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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Kim, Dae Jung, 1925- »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 4 juin 2021

Mis à jour le 3 février 2022

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1

Snyder, Scott. "The End of History, the Rise of Ideology, and the Future of Democracy on the Korean Peninsula." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (2003): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000134x.

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Almost exactly a half-century following the outbreak of the Korean War, South Korea president Kim Dae-jung made a historic visit to Pyongyang for the first-ever summit meeting between the leaders of the two Koreas in June of 2000. A decade following the collapse of communism in the rest of the world, Kim's journey would inevitably be judged in history as a potential starting point for the end of inter-Korean confrontation. Three days following direct, broad-ranging discussions with his counterpart, Kim Jong Il, Kim Dae-jung confidently returned to Seoul with an inter-Korean summit declaration promising enhanced efforts at reconciliation and inter-Korean exchange. Upon his return to Seoul, Kim Dae-jung declared that there would be “no more war” on the Korean Peninsula. The next task was to institutionalize an array of exchanges and inter-Korean interactions designed eventually to lead to national reconciliation.

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2

Jeong, Seungho. "Political Leadership for Crisis Management: A Comparative Case Study of Asian Leaders." Journal of Asian Research 3, no. 2 (2019): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jar.v3n2p82.

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<p><em>This study looks at the comparative analysis of the political leadership and thoughts of two Asian leaders. There are different thoughts and political approaches attributed to Lee Kuan Yew and Kim Dae-Jung. Some of the key concepts include political leadership, Asian values, and democracy in Asia. The qualitative analysis of different resources revealed and proved several theories and views of Lee Kuan Yew and Kim Dae-Jung. It establishes different thoughts and political leadership of the two leaders, a scenario that can help future leaders to align the policies that can enhance, social, political and economic development in different Asian countries. This study also establishes the importance of their different view on Asian values and how did they overcome the national crisis. Although Lee Kuan Yew and Kim Dae-Jung had different opinions on Asian Values, both work positively towards the development of their countries.</em></p>

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3

KIM, YOUNGMI. "Intra-Party Politics and Minority Coalition Government in South Korea." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (2008): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003186.

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AbstractThis paper examines the internal dynamics of Korean political parties to understand why the minority coalition government of Kim Dae-jung suffered from political stalemate or deadlocks in the legislature. It shows that a focus on the size of the government in terms of a majority status in the legislature does not offer a convincing explanation of why the Kim Dae-jung administration slid towards ungovernability. Instead better insights come from an analysis of party organization, an aspect of party politics rarely examined through in-depth analysis. The paper shows that in terms of the key dimensions of organization (leadership type, factionalism, funding, linkage role) Korean political parties fail to connect citizens to the political system.

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Han, Joon, and Hyun-Chin Lim. "The Social and Political Impact of Economic Crisis in South Korea: A Comparative Note." Asian Journal of Social Science 31, no. 2 (2003): 198–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853103322318207.

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The five-year term of President Kim Dae Jung ended up deepening political cleavages in the wake of growing social conflicts. We find it ironic that the Kim Dae Jung regime, the first case of horizontal power transfer through election, has seen social conflicts worsening instead of weakening. Since the economic crisis of 1997, the country has undergone a profound societal and political transformation as a result of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)'s program of liberalisation, privatisation and deregulation. We investigate the structural realignment - power shift, social conflicts, and coalition change - in the wake of the economic crisis in Korea. We critically examine the impact of various reform measures on state-society relations. Our starting point is a belief that the stability of a regime depends not only on economic performance but also on social and political performance. The current Korean situation might even suggest that social and political factors are more important than economic performance in evaluating structural adjustment programs. We begin by examining the underlying nature of the Kim Dae Jung regime's reform measures. Then we address the social realignment, coalition change, and social conflicts, and assess their implications for consolidation of democracy. Finally we draw some policy implications.

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5

Moon, Chung-in. "The Kim Dae Jung Government’s Peace Policy Toward North Korea." Asian Perspective 25, no. 2 (2001): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2001.0028.

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6

Jung, Young Sung, Chan-Su Rha, Moo-Yeol Baik, Nam-In Baek, and Dae-Ok Kim. "Correction to: A brief history and spectroscopic analysis of soy isoflavones." Food Science and Biotechnology 29, no. 12 (2020): 1771. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10068-020-00845-0.

