Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Jesus Christ Crucifixion »

This chapter is focused on the only text about a crucifixion that we find in the Qur’an. It is a difficult text. For, in sura 4, there appears to be a crucifixion of Jesus; and yet, the Qur’an forcefully denies the reality of Jesus’ crucifixion by Judaeans (not by Romans). “They killed him not”, reads the Qur’an, “nor did they crucify him”. The question then becomes: If Jesus is not crucified in sura 4, who is crucified? The dominant Islamic interpretation of the most cryptic words in sura 4—“so it was made to appear to them”—is that a man other than Jesus died in his place on the cross. The origins and fortunes of this idea are lightly sketched in this chapter, which concludes with a question: What might it mean, that Pilate is perceived as ‘innocent’ in pagan, Judaic, and Islamic traditions?

Targeted killings are usually defined as extrajudicial executions, that is, of a person—guilty or not—without a trial. But is a ‘rigged’ trial not simply another form of a targeted killing? If so, was then the crucifixion of Christ, a form of a targeted killing? Even if we take the Gospel accounts as ‘Gospel truth’ (no serious historian does), was the trial of Jesus fair? Was his conviction for blasphemy before the Sanhedrin justified? Tomes and reams have been written about this, the most famous trial and execution in the history of the West. This essay is but an appetizer to that rich literature.

Abstract The final week in Jesus ‘ life, from his triumphal entry into Jerusalem on Palm Sunday through to Easter Day (Holy Week or Passion Week in the church calendar), is given a disproportionate amount of space in the New Testament Gospels in comparison with the rest of his ministry. In many ways the events leading up to the crucifixion are described in a detail often lacking elsewhere in the Gospels. Such an emphasis is understandable as the early writers tried to explain the circumstances leading to the death and Resurrection of their saviour, because it was on these events that Christianity proclaimed its distinctive teaching and based its unique theological message. The canonical Gospels relate the plots against Jesus, his arrest in the Garden of Gethsemane through the treachery of his disciple, Judas, his subsequent trials (before the Jewish Sanhedrin, before King Herod (Antipas), and before Pilate, the Roman governor), and his condemnation to death. This narrative reaches its climax in Jesus ‘ crucifixion, death, and burial. These accounts are then followed by the Easter story, in which Jesus ‘ Resurrection from death is proclaimed and demonstrated in a negative way with the story of his empty tomb, and in a positive way with an increasing number of post-Resurrection appearances by the risen Christ. Elaborations and other versions of the week ‘s events are, not surprisingly, to be found in the later, non-canonical, Gospels. The main accounts of Jesus ‘ death in apocryphal texts occur in the Gospel of Peter and the Gospel of Nicodemus.

Abstract The resurrection of Jesus from death on the cross has always been central to Christian faith. It has been at once glorious and disconcerting to Christians right from the beginning of the formation of the Christian community (as reflected, for example, in Saint Paul’s Corinthian correspondence): glorious because it is the heart of the good news of salvation, disconcerting because it is utterly mystifying to our ordinary understanding and belief. That Jesus was raised from the dead is the virtually unanimous testimony of the New Testament, although modern commentators have disagreed about the historical and theological import of that testimony. We may distinguish four modern views about the nature of the resurrection, each of which entails a specific outlook on the relationship of the New Testament texts to the reality of the resurrection. In the first view, the statements of the New Testament that Jesus was raised from the dead are simply a mythological way of saying that the cross of Christ came to be accepted for its saving efficacy by the earliest Christian community. The miracle of the resurrection—whatever the fate of Jesus—was something that happened to the faith of the disciples and other followers of Jesus, not to Jesus himself. At most, in this view, one can say that we do not know what happened historically in the original events called “resurrection,” but it is in any case not theologically significant. The important thing is that where there had been despair among Jesus’ followers, now there was faith. This is the meaning of “resurrection.” To be sure, it was taken by them as well as later Christians to be part of the miraculous grace of God, and they believed that this miraculous effect could not have taken place without the prior, greater miracle that Jesus himself was raised from the dead. But at this point a “modern” believer has to affirm that the history of Jesus ends with the crucifixion, and the reality of the resurrection is the faith of those who have confessed him as Lord. This, of course, runs counter to the interpretation of the New Testament texts by the vast majority of “premodern” Christian readers, all of whom, according to the demythologizing version, would have to be consigned by definition to the “mythical” state of mind, because they read the resurrection narratives as applying to Jesus and go on furthermore to affirm that application as the truth. In the demythologizing view, the real textual subject matter of the New Testament narratives is the birth of faith after Jesus’ death, and not the historical Jesus himself; and the extratextual reality of the resurrection is the re-presentation of Jesus wherever the life of faith is truly proclaimed and accepted.

