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1
Tatarchuk, Natalia. « La question du Kosovo et les grandes puissances européennes, des origines au printemps 1999 ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La thèse veut revenir sur l'histoire complexe du Kosmet en étudiant trois de ses composantes majeures abordées dans une perspective historique : à savoir la question du Kosovo (qui trouve ses racines dans une histoire de longue durée), la crise du Kosovo (telle qu'elle va se nouer dans les années 1980) et la réaction des grandes puissances européennes face à cette crise. Cette approche permet de voir la naissance, l'essor, l'aggravation et, enfin, l'internationalisation de ce problème ; ce faisant, cette approche permettra aussi de montrer l'évolution des nationalismes serbe et albanais ainsi que la formation et les transformations des États nationaux serbe et albanais, c'est-à-dire de se pencher sur l'émergence et le développement des deux forces motrices, serbe et albanaise, qui jouèrent un rôle clef dans la question du Kosovo ; et elle permettra également de voir comment les grandes puissances européennes, dans le contexte de la disparition de la Yougoslavie socialiste, ont réagi à la crise et ont été progressivement partie prenante de la question du Kosovo et de son règlementKosovo is the disputed borderland between Serbia and Kosovo Albanians. The Serbs refer to Kosovo as the cradle of the Serb nation. The anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo Plain is the most important date in the Serbian national calendar. In 1981 there were major student protests in Pristina, followed by demands for Kosovo to be given republic status. The Serbian Communist leader S. Milosevic became president of Serbia in 1987 and in 1989 the Serbian parliament passed constitutional amendments reasserting Serbian control over Kosovo. In 1998 the Kosovo Liberation Anny unleashed a major guerrilla offensive. The conflict gained widespread international attention and was resolved with the intervention of the NATO
2
Kissopoulos, Lisa. « Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.
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3
MARUSICH, BLANCARTE DE GRGIC Paola. « Kosovo's juridical status ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/17296.
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4
Sulejmanovic, Selma. « Russia And The Kosovo Conflict : 1998-2008 ». Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609472/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to study Russian foreign policy towards Kosovo during the period between 1998 and 2008 in light of the school of thought that claims that Russia's foreign policy toward Kosovo resembles the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This thesis argues that Russia&rsquo
s role in the Kosovo war and its aftermath is motivated by Russia&rsquo
s interest in being seen as a great power in international system rather than using Kosovo in order to confront the United States. Besides an introduction and conclusion, the thesis consists of four main chapters. The second chapter presents historical background and discusses Russian foreign policy during the wars of secession in Yugoslavia. The third chapter focuses on Russian foreign policy and the 1998 &ndash
1999 war in Kosovo, while the fourth chapter covers the Russian role in the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo. Finally, the fifth chapter deals with Russian foreign policy as it relates to the resolved Kosovo situation.
5
Gaviria, Valverde Eliot Hernán. « El estatus legal de Kosovo y sus implicancias para una integración regional en los Balcanes ». Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2007. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/4685.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las implicancias de la determinación
definitiva del estatus legal de la provincia de Kosovo como factor de estabilidad que
permitiría promover la integración de los países de la región del Sudeste de Europa.
De esta manera, si se logra incentivar una mayor cooperación entre los países de la
región, esto implicaría una mejor percepción y un acercamiento a la Unión Europea, lo
que a su vez, podría favorecer las relaciones que desarrolla este organismo
continental con América Latina. Resulta interesante revisar las características del
mercado y de las preferencias de los consumidores en los países del Sudeste de
Europa, considerando que la oferta exportable peruana no está aún presente en esa
región y que tiene potencial para posicionarse en dicho mercado.
Para lograr nuestro primer objetivo de analizar la determinación del estatus legal de
Kosovo, es muy importante estudiar las condiciones políticas, económicas, sociales,
culturales, religiosas y étnicas que vive la provincia de Kosovo en la actualidad, para
conocer si reúne los elementos para ser considerado como un Estado independiente.
Para ello, es necesario conocer los antecedentes históricos de la región a fin de
comprender como se fue poblando la provincia de Kosovo y de donde provienen sus
habitantes, las relaciones que ha tenido Kosovo con el resto de los países de la región
y las características de la mentalidad de su población.
El futuro estatus legal de Kosovo es un tema muy interesante para el Derecho
Internacional Público, en especial, en lo que se refiere al origen o creación de los
nuevos Estados y a la secesión de los mismosTesis
6
Habláková, Veronika. « Postavenie Kosova v medzinárodných vzťahoch ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206574.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The theme of this thesis is position of Kosovo in international relations. Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia in February 2008 and belongs to the failed states. In this thesis I will examine the main causes of the dysfunction of Kosovo, and how it is reflected in Kosovo current position.
7
Vaschenko, Vitalii. « Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
8
Odai, Minja. « The Impact of Creative Ambiguity - A Case Study of the Aftermath of the Kosovo-Serbia Brussels Agreement 2013 ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21606.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Creative ambiguity as a negotiation strategy is used often in peace agreements and refers to when ambiguities are used in agreements to serve as a positive motivation to get over obstacles. While it has many positive impacts, the use of creative ambiguity also often times shifts the burden of the negotiation phase to the implementations phase, and thus can result into agreements that are not implemented as well as plummeting the relations between the parties affected. This thesis aims to understand how the use of creative ambiguity in the Brussels Agreement between Kosovo and Serbia had an impact on the heightened conflict between the countries. This thesis is a single instrumental case study that illustrates the issue of creative ambiguity through the case of the Brussels Agreement. Through analysing interferences from material mainly collected from both countries’ government websites, this study conducted that the use of creative ambiguity had a harmful impact not only on the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, but also on the implementation of the agreement.
9
Bolgari, Alexandr. « Comparative Analysis of the Secessions of Kosovo and South Ossetia and Their Subsequent Independence Recognition ». Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1304034301.
