe. « The Secret Negotiations between Israel and Jordan over Routine Security Measures, 1967–1971 ». Israel Studies 28, no 3 (septembre 2023) : 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a903074.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT: The phenomenon of the secret bilateral negotiations that took place between Israel and Jordan over routine security measures was unique in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Israel had exhorted Jordan to suppress the Palestinian organizations' Fidaʾī activity, and the expectation was high that the combination of political pressure and military retaliation would force King Hussein to quell the Fida'iyyun. The Israelis tried to differentiate between the Fida'iyyun and the political situation while the Hashemite regime sought to restrain Israel's responses by laying out its efforts to suppress Fidaʾī activity. King Hussein's strategy hinged on progress in the political arena and a corresponding ability or intention to suppress the Fida'iyyun without destabilizing his regime. Although the IDF ousted the guerrillas from the West Bank and blocked them from the Jordan Valley and the eastern border, it failed to eliminate them, and the mortar fire and rocket barrages on Beit She'an and the Jordan Valley settlements persisted until the eruption of civil war in Jordan in September 1970. In this regard, Israel's policy of retaliation was unsuccessful, and the guerrilla bases were ultimately eradicated by and large due to the threat they posed as "a state within a state" to the Hashemite regime. The talks between Israel and Jordan are examined here via the diaries of Yaakov Herzog who was Director of the Prime Minister's Office.
30
Yarom, Ilan. « A review of the genus Sapromyza Fallén in Israel with remarks on S. (Sapromyzosoma) quadripunctata (Linneaus) (Diptera : Lauxaniidae) ». Insect Systematics & ; Evolution 21, no 3 (1990) : 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187631290x00210.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractNine species of the genus Sapromyza Fallén are recorded from Israel: S. (Sapromyzosoma) quadricincta Becker, S. (Sapromyza) bisigillata Rondani, S. (Sapromyza) gozmanyi Papp and S. (Sapromyza) intonsa Loew and five species are described as new: S. (Sapromyzosoma) israelis, S. (Sapromyza) hermonensis, S. (Sapromyza) multímaculata, S. (Sapromyza) intonsina, S. (Sapromyza) freidbergi. A neotype for S. (Sapromyzosoma) quadripunctata L. is designated and S. (Sapromyzosoma) senilis Meigen is resurrected from synonymy. A key is provided for the Israeli species of Sapromyza. The general distribution, the distribution within Israel and illustrations of the terminalia of both sexes are provided for all the Israeli species.
31
Roll, Uri, Lewi Stone, Rich Grenyer et Shai Meiri. « Not so Holy After All ». Israel Journal of Ecology and Evolution 57, no 3 (6 mai 2011) : 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1560/ijee.57.3.193.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In responses to our paper questioning Israel's great biodiversity, Gavish and Yom-Tov claim that our methods and geographic scope are erroneous, and responsible for our inability to find Israel as diversity hotspot. They maintain that relative to its latitude and realm, Israel is very species-rich. However, our original work corrected for latitude and we highlight the failure of Israel to lie outside the prediction limits of any test in all geographical scopes. We now also analyze richness to test whether realms have parallel slopes in species area curves as Gavish claims and upon which he bases his analysis. We also analyze species richness in the Palearctic realm, calculate prediction limits, and add latitude as a predictor. Moreover, we analyze a new dataset of mammal, bird, and amphibian richness in grid-cells comparing Israeli cell values to the entire world, the Palearctic, and Israel's latitudes. We reject the idea that realms have equal slopes and therefore the Palearctic is not always at a disadvantage compared to other realms. Within the Palearctic realm Israel never lies outside the prediction limits for a country of its area, and adding latitude to this analysis lowered Israel's residual placement. Israel's richness in grid-cells is unexceptional for any taxon at all geographical scopes. In sum, irrespective of the test performed or the geographical region it is compared to, Israel is not a diversity hotspot.