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The article “A brief history and spectroscopic analysis of soy isoflavones”, written by Young Sung Jung, Chan-Su Rha, Moo-Yeol Baik, Nam-In Baek, Dae-Ok Kim, was originally published electronically on the publisher’s internet portal on 15 September 2020 without open access.

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7

Haggard, Stephan, Daniel Pinkston, and Jungkun Seo. "Reforming Korea Inc.: The Politics of Structural Adjustment Under Kim Dae Jung." Asian Perspective 23, no. 3 (1999): 201–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1999.0019.

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8

Han, Sang-Jin. "Dialogue with John Dunn on Korean Denuclearization." Theory, Culture & Society 36, no. 7-8 (2019): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419867465.

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This dialogue addresses the global risk that broke out of the North Korean development of nuclear weapons and missiles. It starts from the brutal consequences of the national division for Korea and asks why North Korea has been so preoccupied with nuclear projects as has been found to be the case since the 1990s, and how much and why Kim Jung-un today differs from his father in terms of his future, and where the fundamental limit lies in Moon Jae-In’s as well as Trump’s approaches to Korean denuclearization and peace. The highlight of this dialogue is to explain the intrinsic difficulties for Donald Trump and Kim Jung-un in finding a reasonable solution to their respective demands for denuclearization and regime security, and explore the likely future of the Korean Peninsula from the vantage point of Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine Policy and metamorphosis.

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9

Hogarth, Hyun-key Kim. "South Korea’s Sunshine Policy, Reciprocity and Nationhood." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 1 (2012): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x620761.

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Abstract This article is an anthropological study of South Korea’s ‘Sunshine Policy’ towards North Korea, through analyzing the much debated issue of reciprocity between the divided yet one nation. The Sunshine Policy was first instigated in 1998 by South Korean President Kim Dae Jung, to soften the belligerent attitude of North Korea towards the South by promoting interaction through the prosperous South’s economic aid to the nearly bankrupt North. The policy initially seemed to work, leading to some communications between the two Koreas, and President Kim Dae Jung was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000. However, as the North ‘jettisoned’ the principle of reciprocity, and the financial aid aimed to help the starving North Korean masses was used to develop weaponry including nuclear bombs and long-range missiles, the South Korean public began to question its validity. Since March 2008, the new South Korean President Lee Myung-bak has taken a harsher stance towards the North, and the Sunshine Policy has somewhat faded. According to some it is doomed to fail. This is an analyses of nation, state and reciprocity, and the reasons why the Sunshine Policy has encountered so many problems.

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10

Jaung, Hoon. "Politics, Economy, and Dynamics of Presidential Popularity in the Kim Dae Jung Government in South Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (2002): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000746.

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What determines the public evaluation of South Korean president? Is it a temporal cycle of presidential tenure, the economy or political events? This paper explores these questions by examining the case of President Kim Dae Jung who enjoyed high popularity in the early phase of his tenure but experienced consistent decline of popularity after 18 months in office, much like his predecessors did. The paper argues that the high and low of public support for the president is not simply a function of the temporal cycle and that the fluctuation of public rating is strongly influenced by the public's consideration of economic matters and corruption scandals. In the case of the current South Korean president, one's performance in resuscitating the economy could not rescue a president besieged by one corruption scandal after another. Also, the improved economic conditions did not save Kim Dae Jung's public approval rate from tumbling, because reforms failed to alleviate the economic hardship felt by the lower class. All of this demonstrates that the public does separate economic and political issues and weigh them disproportionately in evaluating presidential performance.

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11

Jung, Tae Hwan. "Emergence and Crisis of the Kim Dae-Jung Regime: Political Dynamics of Regionalism." Society and Theory 12 (May 31, 2008): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.17209/st.2008.05.12.261.

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12

정태환. "Nature of Reform Politics under the Kim Dae-Jung Regime: Contradictions and Limitations." Journal of Korean Studies ll, no. 31 (2009): 387–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.17790/kors.2009..31.387.

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13

Choi, Yong Sub. "Kim Dae-jung and the Persistence of Anti-Communist Hegemony in South Korea." Asian Studies Review 41, no. 2 (2017): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2017.1299107.

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14

김병문. "A Comparison of Reform Policies of the Kim Young-sam, Kim Dae-jung, and Roh Moo-hyun Government." Comparative Democratic Studies 8, no. 1 (2012): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34164/injede.2012.8.1.005.