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10
Merry, Adrienne. « Socio-cultural aspects of functional regionalization in the cross-border area between Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia (SCAFRB) ». Thesis, Lille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL1A025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Une nouvelle régulation macroéconomique et socio-économique dans la région centrale des Balkans conduisant à accélérer la croissance économique est à la fois nécessaire et possible. À partir d'une revue de littérature sur les différentes théories des développements macroéconomiques et en particulier les théories de la localisation, cette étude montre que du point de vue de la plupart des démocraties occidentales la région centrale des Balkans est toujours une région très instable en Europe. Une régionalisation fonctionnelle des Balkans est une énigme du point du développement, aussi bien pour les Balkans que pour l'Europe. De plus, pour l'Europe le défi est de former une communauté fonctionnelle dans une zone composée d'un grand nombre de communautés nationales qui ont connu des conflits nationaux très intense ces dernières décennies et dont les traces sont toujours très présentes aujourd'hui. Le défi pour les instances gouvernementales et de gestion des communautés locales est de savoir comment construire une transition viable pour passer d'une communauté qui dysfonctionne sur le plan socioculturel a un système intègre un système intégré et fonctionnel permettant un développement socioculturel et économique. L'étude analyse les forces et faiblesses d'une région particulière des Balkans, la région des montagnes du Sharr, et les possibilités de mettre en place une coopération transfrontalière entre différentes cités de manière à catalyser le développement socio-économique. Plusieurs projets auxquels a participé l'auteur de l'étude sont présentés. Les enjeux sont importants et les défis très incertainsNew social-economic macro-regionalization in the Central Balkans, leading to accelerating the pace of economic growth in the monitored area, is both necessary and possible. From a review of the literature it is clear that in the view of most western democracies the Central Balkans still remains the most unstable region in the western world. Functional regionalization of the Balkans is a developmental enigma for the Balkans as well as for Europe. Secondly, for Europe, the challenge is to form a functioning community originally in an area composed of a number of different national communities that have recently been in the most harmful national conflict. The challenge of local government community is how best to construct a viable transition from a dysfunctional socio-cultural community to an integrated functional global socio-cultural system.The study analyses the strengths and weaknesses of a particular Balkan area, the Shaar Mountains area, and the possibilities to set up trans-borders cooperation between several cities in order to enhance socio-economic development. Several projects the author has participated to are presented. The stakes are high, and the challenges still uncertain
11
Reka, Armend. « L’énergie dans les Balkans occidentaux et ses enjeux pour la géopolitique régionale ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL042.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse étudie le système énergétique de 4 États : L’Albanie, le Kosovo, la Macédoine, la Serbie, appartenant aux Balkans occidentaux. Ils possèdent peu de ressources, les infrastructures restent souvent anciennes. Mais, avec l’instauration des grands projets gaziers internationaux, cet espace deviendra une zone transitaire essentielle, entre les pays producteurs gaziers (Asie centrale, la Russie, la Méditerranée orientale et le Moyen-Orient) et l’Europe occidentale. Les rapports de force y règnent pourtant. Ils sont liés à la sécurité énergétique et aux affrontements passés ou récents, mal stabilisés. La confrontation géoéconomique l’emporte sur la coopération technique. Des acteurs extérieurs, d’abord la Russie et l’Union européenne, mais aussi la Chine, la Turquie et les États-Unis, interviennent. L’énergie est un enjeu régional et mondial ; il renvoie au registre de la puissanceThis thesis studies the energy sectors of 4 countries part of the Western Balkans: Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia. These countries are relatively poor in energy resources and their energy infrastructure is outdated and in dire need of modernization. However, in view of the colossal natural gas projects between Western Europe and gas-rich countries in the east, this area is emerging as an important transit area between the Russian Federation, former Soviet Union countries and eventually other countries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. This reflects the evolving balance of power in the Western Balkans, which is shaped by their quest for energy security and the heritage of previous unresolved conflicts. As a result, geoeconomic competition trumps over cooperation. Moreover, external powers, first and foremost, the European Union and Russia, but also Turkey, the United States and China, intervene to safeguard their interests. Hence, energy is a crucial regional and world issue; and an important factor of power
12
Johansson, Alex. « The inter-ethnic relationship between Serbs and Albanians : A field study in Kosovo ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-155836.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The inter-ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have persisted since the war in Kosovo in 1999, even though it has been improved in recent years. A friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is vital for the future of Kosovo, and for the security in the Balkan region. The aim with this study is to explain how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians has changed since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008. Interviews have been conducted with six Serbs and six Albanians living in Kosovo. The interviews were mainly based on three key moments which were considered to have had an influence on the inter-ethnic relationship. The results from the interviews showed that these three key moments have resulted in antagonism between, but also within the two ethnic groups. However, the growth of antagonism seems to have been a consequence of how politicians and media on both sides in Kosovohave handled these key moments, rather than as a consequence of the key moments per se.
13
Ardolic, Mimoza. « Greater Albania - The Next Crisis in the Balkans ? » Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5430.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Balkans has suffered from quite a few problems as a result of the countless ambitious endeavors for great states of the ethnic groups residing in the Peninsula. The most recent great state idea to have caused troubles in the region is the Serbs’ Great Serbia (i.e. Yugoslvia), which caused a cycle of wars, the latest one being the war in Kosovo in the late 1990s. This thesis attempts to evaluate the rumors of yet another great state in the making – or rather awakening again: the attempt at a Greater Albania, and whether the Albanians in the Balkans are still harboring the idea of any such state. Particular emphasis is placed upon the following questions:
- Where does the idea of a Greater Albania stem from?
- Is a Greater Albania today still on the Albanians’ agenda as a real political plan?
- What speaks for and against a Greater Albania? Is the idea even feasible?
The findings indicate that none of the Albanian communities residing in the Balkan region wish for a Greater Albania, nor do their leaders. The Serbs nonetheless maintain that an Albanian threat exists and has done so ever since 1878 when the idea of a Greater Albania first arose. However, according to the results of this study, their claims lack credibility. Everything indicates that today, and with Albania striving for membership in the European Union, the idea of a Greater Albania has been left in the past.
14
Wilson, Ann Conner. « Putnam’s Two-Level Game : Case Studies of Serbian and Russian Reactions to the Kosovar and Chechen Independence Movements ». The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274721632.
