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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Kim, Dae Jung, 1925- »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 4 juin 2021

Mis à jour le 3 février 2022

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Kim, Dae Jung, 1925-"

Snyder, Scott. "The End of History, the Rise of Ideology, and the Future of Democracy on the Korean Peninsula." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (2003): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000134x.

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Almost exactly a half-century following the outbreak of the Korean War, South Korea president Kim Dae-jung made a historic visit to Pyongyang for the first-ever summit meeting between the leaders of the two Koreas in June of 2000. A decade following the collapse of communism in the rest of the world, Kim's journey would inevitably be judged in history as a potential starting point for the end of inter-Korean confrontation. Three days following direct, broad-ranging discussions with his counterpart, Kim Jong Il, Kim Dae-jung confidently returned to Seoul with an inter-Korean summit declaration promising enhanced efforts at reconciliation and inter-Korean exchange. Upon his return to Seoul, Kim Dae-jung declared that there would be “no more war” on the Korean Peninsula. The next task was to institutionalize an array of exchanges and inter-Korean interactions designed eventually to lead to national reconciliation.

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Jeong, Seungho. "Political Leadership for Crisis Management: A Comparative Case Study of Asian Leaders." Journal of Asian Research 3, no. 2 (2019): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jar.v3n2p82.

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This study looks at the comparative analysis of the political leadership and thoughts of two Asian leaders. There are different thoughts and political approaches attributed to Lee Kuan Yew and Kim Dae-Jung. Some of the key concepts include political leadership, Asian values, and democracy in Asia. The qualitative analysis of different resources revealed and proved several theories and views of Lee Kuan Yew and Kim Dae-Jung. It establishes different thoughts and political leadership of the two leaders, a scenario that can help future leaders to align the policies that can enhance, social, political and economic development in different Asian countries. This study also establishes the importance of their different view on Asian values and how did they overcome the national crisis. Although Lee Kuan Yew and Kim Dae-Jung had different opinions on Asian Values, both work positively towards the development of their countries.

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KIM, YOUNGMI. "Intra-Party Politics and Minority Coalition Government in South Korea." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (2008): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003186.

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AbstractThis paper examines the internal dynamics of Korean political parties to understand why the minority coalition government of Kim Dae-jung suffered from political stalemate or deadlocks in the legislature. It shows that a focus on the size of the government in terms of a majority status in the legislature does not offer a convincing explanation of why the Kim Dae-jung administration slid towards ungovernability. Instead better insights come from an analysis of party organization, an aspect of party politics rarely examined through in-depth analysis. The paper shows that in terms of the key dimensions of organization (leadership type, factionalism, funding, linkage role) Korean political parties fail to connect citizens to the political system.

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Han, Joon, and Hyun-Chin Lim. "The Social and Political Impact of Economic Crisis in South Korea: A Comparative Note." Asian Journal of Social Science 31, no. 2 (2003): 198–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853103322318207.

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The five-year term of President Kim Dae Jung ended up deepening political cleavages in the wake of growing social conflicts. We find it ironic that the Kim Dae Jung regime, the first case of horizontal power transfer through election, has seen social conflicts worsening instead of weakening. Since the economic crisis of 1997, the country has undergone a profound societal and political transformation as a result of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)'s program of liberalisation, privatisation and deregulation. We investigate the structural realignment - power shift, social conflicts, and coalition change - in the wake of the economic crisis in Korea. We critically examine the impact of various reform measures on state-society relations. Our starting point is a belief that the stability of a regime depends not only on economic performance but also on social and political performance. The current Korean situation might even suggest that social and political factors are more important than economic performance in evaluating structural adjustment programs. We begin by examining the underlying nature of the Kim Dae Jung regime's reform measures. Then we address the social realignment, coalition change, and social conflicts, and assess their implications for consolidation of democracy. Finally we draw some policy implications.

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Moon, Chung-in. "The Kim Dae Jung Government’s Peace Policy Toward North Korea." Asian Perspective 25, no. 2 (2001): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2001.0028.

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Jung, Young Sung, Chan-Su Rha, Moo-Yeol Baik, Nam-In Baek, and Dae-Ok Kim. "Correction to: A brief history and spectroscopic analysis of soy isoflavones." Food Science and Biotechnology 29, no. 12 (2020): 1771. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10068-020-00845-0.