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15

Noh, Meung-Hoan. "The Relations between Willy Brandt and Kim Dae-jung viewed from the Correspondences 1973-1992." Korean Society For German History 40 (February 28, 2019): 195–249. http://dx.doi.org/10.17995/kjgs.2019.2.40.195.

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16

Leem, Kyung Hoon. "Back to the Future: The Politics of Economic Reform under the Kim Dae-Jung Presidency." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (2001): 53–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000242.

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On the eve of the tenth anniversary of its democratization, Korea was hit by an unprecedented financial crisis marked by massive capital outflows, a sharp depreciation of the won and severe distress in the corporate and financial sectors. Korea's anniversary gift from the interntional community was an IMF conditionality program that imposed a comprehensive package of neoliberal economic reforms. Compared with the South American and East European experiences, economic reform in Korea has been implemented without significant policy obstructions, political instability or social disruptions. Despite much skepticism, the backbreaking reforms quickly began to pay off. The reforms created a V-shaped (rather than U-shaped) pattern of recovery, though more determined financial and corporate restructuring is needed in order for the nation to achieve sustainable growth. And, the quality of democracy has not deteriorated because of conflicts resulting from the economic reform program (neither, however, has it improved).

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17

Sung Roe Lee. "Social Welfare Reform and the President: President as a Policy Entrepreneur - President Kim Dae Jung." Economy and Society ll, no. 121 (2019): 279–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2019..121.279.

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18

Chung-in Moon and 부승찬. "President Kim Dae-jung and the Sunshine Policy - Recasting His Legacies for Peace and Prosperity-." KOREAN UNIFICATION STUDIES 17, no. 1 (2013): 121–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15795/koruni.2013.17.1.004.

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19

STRNAD, Grażyna. "SOUTH KOREAN LEADERS IN THE POLITICS OF DEMOCRATIZATION." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 3 (July 8, 2017): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2017.03.09.

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This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.

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20

Kim, Chang-Yup. "The Korean Economic Crisis and Coping Strategies in the Health Sector: Pro-Welfarism or Neoliberalism?" International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 3 (2005): 561–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/qk9q-krr3-tlw8-0950.

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In South Korea, there have been debates on the welfare policies of the Kim Dae-jung government after the economic crisis beginning in late 1997, but it is unquestionable that health and health care policies have followed the trend of neoliberal economic and social polices. Public health measures and overall performance of the public sector have weakened, and the private health sector has further strengthened its dominance. These changes have adversely affected the population's health status and access to health care. However, the anti-neoliberal coalition is preventing the government's drive from achieving a full success.

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21

Kim, Pan Suk. "Administrative Reform in the Korean Central Government: A Case Study of the Dae Jung Kim Administration." Public Performance & Management Review 24, no. 2 (2000): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381265.

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22

Jung, Heon Joo. "Presidential Memorial and Politics of Memory : Kim Dae Jung and Nobel Peace Price Award Represented in." Critical Review of History 122 (February 28, 2018): 340–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.38080/crh.2018.02.122.340.

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23

배종윤. "Efficiency and Limit of Kim Dae-jung Government’s Organizational Reforms with the Idea o‘f Small Government’." Korean Political Science Review 44, no. 4 (2010): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2010.44.4.004.

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24

이재현. "A Comparative Study of Visions for East Asian Regional Cooperation of Mahathir and Kim Dae-Jung." Southeast Asian Review 17, no. 2 (2007): 33–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21652/kaseas.17.2.200708.33.

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25

Kim, Sung-han, and Geun Lee. "When security met politics: desecuritization of North Korean threats by South Korea's Kim Dae-jung government." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 11, no. 1 (2010): 25–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcq015.

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26

Han, Hongkoo. "President Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun in the Development of Democracy in Modern Korea." Historical Journal 71 (January 31, 2020): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.20457/sha.71.10.

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27

Kim, Jeong-Yong. "The Utilization of Business-Track Diplomacy: The Hyundai Group's Mt. Kumgang Tourism under the Kim Dae-Jung Government." International Studies Review 5, no. 1 (2004): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00501005.

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This article presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilization of economic engagement strategy as security policy. The model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options that go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations. As a case study, the article investigates Hyundai Group's Mountain Kumgang tourism with North Korea. In this case study, it demonstrates that not only the Kim Dae-Jung government's strong policy-making will of business-track diplomacy towards North Korea but also the Hyundai Group's business will and vulnerability of the North Korean economy played important roles in realizing the tour project and thus, enhanced inter-Korean economic cooperation.