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Veselinovic-Williams, Milica. « Characteristics and origin of polymetallic mineralisation in the Kopaonik region of Serbia and Kosovo, with particular reference to the Belo Brdo Pb-Zn (Ag) deposit ». Thesis, Kingston University, 2011. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/21828/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This project was initiated with the aim of determining the origin and evolution of the Belo Brdo Pb-Zn (Ag) carbonate-replacement and vein-type deposit in the Kopaonik metallogenic district of Serbia and Kosovo and to test its potential genetic association to nearby porphyry Cu-Au and skarn deposits. Hydrothermal-replacement, stockwork, skarn and vein-type base metal deposits in the region are related to a Tertiary (65.5 to 1.8 Ma) volcano-magmatic complex that intruded a tectonic nappe pile that includes a Triassic (251-199.6 Ma) Metamorphic Complex, a Jurassic (199.6 to 145.5 Ma) Ophiolite Unit and an Upper Cretaceous (99.6 to 65.5 Ma) Flysch Unit. Petographic and geochemical investigations of the Tertiary igneous rocks confirm a calc-alkaline chemistry for regionally distributed andesitic-dactic and quartz-latite rocks. These volcanic rocks show a clear subduction-related character. The Pb-ZN (Ag) minerlaisation at Belo Brdo evolved as a result of several successive stages of mineralisation includeing: (1) pre-ore stage, including early hydrothermal alteration and listwanisation followed by the deposition of Ni-Co-As sulphides; (2) main-ore stage, represented by massive sulphides including sphalerite, galena, pyrite, arsenopyrite, chalcopyrite, Ag-tetrahedrite-tennantite, bournonite; and (3) post-ore stage represented by quartz, carbonates + pyrite. A combination of fluid inclusion microthermometry, sphalerite and arsenopyrite geothermometry, and oxygen-isotype geothermometry suggests that the hydrothermal mineralisation at Belo Brdo was deposited from epithermal- to monderately high temperature (160-350[degrees]C), low salinity (6.5 eq. wt. % NaCl) fluids. Calculated [delta][sup]18O (6.5 to 10 ‰) and [delta]D (- 38 to - 62 ‱) values of water in equilibrium with sericite, tourmaline and quartz of the pre-ore stage are consistent with the ore fluids being derived from a magmatic source. Additionally, calculated oxygen isotopic composition of the main-ore stage fluid shows magmatic signatures (5.9 to 7.7 ‰). However, the water from fluid inclusions hosted by quartz from the late- ore stage breccia exhibits lower [delta]D (-93 to -96 ‰) and [delta][sup]18O (4.8 to 2.3 ‰) values, indicating an involvement of a more dilute, low-temperature meteoric hydrothermal fluids, Meteoric water played an increasing role toward the later stages of ore deposit evolution. The [delta][sup]34S values of the sulphides at Belo Brdo are homogeneous (average 4.4‰) and similar to those from nearby Cu-Au porphyry and skarn deposits in the study area, indicating a common source of sulphur for all deposits. The hydrothermal deposits in the study area show homogenous lead isotopic compositions ([sup]206P/[sup]204Pb= 18.68 to 18.76, [sup]207Pb/[sup]204PB= 15.67 to 15.68, and [sup]208Pb/[204]Pb = 38.87 to 38.91), similar to those of local calc-alkaline volcanic rocks ([sup]206Pb/[204]Pb - 18.76-18.82, [sup]207Pb/[204]Pb 15.66-15.68 and [sup]208Pb/[sup]204Pb 38.87-38.97 indicating a genetic link between minerlisation and magmatism. The data suggests that the Belo Brdo and the nearby Pb-Zn deposits are not Mississippi Valley type, but similar to a high temperature carbonate-replacement massive sulphide deposits associated with calc-alkaline magmatism in a supra-subduction zone setting.
16
Peres, Andréa Carolina Schvartz. « Enviado especial a... : uma analise antropologica da cobertura da imprensa brasileira das guerras na ex-Iugoslavia (anos 90) ». [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279147.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T19:33:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Peres_AndreaCarolinaSchvartz_M.pdf: 10336899 bytes, checksum: a3e29271a5b424d7c266b0cbbd96717d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: A desagregação da antiga República Federativa da Iugoslávia e as quatro guerras que então se sucederam - as guerras na Eslovênia, na Croácia, na Bósnia-Herzegóvina e no Kosovo - foram objeto da mídia em todo o mundo, inclusive no Brasil. Nesta dissertação, analiso a cobertura dessas guerras pela imprensa escrita brasileira, particularmente a realizada pelos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo, tendo em vista algumas hipóteses iniciais de pesquisa: (a) há uma mudança significativa na abordagem dos conflitos do período da guerra fria para o período seguinte, pós-guerra fria, que abandona progressivamente um vocabulário predominantemente "estratégico" por um crescentemente "culturalista"; (b) a imprensa passa a enfatizar supostas diferenças ontológicas entre as populações em conflito, afirma a existência de nós x eles, e aponta para uma crescente naturalização e apolitização dos conflitos; (c) a imprensa atualiza uma tradição discursiva de representação dos Bálcãs. Para tanto, procurei compreender o modo como funcionam os jornais, como se dá a produção da notícia e como trabalham os jornalistas, particularmente, os enviados especiais brasileiros que foram à ex Iugoslávia fazer a cobertura. Ao longo da pesquisa, constatei a existência de um discurso sobre as guerras na ex-Iugoslávia recorrente na imprensa. Uma etnografia da imprensa - a leitura sistemática dos principais jornais, a compreensão da dinâmica do jornalismo internacional, a realização de entrevistas com os enviados especiais às diferentes guerras na ex-Iugoslávia - acabou não apenas por confirmar parte das hipóteses esboçadas como demonstrar uma série de aproximações e distanciamentos entre o jornalismo e a própria antropologia, quer no que diz respeito ao uso de determinados conceitos, quer, sobretudo, na forma como imprensa acaba por reproduzir determinadas categorias constitutivas da alteridade
Abstract: The disruption of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the four following wars in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo, were on the news worldwide including Brazil. In this dissertation, the written press coverage of these wars in Brazil is analyzed, particularly the coverage by the Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo newspapers, based on some initial hypotheses: (a) there is a significant change on the approaches of these conflicts from cold war period to the next period, post-cold war, which abandons progressively a strategic vocabulary, for an increasing culturalistic one; (b) the press starts to emphasize supposed ontological differences among the populations in the conflicts, ratifies an existence of an We versus Them, and indicates an increasing naturalization and apoliticization of the conflicts; (c) the press updates a discursive tradition of representation of the BaIkans. For that, I tried to understand the way the written press works, how the news are produced and how the journalists operate, particularly, the Brazilian correspondents that visited the former Yugoslavia to cover the war. Throughout the research, I noticed the existence of a recurring rhetoric in the press about this wars. An ethnography of the written press - a systematic reading of the main local newspapers, an understanding of the international journalism dynamics, and the interviewing of Brazilian correspondents sent to these different wars - not only ended up confirming part of the hypothesis presented before, but also demonstrating similarities and differences between the journalism and the anthropology itself: some of them related to the use of certain concepts, and others, moreover, related to the way the press reproduces certain categories of alterity