32
Rivlin, Eliezer. « Israel as a Mixed Jurisdiction ». Symposium : Mixed Jurisdictions 57, no 4 (8 novembre 2012) : 781–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013031ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Like in most Western countries, the legal system in Israel is constantly evolving. Israel is a mixed jurisdiction in many respects. Historically, during the time of the Ottoman Empire, the land of Israel was ruled by Turkish law, which was followed by British law during the time of the British Mandate. Today, Israel’s legal system still reflects a mixture of civil law and common law. This mixture is evident, for example, in the combination of codified law and precedent-based law. Several areas of the law were codified, at the time of the British Mandate, in ordinances that remain binding today. However, these ordinances were supplemented and widely interpreted in Israel’s case law, and an “Israeli common law” was created. Today, legislative efforts are being made to codify this new common law. The mixed nature of substantive law in Israel is also illustrated by Israel's constitutional regime. While Israel has no formal constitution, it has a partial bill of rights (the basic laws) enacted by its parliament. In 1995, the Israeli Supreme Court decided, referring to American constitutional law, that it had the authority to invalidate “unconstitutional laws”. In its decision, the Supreme Court relied on a limitation clause, included in the new basic laws and inspired by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Since then, the Israeli Supreme Court has developed a number of constitutional rights from these basic laws, influenced by both the American concept of liberty and the European concept of human dignity. Finally, comparative law plays an important role in Israeli case law. While British common law no longer binds the Israeli judiciary, judges have wide discretion to use comparative law in their decisions. When relevant, referring to foreign law may be of great assistance to a judge by providing inspiration in a difficult case. Utilizing many different sources of law may help to create harmony between various jurisdictions, especially in times of increasing globalization.
33
Wibowo, Gandi. « Asimilasi dan Akulturasi Penyembahan Baal di Bangsa Israel : Pendekatan Sosio Teologis menurut Teori Multi Stage Assimilation Milton M. Gordon ». Voice 1, no 1 (5 février 2021) : 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54636/teologi.v1i1.10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Keistimewaan Israel sebagai bangsa pilihan Tuhan tidaklah membuat hati bangsa ini terpaut dan taat kepada Allah. Israel di masa Perjanjian Lama ternyata sulit melepaskan diri dari keterikatan penyembahan Baal. Hingga akhir masa keruntuhan Kerajaan Israel Utara dan Selatan disertai dengan masa pembuangan Babel membuat praktek penyembahan ilah asing ini perlahan surut secara drastis. Pemahaman mengenai fenomena ini di dalam konteks teologis normatif biasanya melihat penyembahan Baal sebagai dosa yang muncul begitu saja tanpa melihat proses asimilasi dan akulturasi keyakinan Israel. Tetapi pendekatan dari sisi sosioteologisakan membuat pemahaman mengenai fenomena penyembahan Baal di Israel Kuno menjadi lebih jelas. Baal sebagai dewa kesuburan orang Kanaan sudah dikenal luas hingga ke Mesir Kuno terutama di bagian utara. Adopsi Baal sebagai dewa kesuburan memiliki aspek politis bagi Mesir Kuno untuk membangun aliansi dengan bangsa sekitar, selain karena aspek spiritual dalam politeisme yang mereka bangun. Perbudakan Israel di Mesir mempengaruhi pola pikir Israel dan kecenderungan perilaku mereka untuk kompromi terhadap penyembahan ilah asing. Kuatnya budaya asing masuk ke dalam Israel karena proses asimilasi bertahap dari pernikahan hingga puncaknya menjadi dewa nasional orang Israel di zaman Ahab. The excellence of Israel as God's chosen nation does not make the hearts of this nation attached to and obey God. Israel in Old Testament times found it difficult to break away from the idolatry of Baal worship. Until the end of the Kingdoms of Northern and Southern Israel, accompanied by the Babylonian exile, this foreign god-worshiping practice gradually declined drastically. Understanding this phenomenon in a normative theological context usually sees Baal worship as a sin that just arises without seeing the process of assimilation and acculturation of Israeli beliefs. But a socio-theological approach will make the understanding of the phenomenon of Baal worship in Ancient Israel clearer. Baal as the god of fertility of the Canaanites was widely known to Ancient Egypt, especially in the north. The adoption of Baal as a fertility god had a political aspect for Ancient Egyptians to build alliances with surrounding nations, apart from the spiritual aspect of the polytheism they built. Israel's slavery in Egypt influenced the mindset of Israelis and their behavioral tendency to compromise the worship of foreign gods. The strength of foreign culture entered Israel due to the gradual assimilation process from marriage to the climax of becoming the national god of the Israelites in Ahab's day.