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28

Sharma, Shalendra D. "Recovery from a Financial Meltdown: The Political Economy of Crisis Management under the Kim Dae-Jung Administration." East Asian Economic Review 6, no. 2 (2002): 157–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.11644/kiep.jeai.2002.6.2.99.

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29

Cho Jin Man. "Consensual Labor-Management Relation and the Government Capabilities: An Comparative Study on the Kim Young Sam Administration and the Kim Dae Jung Administration." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 9, no. 2 (2011): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2011.9.2.51.

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30

구현우. "The Globalization, the New Liberalism, and the Institutional Implications: Focused on Economic Reform of Kim Dae Jung Government." Journal of Governance Studies 6, no. 2 (2011): 33–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.16973/jgs.2011.6.2.002.

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31

Han,Sang-Jin. "From the Asian Value Debate to Cosmopolitanism: An Active Interpretation of the Political Thoughts of Kim Dae-jung." Korea Journal 51, no. 3 (2011): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/kj.2011.51.3.196.

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32

Kwang-Il Lee. "South Korea's Populism in the Neoliberal Era : Focusing on the Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun Governments." Korean Cultural Studies ll, no. 68 (2015): 507–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17948/kcs.2015..68.507.

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33

천세봉. "Science and Technology Policy Governance Analysis: From the Kim Dae-jung administration to the Park Geun-hye government." Korean Governance Review 24, no. 3 (2017): 171–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17089/kgr.2017.24.3.007.

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34

Kim, Sunhyuk. "The Politics of Reform in South Korea: The First Year of the Kim Dae Jung Government, 1998–1999." Asian Perspective 24, no. 1 (2000): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2000.0040.

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35

Kwak, Ki-Sung. "The Role of the State in the Regulation of Television Broadcasting in South Korea." Media International Australia 92, no. 1 (1999): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909200109.

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Television broadcasting in South Korea is experiencing a major change in its regulatory structure under the new government led by Kim Dae-Jung, who won the 1997 election as an opposition candidate for the first time in Korean history. Based on the review of the regulatory history of television broadcasting and its recent development in South Korea, this paper provides an overall background which explains the way in which the state has shaped and developed the regulatory structure of television broadcasting in Korea. It argues that the policies set in law and regulatory practice exercised by the state bureaucracy have not always been consistent or completely compatible. It concludes that this has been mainly because the government has been the sole player in establishing, framing and devising television broadcasting regulations.

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36

Hyun-Back Chung. "State and Woman’s Peace Movement - focused on the Peace Politics of Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun Administrations." Women and History ll, no. 20 (2014): 214–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..20.201406.214.

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37

임순미. "The Value Frame of Political Leader: Comparison of President Kim, Dae-jung and Lee Myung-bak about the inaugural address." Public Policy Review 23, no. 4 (2009): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17327/ippa.2009.23.4.002.

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38

Kim, Heung Tae. "A Evaluation and Task on the Sports Exchange and Cooperation between South and North Korea of Kim, Dae-Jung Government." Journal of Sport and Leisure Studies 19 (May 31, 2003): 355–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.51979/kssls.2003.05.19.355.

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39

Mulyaman, Darynaufal. "Lee Myung Bak’s Choice on Sunshine Policy: South Korean National Interests and North Korean Threat." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 4, no. 2 (2018): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v4i2.5867.

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Sunshine Policy that had been implemented by South Korean Government on Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyeon’s administration from 1998-2008. This policy started to do cooperative behavior for treating North Korea as a partner, not contrarily, yet the Sunshine Policy was considered as a failure by Lee Myung-Bak’s administration, thereupon stopped offhandedly despite recent cultural and cooperative diplomacy that had been done by his successor President Moon Jae-In. Then Why the South Korean government at the time of President Lee Myung-Bak stopped the Sunshine Policy offhand? In the scheme of National Interest idea, North Korea still a predominant threat that very paramount for South Korean national interest, even an accommodative and cooperative policy like Sunshine Policy could not emphasize South Korean national interests. This paper also tries to analyze the issue with explaining foreign policy decision making factors, such as the domestic and external factor, decision environment, and psychology factor of President Lee Myung-Bak at that time.

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40

Lee, Chang-Won. "A Critical Review on The Administrative Reforms in The Korean Central Government: A Case Study of The Kim Dae-Jung Administration." International Review of Public Administration 9, no. 1 (2004): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12294659.2004.10805043.