Mestrado
Mestre em Antropologia Social
17
Levi, Dejan. « Negotiating tropes of madness : trauma and identity in post-Yugoslav cinemas ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/negotiating-tropes-of-madness-trauma-and-identity-in-postyugoslav-cinemas(70e003f1-291b-4fb4-b14a-b1ec628750c5).html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines how madness has been used in post-Yugoslav cinemas to facilitate thinking about experiences of the break-up of the SFRY throughout the 1990s and 2000s, its consequences and implications for the future. The study conceptualises post-Yugoslav film cultures as public spheres in which artistic and industrial practices are often combined to create meaning around the core themes of trauma and identity in post-Yugoslav cultures. Working with seven feature-length titles from a range of post-Yugoslav successor states (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Macedonia and Kosovo) I illustrate how images of madness have been essential in the cultural processing of events of the 1990s. Whilst featuring individuals suffering mental instabilities and disturbances, and sometimes asylums or mental health institutions, I contend such films are not ultimately concerned – on a thematic level – with mental health, but instead focus on the use of such characters in a metaphoric capacity for engaging core themes of Yugoslav break-up, conflicts, and difficulties of subsequent transition. Using the semantic/syntactic approach to genre, I identify two common ways in which madness is used on a textual level to engage these core themes. The first of these, the ‘inside-out asylum trope of madness’, is concerned with the use of the asylum in films which assess critically the dominant political ideologies of the successor states in question at a time when political pluralism was not yet established by the transition process. Films discussed include Burlesque Tragedy (Marković, 1995), Marshall Tito’s Spirit (Brešan, 1999), and Kukumi (Qosja, 2005). The second trope is the ‘multiple realities trope of madness’ in which the presentation of diegetic reality on screen is adapted to reflect various conceptualisations of trauma and loss arising from Yugoslav break-up and transition. Here the films include Loving Glances (Karanović, 2003), Fuse (Žalica, 2003), Mirage (Ristovski, 2004) and Land of Truth, Love and Freedom (Petrović, 2000). Across the films selected, it is madness which ultimately provides a diverse pool of metaphors and images for an assessment of Yugoslavia’s traumatic demise and the ensuing process of picking through the debris of its ideology, cultural practices, values and ways of living for precisely what might be salvageable and what should be discarded.
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Lichnofsky, Claudia. « Ethnienbildung von Muslimen als Abwehr von Antiziganismus ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Lebenswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17413.
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Sowohl Ägypter als auch Ashkali sind heute in der Verfassung der Republik Kosovo festgeschriebene communities mit Minderheitenrechten. Ihre Angehörige sind mehrheitlich muslimisch. Ashkali und Ägypter sind albanischsprachig während Roma meist einen der drei im Kosovo vorkommenden Dialekte des Romanes sprechen. In dieser Arbeit wurde untersucht, wie und vor welchem Hintergrund neue ethnische Identifizierungen in Konfliktgesellschaften entstehen, welche historischen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen dafür gegeben sein müssen, damit sie sich erfolgreich etablieren und was der jeweilige Vorteil für eine Identifizierung mit der einen oder der anderen Gruppe ist. Historisch-kritisch untersucht wurden schriftliche Ego-Dokumente von Ägyptern und Ashkali (Webseiten, Offene Briefe, Artikel und Monographien) sowie problemzentrierte Interviews, Statistiken, Menschenrechtsberichten und Artikel aus serbischen und kosovarischen Zeitungen. Der Zusammenhang von Antiziganismus und dem Wunsch nach Schaffung einer neuen nationalen Kategorie wurde dabei in der historischen Perspektive deutlich: in den 1960er/70er Jahren grenzten sich jugoslawische Roma von den negativen Stereotypen und ihrer Bezeichnung als „Zigeuner“ ab, promoteten die Bezeichnung ''Roma'' und vernetzten sich mit Roma anderer europäischer Ländern. Ab Ende der 1980er Jahre versuchten in Südwest-Mazedonien einige Menschen sich zu organisieren und ihr Image als „Zigeuner“ zu verlieren, ohne gleichzeitig den Albanern zugerechnet zu werden, die sich von Jugoslawien separieren wollten. Sie organisierten sich über die Republik Mazedonien und auch Jugoslawien hinaus und schafften es, in Serbien und Mazedonien als positive Alternative zur albanischen Minderheit anerkannt zu werden und ihre eigene Kategorie in der Volkszählung zu erhalten. Die Ashkali entstanden 1999 als Ausweg aus der Nachkriegs-Gewalt im Kosovo.Both Egyptians and Ashkali are formally defined as communities with minority rights in the current constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. Their members are overwhelmingly Muslim. Ashkali and Egyptians are Albanian-speaking whereas Roma tend to speak one of the three Romany dialects spoken in Kosovo. This work examined how new ethnic identifications originate in societies in conflict and the causes behind this development; the historical and political conditions that must be in place to enable these new identities to become successfully established and what the respective benefits are behind identifying with one group over another. Written autobiographical documents from Egyptians and Ashkali (web sites, open letters, articles and monographs) as well as problem-centred interviews, statistics, human rights reports and articles from Serbian and Kosovan newspapers were critically examined from a historical standpoint. The relationship between antiziganism and the desire to establish a new national ethnic grouping is evident when viewed from a historical perspective: in the 1960s and 70s the Yugoslav Roma distanced themselves from the negative stereotypes associated with the name “Zigeuner” (gypsy), promoted the name Roma and built links with Roma from other European countries. At the end of the 1980s groups in south-west Macedonia joined together to shed their “Zigeuner” (gypsy) image, creating a group distinct from the Albanians who in turn were trying to separate themselves from Yugoslavia. The groups became more organised, extending beyond the Republic of Macedonia and Yugoslavia and they succeeded in being recognised as a positive alternative to the Albanian minority in Serbia and Macedonia where they were included in the census as a separate ethnic category. The Ashkali identity was created in 1999 in response to the post-war violence in Kosovo.
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Fort, Emilie. « Serbes du Kosovo, Serbes ou Kosovars ? : analyser le rôle de l’espace de vie dans la production des identifications au sein de quatre localités serbes au Kosovo ». Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/66582.