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The article “A brief history and spectroscopic analysis of soy isoflavones”, written by Young Sung Jung, Chan-Su Rha, Moo-Yeol Baik, Nam-In Baek, Dae-Ok Kim, was originally published electronically on the publisher’s internet portal on 15 September 2020 without open access.

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Haggard, Stephan, Daniel Pinkston, and Jungkun Seo. "Reforming Korea Inc.: The Politics of Structural Adjustment Under Kim Dae Jung." Asian Perspective 23, no. 3 (1999): 201–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1999.0019.

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Han, Sang-Jin. "Dialogue with John Dunn on Korean Denuclearization." Theory, Culture & Society 36, no. 7-8 (2019): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419867465.

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This dialogue addresses the global risk that broke out of the North Korean development of nuclear weapons and missiles. It starts from the brutal consequences of the national division for Korea and asks why North Korea has been so preoccupied with nuclear projects as has been found to be the case since the 1990s, and how much and why Kim Jung-un today differs from his father in terms of his future, and where the fundamental limit lies in Moon Jae-In’s as well as Trump’s approaches to Korean denuclearization and peace. The highlight of this dialogue is to explain the intrinsic difficulties for Donald Trump and Kim Jung-un in finding a reasonable solution to their respective demands for denuclearization and regime security, and explore the likely future of the Korean Peninsula from the vantage point of Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine Policy and metamorphosis.

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Hogarth, Hyun-key Kim. "South Korea’s Sunshine Policy, Reciprocity and Nationhood." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 1 (2012): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x620761.

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Abstract This article is an anthropological study of South Korea’s ‘Sunshine Policy’ towards North Korea, through analyzing the much debated issue of reciprocity between the divided yet one nation. The Sunshine Policy was first instigated in 1998 by South Korean President Kim Dae Jung, to soften the belligerent attitude of North Korea towards the South by promoting interaction through the prosperous South’s economic aid to the nearly bankrupt North. The policy initially seemed to work, leading to some communications between the two Koreas, and President Kim Dae Jung was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000. However, as the North ‘jettisoned’ the principle of reciprocity, and the financial aid aimed to help the starving North Korean masses was used to develop weaponry including nuclear bombs and long-range missiles, the South Korean public began to question its validity. Since March 2008, the new South Korean President Lee Myung-bak has taken a harsher stance towards the North, and the Sunshine Policy has somewhat faded. According to some it is doomed to fail. This is an analyses of nation, state and reciprocity, and the reasons why the Sunshine Policy has encountered so many problems.

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Jaung, Hoon. "Politics, Economy, and Dynamics of Presidential Popularity in the Kim Dae Jung Government in South Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (2002): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000746.

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What determines the public evaluation of South Korean president? Is it a temporal cycle of presidential tenure, the economy or political events? This paper explores these questions by examining the case of President Kim Dae Jung who enjoyed high popularity in the early phase of his tenure but experienced consistent decline of popularity after 18 months in office, much like his predecessors did. The paper argues that the high and low of public support for the president is not simply a function of the temporal cycle and that the fluctuation of public rating is strongly influenced by the public's consideration of economic matters and corruption scandals. In the case of the current South Korean president, one's performance in resuscitating the economy could not rescue a president besieged by one corruption scandal after another. Also, the improved economic conditions did not save Kim Dae Jung's public approval rate from tumbling, because reforms failed to alleviate the economic hardship felt by the lower class. All of this demonstrates that the public does separate economic and political issues and weigh them disproportionately in evaluating presidential performance.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Kim, Dae Jung, 1925-"

Jeong, Young-Yun. "Leadership and democratisation : the case of Nelson Mandela in South Africa and Kim Dae-Jung in South Korea." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16058.