Man has used the sign of the cross for a few thousand years now, ascribing various symbolism to it. The crucifixion of Jesus Christ and Christ’s passion on the cross made Judeo-Christians propagate the idea of the role of Christ’s offering in God’s overall plan of salvation. The aim of the present article is to introduce the reader, based on liturgical and patristic sources, to the beginning and the process of ancient Christians’ adoption of the sign of the cross, their development of symbolic thoughts about the cross and their early practice of drawing the sign of the cross on the body outside the liturgy and during its celebration. The methodology employed for the purpose of this article involves the historical-genetic and comparative method.

In the visual arts of the Romantic period the crucifixion of Christ often became a representation of the sufferings of humanity. Caspar David Friedrich’s paintings placed the cross in the context of the immensity of nature. Toward the end of the nineteenth century there was an increasing tendency to portray Jesus’ suffering in the genre of naturalistic realism. Some painters consciously attempted to incorporate the findings of modern biblical scholarship, rather than follow traditional models. Early film representations, on the other hand, tended to rely on classical types and popular piety.

Abstract The Christian affirmation of belief in Jesus ‘ descent to Hades is in the Apostles ‘ Creed and in the so-called Athanasian Creed, as well as being article III in the Anglican Thirty-Nine Articles. The Biblical origin for this belief, which is a major and normative part of Christian tradition, seems to be based on a particular interpretation of I Peter 3: 19 ( ‘In the spirit he (Christ) went and preached to the imprisoned spirits ‘). Not that statement encouraged later generations of Christians to elaborate what was meant by Jesus ‘ appearance before imprisoned spirits. The apocryphal stories of Jesus ‘ descent to the underworld reflect those elaborations. The main text describing these events is the fifth-sixthcentury Descensus ad Inferos (the Descent of Jesus to Hades), found in several manuscripts as the second half of the Gospel of Nicodemus, the first half being the Acts of Pilate. Extracts from this text are printed under (1) below. In this tradition Jesus ‘ arrival in Hades after his death by crucifixion spells the end of death as a permanent state. ‘Hades ‘ by transference is the domain of the character, Hades (known elsewhere in mythology as Pluto). He rules over the world of departed spirits. This realm seems close to the idea of the Hebrew Sheol. (In the creeds the word ‘hell ‘ is erroneous and confusing.) Hades is not hell or Tartarus-those are names for the place of eternal punishment, and the opposite of heaven, the place of the eternally blessed. We read of heaven and hell in Chapter 15.

In general film treatments of the Passion fall into a few categories or types. Obviously, these categories are general characterizations of approaches, and may sometimes overlap. (1) During the first fifty years of the genre’s existence, most “Jesus” films took a traditional religious approach, being more or less faithful to the Gospels. (2) In the latter part of the twentieth century films increasingly attempted to treat the Passion as a realistic narrative. (3) Others deal with the Passion as a historical narrative that also functions as a “myth” with universal significance. (4) The story of Jesus’ crucifixion may be combined with explicitly fictional elements. (5) The Passion is also represented in a theatrical context. (6) In a number of films the Passion of Christ figures as a secondary element in a story about another figure or event. (7) Finally, there are films not about the Passion itself but about portraying the Passion.

The choice of culture-data sources for studying the evolution of consciousness uses a sequence of four cultures. The most significant features of the depicting space in the reliefs and murals of the Aegean (Krito-Mycenaean) civilization, the classical period of Hellenism, Etruscan civilization, late republican, and imperial Rome are considered. Representations of the World Tree occupied a peripheral place in ancient mythology, but unexpected is the revival of myth - in the form of a legend about the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The adoption of Christianity completes the ancient era. When analyzing markers of evolutionary changes, the most active channels were identified. The results of the reconstruction of behavior patterns are presented in the form of generalized psychological portraits of representatives of the main estates of the Late Antiquity. The features of their collective behavior are described.