34
Freij, Hanna Y. « Making Peace with the PLO ». American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no 4 (1 janvier 1997) : 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2224.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is a timely and engaging book about the secret peace talks between the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It is a detailed case study of Israeli decision making that produced a sea change in Israeli policy in a period of serious challenges to Israel from Islamic militants within and outside Israeli-controlled areas. Mak.ovsky underscores that a significant factor in Israel's dramatic shift toward the PLO was the latter's promise to control and repress Islamist mi1itants, Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The book gets its detailed and highly nuanced portrayal of the Israeli and PLO decisions from a number of interviews with Israeli and PLO officials, Israeli academician, and trained and critical observers of Israeli politic . The author presents a highly complex picture of the dynamics between Yitzhak. Rabin and Shimon Peres and the impact of the domestic environment on Rabin's calculations to enter into negotiations with the PLO and Arafat. The sections on Israeli domestic politics and the relationship between Rabin, Peres, and Yossi Beilin are essential for any comprehensive understanding of how Israel is likely to pursue future negotiations with Syria and the PLO in Rabin's absence. The book starts with a quick survey of the historical background of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict Although significantly weakened by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, the PLO was not destroyed and Israel failed to reduce its support in the occupied areas (p. 6). The intifada not only saved the PLO from political oblivion, it asserted the importance of the inside, nondiaspora Palestinians in the struggle against Israel, which Arafat i currently trying toundo. The American-sponsored Madrid peace talks allowed Arafat to get afoothold in the negotiations as part of the Jordanian delegation. The Shamir governmentargued that negotiations were limited to "personal autonomy" for thePalestinians, a position the Palestinian delegation flatly rejected.The second chapter focuses on the background that got the Oslo process started.Initially, the PLO asked the Norwegians to get involved in order to start adialogue between them (PLO) and Israel. International academic conferences ...
35
Itsik, Roen. « Israel’s defence ethos : military service as a turning point ». Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny 82, no 3 (30 septembre 2020) : 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rpeis.2020.82.3.20.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Jewish culture deals a lot with survival stories – most of them became myths, especially since the establishment of the state of Israel. The Jewish ‘survival ethos’ is assimilated in Israel mostly by customs, traditions, and education. Above all, it has been claimed that military service in the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) is the most significant institution that empowers the survival ethos. As a result, it is assumed that those who serve in the IDF are characterized by hatred towards Arabs, and by being extreme nationalists. This claim is examined in the current article, which analyses the level of the sense of security threat among Israelis during the last decade, draws on data on military service and levels of trust in Israeli government institutions, and reveals an essential finding: Israeli’s survival ethos is being eroded among IDF soldiers. This finding, followed by the fact that the leaders of the liberal party in the Israeli parliament are former military generals, indicates that military service in Israel does not empower extreme nationalism; on the contrary, service in the IDF has become a moderating social mechanism.
36
Bizyaev, Anton I. « Passenger transport in Israel - current state and related problems ». Asia and Africa Today, no 1 (2022) : 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750018299-0.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article studies economics of contemporary passenger transport market in Israel. Three key problem areas have been identified: private cars demand, supply of transport infrastructure and public transport market. Analysis of private cars market has shown that private cars are perceived as the main mode of transportation by today’s Israelis. Due to acute transport congestion issues Israeli government aims to reduce the demand for cars by introducing extremely high taxes on car purchase and maintenance. International comparative analysis has revealed the issue of transport infrastructure deficit in Israel. Relatively low level of motorization in Israel and a stable trend for increase of number of private cars per kilometer of roads are highlighted. Together with transport infrastructure deficit this implies higher likelihood of deterioration of transport congestion issues in the future which will negatively affect Israeli economy. Analysis of public transport markets has revealed some positive effects following the increase in competition in bus transit markets introduced by Israeli public transport reform in 1990s. These include increase in output, quality, and efficiency of bus companies. The reform has also led to revitalization of railroad passenger transport in Israel, making trains a feasible alternative for buses. On the other hand, some potential issues have been outlined, such as relatively low level of railroad-passenger kilometers per capita and relatively highly centralized system of transport planning in Israel. The study concludes with underlining complementarity and interconnectivity between the three areas of Israeli passenger transport, thus stressing the importance of integrated approach to passenger transport economics analysis.