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Dissertation (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the late 1940s, South Africa and South Korea were ruled by authoritarian governments, which oppressed the people’s freedom and rights. The governments created the deeply divided societies that resulted in racism in South Africa and regionalism in South Korea. These similarities may have played a major role in allowing Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung to develop strong emotional bonds with their followers and to articulate their visions for the future. The two leaders, Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung, fought for freedom and human rights against the apartheid government in South Africa and military dictatorial government in South Korea. During these processes of democratisation, the two leaders displayed common transformational and social learning leadership styles and presented their visions of the end of the authoritarian regimes and the establishment of democracy; shared these visions with the people and encouraged and mobilised them in struggling together against authoritarian government. Subsequently, the two leaders’ transformational and social learning leadership styles provide a successful role model to countries in which there are conflicts between the constituents of the society, as in East Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa and Middle East; a desire for transformation towards democracy by the people, and where countries are confronted with new challenges. AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Beide Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea was sedert die laat 1940’s onder die bewind van outoritêre regerings met gepaardgaande onderdrukking van die mense se vryhede en regte. Dié regerings het diep-verdeelde gemeenskappe daar gestel wat in Suid-Afrika op rassisme en in Suid-Korea op regionalisme uitgeloop het. Hierdie ooreenkomste mag grootliks daartoe bygedra het dat beide Nelosn Mandela en Kim Dae-jung sterk emosionele verbintenisse met hul volgelinge kon ontwikkel en hul toekomsvisies kon artikuleer. Die twee leiers, Nelson Mandela en Kim Dae-jung, het onderskeidelik teen die apartheidsregering in Suid-Afrika en die militêre diktatuur in Suid-Korea geveg vir vryheid en menseregte. Gedurende hierdie demokratiseringsprosesse het die twee leiers gemeenskaplike transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle openbaar, hulle visies oor die beëindiging van outoritêre regimes en die vestiging van demokrasie bekend gemaak en die mense aangemoedig tot en gemobiliseer vir strydvoering teen die outoritêre regerings. Gevolglik verskaf hierdie twee leiers se transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle ‘n geslaagde rolmodel vir alle lande waar daar konflik binne gemeenskappe bestaan, soos in Oos-Asië, Suid-Sahara Afrika asook die Midde-Ooste; lande waar die mense smag na transformasie tot demokrasie en lande wat hulleself met nuwe uitdagings gekonfronteer vind.

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Kim, Jiyoung. "The transformation of norms, policies and state identity : the Kim Dae-jung government and the Republic of Korea." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/59474/.

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With the creation of the Sunshine Policy and its outcome on inter-Korean relations, numerous scholars began highlighting the cultural factors of norm and state identity as a means of understanding and explaining changes to the inter-state relations on the Korean peninsula. Previous studies pay attention to the changing character of the military conflict between three states including the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People Republic of Korea and the United States. In following the concepts drawn from the constructivist tradition, this thesis argues that the problem of previous constructivist studies is not inappropriate concepts such as norms and state identity, but the shortage of attention paid to the process of transformation in state identity. Therefore, this thesis draws more attention to constructivist traditions because of their significance when regarding concepts relating to norm and state identity in analysing inter-Korean relations.

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Song, Baekseok. "State form and state strategy : the case of the Kim Dae Jung Regime in South Korea (1998-2003)." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/728.

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This study explores the Kim Dae Jung regime's(1998-2003) implementation of the restructuring policy of the chaebol (i.e., the mega industrial conglomerates in Korea) in order to demonstrate that the capitalist state is located within a complex dialectic of structures(forms) and strategies. In addition this thesis critically reviews some contentious issues in the field of capitalist state theory. Applying major state theories to the case of the Korean state, this study defines the form of the Kim Dae Jung state as an ensemble of its 'exacerbated dependency' at the international level; 'increased labour power' at the level of social formation; and 'fragile state unity' at the level of the political regime. The form of the Kim Dae Jung state is emphasized as a binding structure which regulated the development of the government's chaebol reform policy. At the same time, in order to overcome the fallacy of the form determination thesis, the capitalist state( the Kim Dae Jung state)is stressed as a social relation that can be analysed as 'the site,the generator and the product of strategies'. Within the analytical framework of the dialectical complex of 'structure and strategy', this study investigates the successful and/or detrimental structural conditions of the chaebol reform policy and the strategies of the state and social classes to capitalise on and/or overcome those conditions. Apart from dealing with the Korean case, this research is concerned with the review of state theory. With regard to the state's relation with the economy in capitalism, the mainstream intellectual tendency is challenged: the tendency to accept a dichotomous relation between the state and the economy and confirm the absence of state intervention in neo-liberalism. The class nature of the capitalist state is also an important issue in this study. Revisiting the 'Miliband-Poulantzas debate, this study demonstrates that the capitalist state is not 'a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie'. More importantly, this study reveals (for the first time) the hard-core of Poulantzas' theory (i. e., the reproduction mechanism of the economic system) and demonstrates that the lack of the understanding of this 'reproduction mechanism' has caused a serious degree of misunderstanding of Poulantzas among state theorists (including Bob Jessop, Stuart Hall and Ralph Miliband). Finally, this study suggests that it is constructive to investigate contemporary issues, i.e., globalisation, Euro-capitalism and American imperialism in the context of the reproduction mechanism of the whole world capitalist system.