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Cette thèse a pour objectif d’analyser le processus de construction identitaire des populations serbes au Kosovo, en s’interrogeant spécifiquement sur le rôle de l’espace de vie dans la production et la réception des identifications produites par les institutions étatiques, religieuses et d’enseignements. Les cas d’étude sélectionnés — le quartier serbe d’Orahovac et le village de Velika Hoča, le village de Štrpce et celui de Gračanica — se distinguent par des configurations spatiales différentes qui nous permettent d’analyser plus directement l’incidence de ces espaces de vie sur la production des identités. Nous avons ici choisi les narratifs comme porte d’entrée pour appréhender le processus de co-constitution entre agent et structure, à partir duquel la construction identitaire est aujourd’hui généralement conceptualisée. À l’échelle de la structure, ce sont les narratifs institutionnels qui ont été étudiés comme producteurs de représentations. À l’échelle des agents, nous avons porté une attention particulière aux gens ordinaires et à la façon dont ceux-ci reçoivent et/ou produisent des identifications. Jusqu’à présent, peu de recherches ont porté attention à l’espace de vie des gens ordinaires dans le cadre du processus de construction identitaire. Cette recherche révèle pourtant que celui-ci agit comme un médiateur à la relation agent-structure et impacte la façon dont les individus reçoivent et produisent les identifications. En ce sens, cette thèse nous amène à souligner la distinction centrale entre narratif et représentation pour aborder la construction des identifications. Elle suggère également que les identifications sont principalement une question de degré. Considérant le rôle de l’espace de vie, il apparaît que celui-ci est à la fois producteur et produit des identifications individuelles, fournissant un exemple d’interaction entre agent et structure. Cette observation conduit à discuter les compréhensions trop rigides et objectives des espaces de vie, et la marginalisation des gens ordinaires et de leur performance dans l’analyse de la construction des identités collectives.This thesis aims to analyze the process of identity building of Serbs population living in Kosovo by focusing on how the living environment impacts the production and reception of identification. For the purpose of this study, the cases were selected because of their distinguishing spatial configuration: the Serbs neighborhood of Orahovac, the village of Velika Hoča, the village of Gračanica and the village of Štrpce. In this research, we choose to address identity building through institutional and local narratives in order to examine the co-constitution process between agency and structure which is the current conceptual framework through which identity building is studied. So far, very few studies have questioned the impact of the living environment in this co-constitution process. However, this thesis reveals that the living environment mediates the agency-structure relation and impacts how individuals receive and produce identifications. We stress the need to distinguish between narrative and representation in order to study the identity building process. We also suggest that identifications are mostly a matter of degrees rather than a zero-sum process. The living environment appears both as a producer and a product of individual identification, thus being a good example of a structure-agency co-constitution. This thesis discusses the very rigid and objective comprehension of the living environments as well as the marginalization of ordinary people and the ways through which they perform collective identity.
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Marques, Ivan Contente. « Intervenções humanitarias : aspectos politicos, morais e juridicos de um conceito em (trans)formação ». [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281494.
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Orientador: Andrei KoernerDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T01:52:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marques_IvanContente_M.pdf: 767815 bytes, checksum: 6ec7092e0e762c66283af8c6bcc55128 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a estudar os debates acerca das intervenções humanitárias e sua relação com os conceitos de legalidade e legitimidade nas relações internacionais. Para isso, partiremos do início desta discussão que ocorreu antes da formação e da consolidação dos Estados nacionais e o fortalecimento do princípio da soberania, e passaremos pelos impactos causados pela nova ordem jurídica internacional criada pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Isso trará subsídios para a análise da situação do combate às crises humanitárias nos anos 1990 sob a ótica da intervenção. Como exemplo da atuação do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, investigaremos dois casos emblemáticos de intervenções humanitárias deste período: o genocídio de Ruanda, em 1994, e os ataques da OTAN no Kosovo, em 1999. Dessa forma, levantaremos o entendimento atual sobre o tema, demonstrando o dilema entre o dever moral de salvar vidas em risco e o impedimento legal de fazê-lo dado o sistema jurídico internacional vigente. Por fim, apresentaremos a teoria ¿Responsabilidade de Proteger¿ que tem a pretensão de dar respostas ao problema da aceitação das intervenções humanitárias como prática legítima nas relações internacionais
Abstract: This work proposes to study the debates on humanitarian intervention and its relation with concepts of validity and legitimacy on international relations. For that, it will start from the beginning of this discussion which occurred before the constitution and consolidation of national states and the strengthen of the sovereignty principle, and goes through the impacts caused by the new international legal order created by the United Nations. This will support the analysis of the humanitarian crisis in the 90's under the optic of intervention. As an example of the United Nations Security Council performance, it will investigate two emblematic cases of humanitarian intervention of the period: Rwanda's genocide, in 1994, and NATO¿s air strikes on Kosovo, in 1999. From this perspective, it will rise the present understanding on this issue, bringing up the dilemma between the moral duty of saving lives jeopardized by the scourge of war and the legal bar of doing it considering the international legal system in vigor. At last, it will present the ¿responsibility to protect¿ theory which intends to provide solutions to the problem of acceptance of humanitarian intervention as a legitimate practice on international relations
Mestrado
Instituições, Processos e Atores
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Ba, Oumar. « La politisation des partis à caractère ethnique dans les pays postcommunistes d’Europe Centrale et Orientale : une comparaison des trajectoires de la Bulgarie, la Serbie, le Monténégro et le Kosovo ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40052.
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Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’
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Quiroz, Ahumada Sebastián Hernán. « La independencia unilateral de un estado y el derecho internacional vigente : independencia de Kosovo ». Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2009. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/106953.