37
Slater, Jerome. « Just War Moral Philosophy and the 2008–09 Israeli Campaign in Gaza ». International Security 37, no 2 (octobre 2012) : 44–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00098.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 2008–09 Israeli military campaign in Gaza, commonly known as Operation Cast Lead, is best understood in the context of Israel's “iron wall” strategy. During the 1930s, the strategy emphasized the need for overwhelming military power to break Arab resistance to the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine; since the creation of Israel in 1948, it has continued to be at the core of Israeli policies in the overall Arab-Israeli conflict. From the outset, the strategy has included attacks on civilians and their crucial infrastructures. Such attacks violate the just war moral principles of discrimination and noncombatant immunity. In addition, Cast Lead violated the just war principles of just cause and last resort, which state that wars must have a just cause and even then must be undertaken only after nonviolent and political alternatives have failed. Israel did not have a just cause in 2008–09, because its primary purpose was to crush resistance to its continuing de facto occupation and repression of Gaza. Further, Israel refused to explore the genuine possibility that Hamas was amenable to a two-state political settlement. Thus, the iron wall strategy and Operation Cast Lead, in particular, have been political as well as moral failures, undermining rather than serving Israel's genuine long-term security needs.
38
Feierstein, Gerald M. « As Israel Looks East, The Gulf is Both A Way Station and a Destination ». Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no 3 (1 décembre 2022) : 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/pkqg2507.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Israelis and Gulf Arabs became closer amid shared fears of an aggressive and powerful administration in Tehran, which boasted of its influence over four Arab capitals (Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut, and Sana'a). With the signing of the Abraham Accords, states on the periphery of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict decided that the benefits of establishing relations with Israel outweighed the risks. They reasoned that if they advocated for increased coordination between Israel and the Arab world, it would increase pressure on the Palestinians to negotiate with Israel. This article focuses on the regional factors that led to the signing of the Abraham Accords and carefully reviews this important historical document.
39
Pogrebna, Alisa. « The Politics of Jewish Exclusion in Israel – the Case of Ethiopian Jews ». African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies 2, no 1 (2023) : 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ajepss.2023.1.04.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper explores the phenomenon of marginal identities in Israel, focusing on the Ethiopian Jewish community as a representative case study. As a multicultural nation, Israel grapples with the intricacies of integrating diverse ethnic and religious groups into its social fabric. Ethiopian Jews, a small and unique group in the Israeli social landscape, face multifaceted challenges in their quest for acceptance. The research delves into the complexities of identity formation within the Ethiopian Jewish community, considering the interplay of their history of immigration to Israel, unique religious practices, and the process of integration into Israeli society. It is accompanied by comparisons to other aliyot, in particular Mizrahi Jews and post-Soviet Jews. By analyzing the power dynamics that define Ethiopian Israelis’ status within Israel’s imagined community, this paper seeks to unveil the reasons behind their marginalization in the country, in particular focusing on the construction of Israeli national discourse. Ultimately, this paper aims to deepen the understanding of marginal identities in Israel, using the example of Ethiopian Jews to shed light on the broader challenges faced by marginalized communities in diverse societies. The paper offers valuable insights for policymakers, social advocates, and scholars striving to promote inclusivity and social cohesion within multicultural nations.
40
Roji, Noval Fahrul, et Mohd Agoes Aufiya. « KEPENTINGAN ISRAEL DALAM KERJASAMA PERDAGANGAN BEBAS DENGAN UNI EMIRAT ARAB (UEA) TAHUN 2022 ». Indonesian Journal of International Relations 7, no 1 (26 février 2023) : 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v7i1.424.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study aims to find out the reasons for Israel forming free trade cooperation with the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The research uses a qualitative explanatory method, and uses a literature study method in collecting data. This study also uses Rational Actor Theory as an analytical tool. The results obtained in this study are that Israel forms free trade with the UAE due to economic interests and political interests. Economic interests namely improving the Israeli economy which includes increasing revenue and bilateral trade, and increasing Israeli companies in the UAE. Then Israel's political interests are to further strengthen relations with the UAE, and form a positive image to other Arab countries
41
Ariely, Gal. « The Democratic Backsliding Debate and the Controversy over Regime Classification in Israel ». Israel Studies Review 39, no 1 (1 mars 2024) : 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2024.390104.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Using the 2023 controversy over Israel's judicial overhaul as a case, this article analyzes the broader, decades-long debate about the nature of the Israeli regime. It demonstrates how conflicting assumptions about democracy and the Israeli regime underpin different interpretations of the proposed judicial overhaul. The 2023 debate contraposed majoritarian and liberal orientations, echoing previous understandings of Israel as either a liberal democracy or a diminished type of democracy like ethnic democracy. Despite their differences, both positions in this debate regard Israel as a democracy equivalent to other liberal democracies in the West and neglect the question of the regime's borders and its implication for the regime's classification.