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Cho, Young Chul. "South Korea's national security, state identity and engagement policy towards North Korea during the Kim Dae Jung administration (1998-2003)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498809.

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The main purpose of this thesis is to explore the complex relations between South Korea's national security, state identity, and engagement policy towards North Korea over the years, with the primary temporal focus on the Kim Dae Jung administration (1998-2003) and in terms of the conventional and critical constructivism in International Relations (IR). Related to the South's engagement with the North, this thesis also aims to critically examine Pyongyang's Korean nationalism and National Cooperation (Minjok Gongjo) Doctrine directed at South Korea (and even the United States) at the dawn of the 21 century. Before embarking on the above empirical analyses, the thesis theoretically considers constructivist security studies as an analytical framework for examining Korea's identity politics during the Kim Dae Jung administration. The thesis also considers the historical context of South Korea's national security until the late 1990s, just before the advent of the Kim Dae Jung administration in 1998.

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Son, Young-Woo. "Politiques nationales et mouvement syndical à l'ère de la mondialisation : étude comparative des gouvernements de Lionel Jospin et de Kim Dae-Jung." Paris 8, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA083977.

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Cette thèse veut vérifier l’hypothèse selon laquelle la réussite des politiques économiques gouvernementales dépend des institutions économiques intérieures, alors même que la marge de manœuvre des gouvernements serait diminuée par l’effet de la mondialisation. Notamment pour les gouvernements de gauche ou réformistes, le rôle des syndicats est souvent décisif même si le taux de syndicalisation est relativement faible. Les gouvernements de gauche peuvent réussir à introduire leurs politiques économiques contre l’avis des institutions économiques mondiales et du patronat en modifiant les rapports de forces intérieures à court terme par le renforcement du dialogue social et de la légitimité syndicale. Mais la modification à court terme sans une solide garantie de concertation sociale n’est qu’un palliatif. Donc cette tentative politique de gauche peut être fragilisée par la fluctuation de la conjoncture économique mondiale. Les cas du gouvernement de Lionel Jospin en France et de Kim Dae-jung en Corée du Sud sont des exemples pertinents à travers le processus introduit de la réduction du temps de travail à 35 heures et de la réforme des Chaebols This thesis aims to test the hypothesis that the success of economic policies of government still depends on the domestic economic institutions, while leeway of governments would be reduced by the effect of globalization. The role of trade unions especially for left-wing governments or the reformists is often decisive even where the union membership rate is relatively low like South Korea and France. Because the left-wing governments are able to introduce their economic policies against the advice of global economic institutions and employers by reinforcing internal power relationships at least in the short term and by strengthening social dialogue and union legitimacy. But the change in the short term without a solid social guarantee is a palliative in that this attempt of leftist politics can easily be undermined by the change of global economic conditions. The Lionel Jospin in France and Kim Dae-jung in South Korea governments’ cases show the examples in this context through the introduction process of the work time reduction to 35 hours and the reform of Chaebols

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Bass, Monica Kari. "The Responses of South Korean Presidents Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun toward North Korean Threats (1998-2006): A Comparative Case Study Analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42580.