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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)Como primer paso en nuestra búsqueda nos ocuparemos de establecer un marco teórico general, a fin de poder situarnos adecuadamente en el contexto dentro del cual se desarrollará la investigación. Así en el primer capítulo se indica a rasgos generales qué es un Estado, entendido como sujeto de derecho internacional, y de qué manera éste llega a ser tal. En particular cuáles son las vías conocidas y aceptadas como formativas del mismo y cuál es el rol que juega hoy en día la institución del reconocimiento de nuevos Estados. A continuación, en los capítulos segundo y tercero, analizaremos la secesión como vía de nacimiento de un Estado. Bajo este acápite, más allá de establecer qué es la secesión y cómo es que ésta llega a constituir una vía formativa del Estado, discutiremos la eventual existencia de un derecho por parte de un grupo o sector de la población de un Estado, consagrado jurídicamente, que les permita, si esa es su voluntad, separarse de la entidad a la que política y jurídicamente pertenecen, a fin de crear una nueva, en plena libertad e independencia. Ello nos llevará a estudiar la relación entre dos principios fundamentales del derecho internacional vigente, los que con el paso de los años, y en particular durante el período posterior a la segunda guerra mundial, se han perfilado como piedras angulares del orden internacional y su normativa positiva. Nos referimos a los principios de la libre determinación y la integridad territorial de un Estado. Por último en el cuarto capítulo nos avocaremos a discutir la situación particular de Kosovo y sus efectos. En él y a base tanto del análisis jurídico y normativo precedente, así como en atención a las circunstancias concretas que rodearon la decisión adoptada en Pristina, buscaremos dilucidar cuál es la posición concreta del derecho internacional en relación a la independencia unilateral de esta pequeña región de los Balcanes.
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Nogues, Thierry. « Les dynamiques identitaires et conflictuelles de l'échange interprofessionnel : le cas de la coopération entre soldats et gendarmes français au Kosovo ». Rennes 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003REN20039.
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Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, la profession militaire connaît des mutations majeures qui transforment le cadre d'exercice des métiers de l'armée de Terre voués au combat. Parmi les mutations les plus saillantes que nous retiendrons, il y a le fait qu'en premier lieu, les militaires de l'armée de Terre n'ont plus d'ennemis clairement identifiés ; en deuxième lieu, que l'action opérationnelle des forces armées françaises s'exerce dorénavant dans le cadre multinational et interarmées des opérations de maintien de la paix ; en troisième lieu, que les unités projetées se caractérisent par leur organisation modulaire et interarmes, ces unités formant des groupements opérationnels de circonstances ; en quatrième lieu, qu'ils doivent désormais assurer des missions qui s'apparentent à des actions de police dont la finalité est d'assurer la sécurité publique ou même le maintien de l'ordre, seul ou à l'appui de gendarmes mobiles ou de policiers internationaux onusiens. A ce titre, les missions accomplies par les professions à statut militaire au Kosovo situent un des cadres inhabituels qui nous intéressent tout particulièrement dans le cadre de ce travail de terrain. Cette recherche se donne comme objectif d'étudier en quoi les situations de coopération entre soldats, gendarmes et policiers internationaux nous éclairent sur les transformations des identités professionnellesThis research focuses on the frameworks and forms of cooperation between the military and police forces that work to keep the peace and law and order in Kosovo. In reality, the scenario maintained in Kosovo by Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council is not so much that of keeping the peace, but more ambitiously of its enforcement. This objective implies the reconstruction of the institutions that must ensure democratic transition and, at the very least, a change of regime. It also establishes that the collective safety missions will be gradually transferred from the army and the international police, the strong heterogeneity of the skills of the international police officers and, finally, a complex and often conflicting distribution of the military and police responsibilities in terms of ways to conceive the maintenance of law and order. That is why, when the member states of the European Union decided to acquire, for 2003, a targeted police force of 5,000, stemming from and provided by Union-15, it is interesting to study, in an overall reflection on matters concerning security and the maintenance of the order in Europe, the terms of cooperation between international military (NATO) and police (UN) forces who are then substituted for the failing local police forces. Finally, the research gives itself the goal to exam the transformations of military identity in such situations
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Thibault, Simon. « Les réformes des systèmes médiatiques de la Bosnie-Herzégovine et du Kosovo, et les approches des responsables internationaux chargés de les mettre en œuvre ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA062.
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Durant les opérations de reconstruction qui ont eu lieu à la suite des conflits en Bosnie-Herzégovine (1992-1995) et au Kosovo (1998-1999), d’importants moyens ont été déployés par des organisations internationales pour réformer les espaces médiatiques bosnien et kosovar en vue de les dépolitiser. Ces réformes visaient notamment la création d’instances de réglementation des médias et la transformation du secteur de la radiodiffusion, qui s’avérait problématique en raison de la présence de médias relayant des discours incitant leur auditoire à la haine ethnique ou religieuse. Ces initiatives en matière de réglementation des médias et de réforme du secteur de la radiodiffusion ont nécessité des investissements considérables. Elles ont aussi généré des débats animés, qui ont révélé des divergences importantes entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus de réforme. En Bosnie, par exemple, l’élaboration de la loi relative au système de radiodiffusion publique a provoqué des échanges acrimonieux entre les responsables du Bureau du Haut Représentant et l’ambassade américaine. Au Kosovo, les initiatives de réglementation de la presse kosovare menées par l’OSCE et l’ONU ont été vivement critiquées par des ONG de défense de la presse qui les associaient à de la censure.Comment expliquer ces débats qui dévoilent différentes philosophies d’intervention en matière de réforme des médias? En procédant à une étude des théories normatives de la presse et de la littérature spécialisée, nous avons élaboré deux idéaux-types : l’« approche américaine » et l’« approche ouest-européenne ». Les caractéristiques de ces deux concepts idéal-typiques nous ont permis d’analyser les données recueillies durant notre recherche, incluant 50 entrevues, dont plusieurs avec des acteurs diplomatiques qui ont été au cœur de ces processus de réforme. Ce faisant, nous avons construit quatre propositions qui dévoilent les principales conclusions avancées dans cette thèse. Nous suggérons notamment que les approches des acteurs impliqués dans les processus de réforme des médias en Bosnie et au Kosovo peuvent être éclairées par certaines normes dominantes des environnements médiatiques aux États-Unis et en Europe de l’Ouest, ce qui permet une meilleure compréhension de leurs débats et leurs divergencesDuring the interventions that followed the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995) and in Kosovo (1998-1999), important resources were engaged by international organizations to reform the Bosnian and Kosovan media space. These reforms were aimed at the depoliticization of the media environment through the establishment of media regulatory bodies and the transformation of the broadcasting sector, which had caused concern due to the presence of propagandist media that were inciting ethnic and religious hatred.Media regulatory and broadcasting reforms implemented in Bosnia and Kosovo required significant investments. Most interestingly, these reforms caused heated debates that revealed significant differences of view among the actors involved. In Bosnia, for instance, the development of a law targeting the public broadcasting system generated a sometimes acrimonious debate between the Office of the High Representative in Bosnia and the American embassy. In Kosovo, initiatives to regulate the media by the OSCE mission and the United Nations were vigorously criticized by NGOs defending freedom of the press, arguing that such measures amounted to censoring of the media. How can we explain these debates, which reveal different intervention philosophies with regards to media reforms? In light of an analysis of the normative theories of the press and of the relevant scientific literature, we have developed two ideal-types: the “American approach” and the “West-European approach”. These two concepts facilitated the analysis of the data collected during this doctoral research. The data included the information gathered from fifty interviews, many of which were conducted with policy makers and diplomats that played a key role in these reforms. The data collection and analysis, achieved through an iterative process, allowed us to develop four propositions, which reveal the main findings of this research. We suggest, among other things, that the approaches of the actors involved in the media reform processes in Bosnia and Kosovo can be explained in light of some of the media environments’ dominant norms in the United States and in Western Europe, which clarifies in turn the different perspectives of these actors and the debates that resulted
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Shala, Sabiha. « L'intégration de la République du Kosovo à l'Union Européenne ». Thesis, Nice, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NICE0048.