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41

김지희. "Political Accountability of the Korean Presidents since Democratization: Cross-cases Comparative Analysis of the Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae-Jung, Roh Tae-woo and Lee Myung-bak Governments." Comparative Democratic Studies 10, no. 2 (2014): 109–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34164/injede.2014.10.2.004.

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42

Kong, Tat Yan. "Power Alternation in South Korea." Government and Opposition 35, no. 3 (2000): 370–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00033.

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Despite the dramatic final breakthrough in summer 1987, the democratization of South Korea (hereinafter Korea) displayed the hallmarks of a gradual or continuous transition from authoritarianism. These included: liberalization emanating from within the regime; continuity of personnel from the authoritarian ruling elite; continuity in economic and foreign policy; and the exclusion from power of the representatives of the economically disadvantaged groups. Such features of democratic deficit have been observed for Korea and for Brazil, two countries whose experiences of authoritarian developmentalism are commonly compared.Events in recent years suggest the possibility of more fundamental reform of Korea's economic and political institutions. The financial crisis of late-1997 led to the most serious economic recession for 40 years. Held in the middle of the financial meltdown, the presidential election of December 1997 resulted in a victory for Kim Dae-Jung (or DJ as he is commonly known), a veteran dissident associated with the excluded constituencies (not only his own underdeveloped home region but also labour and progressivelyminded intellectuals and activists).

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43

Hong, Kil-dong. "The Research on the South Korean Unification Policies of Progressive Government and Determinants：Focus on Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyeon government." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 22, no. 2 (2019): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15235/jir.2019.06.22.2.41.

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44

DooJoo Baek. "The Changes and Effects of Social Policy after IMF Economic Crisis in Korea - Fousing on Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun Government." Discourse 201 14, no. 1 (2011): 83–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.17789/discou.2011.14.1.004.

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45

Shin Jong-Dae. "North Korea Policy of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun Administrations and Domestic Politics: The Problems Lie with not 'Outside' but 'Inside'." Korea and World Politics 29, no. 2 (2013): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2013.29.2.001.

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46

Noh, Meung-Hoan. "The Ideas of 'Unity in diversity' of Kim Dae-jung and Willy Brandt and the social·cultural soils of South Korea and West Germany." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 75 (August 31, 2020): 127–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2020.75.127.

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47

Cho, Ki-Eun. "Zainichi Korean" Democratization Movement for South Korea -Focusing on the Solidarity between the group for Democratization Movement of Mindan and Kim Dae-Jung." Journal of Korean Studies 75 (December 31, 2020): 115–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17790/kors.2020.12.75.115.

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48

Buczek, Lech. "Międzynarodowa Konferencja Naukowa „Yonsei-Kim Dae-jung Forum on the World’s Future” połączona z obchodami 130. rocznicy założenia Uniwersytetu Yonsei, Seul, 12 marca 2015." Roczniki Nauk Prawnych 25, no. 3 (2015): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rnp.2015.25.3-12.

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49

박상원. "Analysis of Policy Processes on establishment of Korea Communications Commission: Focusing on comparison of discussion between Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun government." Public Policy Review 23, no. 3 (2009): 115–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17327/ippa.2009.23.3.004.

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50

Cho, Kuk. "Death Penalty in Korea: From Unofficial Moratorium to Abolition?" Asian Journal of Comparative Law 3 (2008): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000120.

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AbstractThe death penalty is one of the most contentious issues in Korea. In contrast to other Asian countries, the issue of whether the death penalty should be abolished has been actively debated and reviewed at governmental levels and in civil society. It is important to note that it is not just civic organizations that have begun to favor abolition of the death penalty but also state organizations including the National Assembly and the National Human Rights Commission. The Constitutional Court has invalidated some disproportionate provisions in relation to the death penalty. Since President Kim Dae-Jung took office in February 1998, there has been an “unofficial moratorium” on executions.This article provides an overview of the legal regime governing the death penalty and the ongoing debate on the death penalty in Korea. It begins by briefly reviewing international treaties that call for the abolition of the death penalty, contrasting them with the retentionist trend in most Asian countries. It then reviews the major decisions of the Korean Supreme Court and the Korean Constitutional Court. It also discusses recent moves in the National Assembly and the National Human Rights Commission to abolish the death penalty. It suggests that the Korean death penalty debate has potentially significant implications for its retentionist Asian neighbours grappling with similar issues.

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