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There has been a long history of violence between North and South Korea since the end of the Korean War in 1953 and North Korea is still a current threat to the South due to their missile launches and naval clashes. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the interactions between North and South Korea from 1998 to 2006 and answer the question: What accounts for the difference in responses to North Korean threats by South Korean presidents from the same party with similar stands toward North Korea? Although South Korean Presidents Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun shared similar approaches to North Korea, why did they not always respond in the same way? To answer this question, I examine a case in which North Korea test-launched a rocket and a case in which North Korean vessels cross the Northern Limit Line during each administration. By comparing these cases, I explain why the presidents continued their engagement policy and refrained from condemning the North in all but the case of the 2006 missile test. I test a set of explanations made by experts for South Korean approaches to North Korea to see which explanation best fits each case. I argue that each response was due to a combination of explanations rather than one single explanation. Even though each explanation had some merit, some explanations were more applicable than the others. Both Kim and Roh expressed concern over North Korea due to security and economic concerns. However, as the years and threatening behavior went on the public and international community started to take a greater notice to North Koreaâ s activity and wanted the South Korean government to take action. As a result, public opinion and international pressure partially influenced Roh to shift his responses towards North Korea and halt aid after the 2006 missile launch. Master of Arts

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Krejčová, Dita. "Zhodnocení Sluneční politiky Korejské republiky vůči KLDR." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-11050.

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The thesis describes Korean Peninsula political development from 1998 to 2008, in the frame of historical context from 1948 when two independent states were oficially founded. Discussed decade was characterized by the policy of engagement or the sunshine policy of the Republic of Korea, respectively. This represented a concept of friendly relationship towards the DPRK, aiming at final unification. Detailed description of the political development year by year and its evaluation is the subject of this thesis.

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Han, Byongok. "The two Kims and North Korea explaining the continuity and change of South Korean presidents Kim Young Sam's and Kim Dae Jung's policy orientations towards North Korea /." 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/64688903.html.

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Livres sur le sujet "Kim, Dae Jung, 1925-"

Korea betrayed: Kim Dae Jung and sunshine. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Kim Chŏng-il kwa Kim Tae-jung: Kim Jong-il & Kim Dae-jung : Nam-Pukhan hwahae e sokchi malla. Hanʾguk Nondan, 2000.

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Kim Chŏng-il kwa Kim Tae-jung: Kim Jong-il & Kim Dae-jung : Nam-Pukhan hwahae e sokchi malla. Hanʼguk Nondan, 2000.

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Kin Shōnichi to Kin Daichū: Nanboku yūwa ni damasareruna! = Kim Jong-il & Kim Dae-jung. PHP Kenkyūjo, 2000.

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Goldstein, Norm. Kim Dae-jung. Chelsea House Publishers, 1998.

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Kim, Pyŏng-guk. Kim Dae-Jung. Ilweolseogak, 1992.

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Kim Dae-jung. Chelsea House Publishers, 1999.

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Segye ŭi chidoja Kim Tae-jung: Kim Dae-Jung. Ŏmunʼgak, 2000.

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Choi, Woonsang. Kim Dae Jung conscience in action. Chung-Do Pub., 1988.

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Kim Dae-jung and mass economy theory. Yonsei University Press, 2013.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Kim, Dae Jung, 1925-"

Myers, Robert J. "Conclusion Kim Dae-jung and the Future of Korea." In Korea in the Cross Currents. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299583_10.

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Lee, Chae-Jin. "Kim Dae Jung: Exile in America and Its Aftermath." In Reagan Faces Korea. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30500-0_4.

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Snyder, Scott. "Strategic Thought toward Asia in the Kim Dae-jung Era." In South Korean Strategic Thought toward Asia. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611917_4.

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Kim, Kisam, and Donald Kirk. "Easily the Winner." In Kim Dae-jung and the Quest for the Nobel. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353092_12.

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Kim, Kisam, and Donald Kirk. "Sunshine Exposed." In Kim Dae-jung and the Quest for the Nobel. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353092_13.

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Kim, Kisam, and Donald Kirk. "Shielding the Deeds." In Kim Dae-jung and the Quest for the Nobel. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353092_6.

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Kim, Kisam, and Donald Kirk. "Courting the Bishop." In Kim Dae-jung and the Quest for the Nobel. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353092_7.

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Kim, Kisam, and Donald Kirk. "Scaling the Summit." In Kim Dae-jung and the Quest for the Nobel. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353092_8.

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Kim, Kisam, and Donald Kirk. "Beyond the Summit." In Kim Dae-jung and the Quest for the Nobel. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353092_9.

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Kim, Kisam, and Donald Kirk. "Swedish Connection." In Kim Dae-jung and the Quest for the Nobel. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353092_11.

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