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La présente thèse porte sur l’adhésion de la République du Kosovo à l’Union européenne. Cette étude sert d'une analyse comparative sur le cas de la République du Kosovo et les autres pays de Balkans occidentaux dans le processus de l’adhésion à l’Union européenne (La Croatie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, la Serbie, l’Albanie, le Monténégro et la Macédoine). Cet analyse confronte la question pour quoi la République du Kosovo est le denier (derrière) pays dans ce processus par rapport aux autres pays des Balkans Occidentaux d’un côté, et la question ce que la République du Kosovo doit faire afin d’attraper ces pays dans le processus d’intégration européenne de l’autre côté. Le lecteur va apprendre pour quoi l’avancement de la République du Kosovo dans ce processus dépendre largement de l’approche de l’UE vers la République du Kosovo? Qu’est ce que les institutions de la République du Kosovo ont déjà fait pour avancer ce processus et ce qu’elles doivent faire en avenir? En conclusion, la thèse détermine que la perspective européenne pour la République du Kosovo est centaine mais le moment de son adhésion dépendra de l’accomplissement des critères d’adhésion à l’UE de la part des institutions kosovares d’un côté, et de l’intérêt ou l’engagement de l’UE pour l’adhésion de ce pays à ses structure de l’autre côté. En ce qui concerne l’intérêt ou l’engagement de l’UE, il est argumenté qu’elle doit s’engager sérieusement pour convaincre ses cinq pays membres (la Grèce, la Roumanie, la Slovaquie, l‘Espagne, et la Chypre) qui n’ont pas encore reconnu l’indépendance de la République du Kosovo de le faire plus vite que possible comme ce défit bloque les étape de son adhésionThis thesis focuses on the accession of the Republic of Kosovo to the European Union. This study serves as a comparative analysis on case of the Republic of Kosovo and others countries of Western Balkans in the process of accession to the European Union (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Albania, Montenegro and Macedonia). This analysis confronts the question why the Republic of Kosovo is lacking behind on this process in comparison to the other countries of the Western Balkans on the one side, and the question what should the Republic of Kosovo do in order to catch these countries in this process on the other side. The reader will learn why the advancement of the Republic of Kosovo in the process depends largely on the approach of the European Union towards the Republic of Kosovo? And, What Kosovo institutions have already done to advance this process and what they have to do in future in this aspect? In conclusion, the thesis determines that the European perspective for the Republic of Kosovo is unquestionable but the moment of its accession to the European Union depends on the completion of EU accession criteria by the Kosovo institutions on the one side, and interest or commitment of the European Union for the accession of this country to its structure on the other side. Regarding the interest or commitment of the European Union, it is argued that European Union must be engaged seriously to convince its five member states (Greece, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, and Cyprus) which have not yet recognized the independence of the Republic of Kosovo to do so, as soon as possible, as this blocks each phase of its accession
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Hajrullahu, Arben. « Langfristiger Frieden am Westbalkan durch EU-Integration : der EU-Integrationsprozess als Chance für die Überwindung des serbisch-kosovarischen Konfliktes ». Baden-Baden Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=016283132&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
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Holopírková, Petra. « Western Balkans and Austrian position on the EU integration of Western Balkans ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-4952.
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Rozbor oficiálních stanovisek EU k rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu (Chorvatsko, Makedonie, Černá Hora, Albánie, BiH, Srbsko, nově Kosovo) ukazuje na zdrženlivost EU k vlastnímu aktu přijetí. Přes všechna prohlášení o vůli přijmout tyto země, tato vyjádření zůstávají spíše proklamací, bez vyhlášení konkrétních dat přijetí těchto zemí do společenství. Na rozdíl od Rakouska, která jako jediná země EU deklaruje co nejrychlejší rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu přímo ve vládním programu jako prioritu své zahraniční politiky. Motivace Rakouska je založena na důkladné ekonomické analýze situace, kdy Rakouské investice do těchto zemí jsou nejvyšší ze všech zemí EU. Mezi Rakouskem a zeměmi Západního Balkánu a Rakouskem probíhá čilý obchod i pohyb osob, na který ostatní země EU nejsou ještě připraveny. Překážkou rychlého přijetí se tedy jeví důvody povahy nikoliv ekonomické, ale politické. Evropská unie se shoduje na roku 2008 jako na roku klíčovém v přístupových jednáních. V době publikace této práce ovšem EU nebyla s to jako celek schválit nezávislost Kosova. Minimálně tento bod zůstává otevřen k dořešení v roce 2008 spolu s dalšími body týkajícími se příštího rozšíření. EU má v této chvíli (duben 2008) jasno, že favorizovanými kandidáty pro přístup jsou Chorvatsko, Makedonie a Albánie, zatím bez konkrétního data přístupu.
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Roux, Michel. « Minorité nationale, territoire et développement : les Albanais en Yougoslavie ». Toulouse 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990TOU20002.