42
Stern, Rephael G. « Legal Liminalities : Conflicting Jurisdictional Claims in the Transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no 2 (30 mars 2020) : 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000080.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article explores the legal and temporal dimensions of the transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel on 15 May 1948. I examine the paradoxical character of Israeli jurisdictional claims during this period and argue that it reveals the Israeli state's uncertainty as to whether the Mandate had truly passed into the past. On one hand, Israel recognized the validity of the Mandate administration's jurisdiction until 15 May; I employ the Israeli trial of the British citizen Frederick William Sylvester to demonstrate how Israel even predicated its own jurisdictional claims on their being continuous with those of its predecessor. In this case, the Mandate administration was cast as having entered the realm of the past. Conversely, the Israeli state contested Mandate laws and legal decisions made prior to 15 May to assert its own jurisdictional claims. In the process, Israeli officials belied their efforts to bury their predecessors in the past and implicitly questioned whether the past was in fact behind them. By simultaneously relying upon and disavowing past British legal decisions, the Israeli state staked a claim on being a “completely different political creature” from its British predecessor while retaining its colonial legal structures as the “ultimate standards of reference.” Israel's complex attitude toward its Mandate past directs our attention to how it was created against the backdrop of the receding British Empire and underscores the importance of studying Israel alongside other post-imperial states that emerged from the First World War and the mid-century decolonizing world.
43
Karolyi, Paul. « Chronology ». Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no 1 (2016) : 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.s3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is part 131 of a chronology begun in Journal of Palestine Studies 13, no. 3 (Spring 1984), and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2016 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. The habba, or uprising, that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 dissipated further as the Israeli government expanded its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, the Israeli Left, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected international efforts to push Israel closer to peace talks with the Palestinians, instead shifting his ruling coalition further to the right. The French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing, despite Israeli opposition. Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8/2016. Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the peace process, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (1).
44
Sperber, Joshua. « BDS, Israel, and the World System ». Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no 1 (2015) : 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.45.1.8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyzes Israel's actions and policies within a predominantly neorealist framework. Accordingly, it argues that U.S. domestic factors as well as Israeli domestic factors and political culture play little to no role in Israel's foreign policy decisions, which are instead largely determined by John Mearsheimer's five neorealist principles that drive all states. Additionally, the article discusses political economic factors and specifically addresses the claims made in Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler's The Global Political Economy of Israel. Here the argument supplements neorealism by focusing on economics as a historically specific vehicle of modern power. It concludes that the root of Israeli violence and impunity is the international system itself and criticizes the Left and the BDS movement for not adequately grappling with this fact.
45
Hadar, Maya. « Renegotiating Israeli Identities, Collective Victimhood and Social Exclusion of Arab Israelis in a Changing Social Reality ». Psychology and Developing Societies 31, no 1 (14 février 2019) : 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971333618819152.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article discusses the changing nature of the Israeli identity and core values against the backdrop of political and social processes that took place in Israel in recent decades. Special attention was given to manifestations of collective victimhood within the framework of the Israeli society and politics and the way the latter obstructed social inclusion of Arab Israelis and of acknowledging commonalities between Jewish and non-Jewish Israelis.
46
Ruebner, Josh. « Obama's Legacy on Israel/Palestine ». Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no 1 (2016) : 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.50.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This retrospective assessment argues that despite the arrival in office in 2009 of a president who articulated the case for Palestinian rights more strongly and eloquently than any of his predecessors, U.S. official policy in the Obama years skewed heavily in favor of Israel. While a negotiated two-state resolution of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians continued to be the formal goal of the United States, Israel's defiant refusal to stop settlement expansion, the administration's determined actions to perpetuate Israeli impunity in international fora, as well as the U.S. taxpayer's hefty subsidy of the Israeli military machine all ensured that no progress could be made on that score. The author predicts that with all hopes of a negotiated two-state solution now shattered, Obama's successor will have to contend with an entirely new paradigm, thanks in no small part to the gathering momentum of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
47
Clarke, Duncan L. « Israel's Economic Espionage in the United States ». Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no 4 (1998) : 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538128.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Israel has conducted an aggressive campaign of economic espionage in the United States since 1948. This campaign has been critical to sustaining and modernizing Israel's nuclear weapons program and an array of its most advanced conventional weapons even while it has caused American firms to lose valuable proprietary information and unfairly advantaged Israeli companies in the international arms market. While other countries conduct economic espionage against the United States, Israel is the only major recipient of U.S. foreign aid to do so.
48
Rubin, Benjamin. « Disengagement from the Gaza Strip and Post-Occupation Duties ». Israel Law Review 42, no 3 (2009) : 528–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000716.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip has created a situation in which this territory is dependent on the supply of various necessities by Israel, in particular the supply of electricity, In 2008 Israel decided to withhold 5% of the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip, prompting several Gaza residents as well as human rights organizations to petition the Supreme Court of Israel against this decision. In Jaber Al-Bassiouni Ahmed v. The Prime Minister the Court assumed that the Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip had ended with the disengagement and treated this issue on the basis of general humanitarian law. The basic questions of whether the occupation had ended, and whether certain duties remained with Israel, even assuming that Gaza is no longer occupied, have not been explored. This Article addresses these two questions.It is the conclusion of this Article that regardless of the terms imposed by Israel after disengagement and other reservations that have been raised in this regard, occupation ended following the complete withdrawal of any Israeli presence in the Gaza Strip. Israel's disengagement raised difficulties that are not only unique to the Gaza Strip; these difficulties emerge in most cases when occupation is replaced by a process of self-determination rather than the return of the former sovereign. The contention presented herein is that Israel continues to have certain post-occupation duties even after the occupation of Gaza. These duties correspond to the occupant's duties to care for order and civil life in the territory during the occupation. These obligations will end once the new regime in the area is able to perform the duties that fell upon the shoulders of the occupant during the occupation, or until the non-performance of the new regime is attributable to its own failures and not to the ending of the occupation. In light of these contentions, Israel is still under certain obligations regarding the Gaza Strip, among them the regular supply of electricity to that area.
49
Remennick, Larissa. « The Israeli Diaspora in Berlin ». Israel Studies Review 34, no 1 (1 mars 2019) : 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340106.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this ethnographic essay, I reflect on the origins and present condition of the new (post-2010) Israeli diaspora in Berlin. Based on 10 months of participant observation, I map out the main sub-streams of this emigration; elicit the economic, professional, and political reasons for leaving Israel; and explore these émigrés’ initial encounter with German society. My observations suggest that many Israeli residents of Berlin (mostly secular) rediscover their Jewishness along diasporic lines and forge ties with the local religious and community organizations. Being a small minority in the German-speaking milieu, Israelis invest in building their own Hebrew-based community networks, including media outlets and cultural and educational institutions. Lastly, I explore these émigrés’ ties with Israel and conclude that many Israelis in Berlin are sojourners rather than immigrants and that Berlin is but one phase in their life journey.
50
Ellenson, David. « The Ethical Conundrum of a Jewish and Democratic State ». Hiperboreea 6, no 2 (1 mai 2021) : 164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jjewiethi.6.2.164.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Critics charge that the humanistic views expressed by the founders of Israel through its Declaration of Independence have been diminished and that an antidemocratic virus has taken root in the State in recent years. Examination of Megillat Ha'atzmaut, the Israeli Declaration of Independence; the debates that swirled around it at the formation of the state; and the concurrent views of Rabbi Isaac Halevi Herzog on the issue of Israel as a democratic state reveals that these disagreements about the character of Israel as being both “Jewish and democratic” are rooted in ideological positions present in Israel's first years. A failure to resolve them so that democratic values can be affirmed remains an ongoing challenge to the nation.