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Ce travail etudie conjointement la question de l'integration nationale de la minorite albanaise dans la formation sociale yougoslave et celle du developpement des regions ou cette minorite est implantee, considerant ces deux ordres de problemes comme interdependants. La partie procede a un approfondissement theorique a propos des concepts de minorite nationale et de developpement et de leur application au contexte yougoslave. La seconde delimite l'aire de peuplement albanais, en presente les caracteristiques geographiques, l'identifie comme une aire de sous-developpement paroxystique, etudie les modes de contact des albanais avec leurs voisins et les compare a ceux-ci, notamment du point de vue demographique. La 3e partie rend compte de la formation historique de cette situation de minorite et des racines du sous-developpement regional accentue. La 4e partie evalue l'experience yougoslave de developpement regional appliquee a ce terrain, examine ses resultats et les polemiques engendrees par ses echecs. La derniere partie traite de la crise des annees 80, crise socio-economique et institutionnelle en yougoslavie, crise politique et conflit entre groupes nationaux dans l'aire etudiee, particulierement au kosovo. Cette crise bloque et inverse aussi bien les processus d'integration nationale que la dynamique du developpement regionalThe purpose of this research is to study the problems of national integration of the albanian minority within the yugoslav society and the development problems of the area inhabited by this minority, considering that these two questions are linked together. The first part examines the concepts of national minority and development and the problems we meet when applying them to the yugoslav context. The second part delimits the albanian inhabited regions in yugoslavia, describes their main geographical features, identifies them as the most underdevelopped area of the whole country, then examines the types of contact between the albanians and their neighbours and compares them with these people, specially from a demographic point of view. The third part explains how the albanians became a national minority in serbia, later in yugoslavia, and deals with the historical background of the present day underdevelopment. The fourth part examines the yugoslav regional development policy experiment, its results and the polemics which arose about its failure to resolve the economic and social problems of the albanian inhabited regions. The last part deals with the crisis of the eighties, both as a general crisis in yugoslavia and as a political and inter-ethnic one in the albanian inhabited area, specially in the kosovo province. This crisis is now stopping and reversing the national integration and regional
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Puric, Melisa. « Operation Allied Force : A critical discourse analysis of how Serbian newspapers reported the NATO intervention in the Kosovo conflict ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-190171.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Kofi Annan- a Ghanaian diplomat who served as the seventh Secretary-General of the United Nations, posed a question on moral and ethics in the international society, “...if humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an unacceptable assault on sovereignty, how should we respond to a Rwanda, to a Srebrenica – to gross and systematic violations of human rights that affect every precept of our common humanity?”. Upon answering this question of moral obligation, one must first turn to the self. The purpose of this study is thus by using the case study of NATO interventions in Serbia, find understanding of the construct of national identity in relation to foreign affairs affecting domestic stature and the stance against the domestic nations action. By using the method of critical discourse analysis within the post-structuralist theory, three main discursive positions, tensions and struggles have been identified that the NATO-bombings have given rise to in the Serbian context. It is studied how these discursive framings are depicted in Serbian newspapers, and discussed in relation to national self.
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Styrenius, Carl-Henrik. « Kosovokonflikten som strategisk duell : en studie och diskussion av USA:s indirekta strategi mot Serbien före Allied Force ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1826.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Uppsatsens syfte har varit att med stöd av André Beaufres teori om den totala strategin beskrivaoch analysera främst USA:s agerande under det förlopp som ledde fram till Kosovokriget 1999.Det studerade materialet har till övervägande del haft amerikansk härstamning vilket naturligtvisinneburit att en viss försiktighet har måst iakttas med avseende på resultatet av analysen.Oberoende källor har därför använts för att kontrollera resultatet av parternas åtgärder när så harvarit möjligt. Undersökningen har, efter en rekonstruktion av händelseförloppet, syftat till attanalysera USA:s strategiska målsättning i Kosovokonflikten och åtgärder för att uppnå dennaliksom de serbiska motåtgärder dessa genererade. Analysen har visat på handlingsfrihetenscentrala betydelse för såväl möjliga val av strategisk målsättning som förmågan att uppnå denna.Within the framework of André Beaufres’ theory of total strategy, the aim of thisessay has been to describe and analyse chiefly the United States’ actions during theyear prior to the war in Kosovo, which took place in 1999. The analysed sources havemainly been of American origin, which naturally has had consequences for thereliability of my findings. Independent sources, in the form of official documents,have therefore been used to ascertain the result of the parties’ actions. Afterestablishing the course of events it has been the object of the research to analyse thestrategic objectives of the United States and the actions it took to achieve these, aswell as the resulting Serb counter-actions. The analysis has clearly indicated thefundamental function that freedom of action has for the ability to choose strategicobjectives and to facilitate their achievement.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03
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Řehořová, Veronika. « Transformace západního Balkánu se zvláštním důrazem na roli Stabilizačního a asociačního procesu ». Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124998.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation thesis is focused on the analysis of changing relations between the Western Balkan countries (WB) and the European Union (EU) against background of actual transformation processes in these countries. The Western Balkans represents a group of countries which were not part of so-called Eastern Enlargement of the EU, but are also slowly heading towards the EU. The EU distinguishes three groups of countries within the WB: Croatia has become an acceding country; then here is a group of candidate countries (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Montenegro, Serbia), and the last group is formed by so-called potential candidate countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo). All of these above mentioned countries are part of the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) which nowadays represents the core of the Enlargement Policy of the EU and stands for the main research topic of this thesis. The thesis also comprehends the history of the enlargement process of the EU and the basic theoretical concepts of the (EU) enlargement. The "transformation" chapter includes a theoretical grounding too. Three hypotheses were verified (mainly) by results of transformation, evaluation of Copenhagen criteria by the European Commission, and by the statistical methods (Principal Components Analysis and Cluster Analysis) based on a number of economic and demographic indicators.
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Mislimi, Elma, et Eljesa Ajeti. « Minority rights in Kosovo : A case study on Torbeshis experiences ». Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-53194.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ever since Kosovo’s declared Independence in 2008, the nation has opted for a multi-ethnic approach by adopting a legal framework that contains several laws promoting and protecting minority rights, although these have remained rather stagnant in implementation. The minorities in Kosovo have furthermore been affected by the Serb-Albanian relations and inter-ethnic tensions by creating divisions and societal challenges. The purpose of this study is to examine the current situation for minorities in Kosovo, along with studying the limitations and possibilities of the implementation of minority rights and societal opportunities. Additionally, this is a case study based on the experiences and views of Torbeshis being a minority in Kosovo which exemplifies the situation of how minority rights are expressed in a social and political context. The methodological approach of semi-structured interviews was applied which provided the primary data consisting of empirical findings and results from interviews. The data was then analyzed with the assistance of the theoretical framework of social constructivism, along with the intersectionality concept as a complementary tool with an applied narrative analysis. The results indicated that the inadequate implementation of rights is the common denominator concerning minorities' situation, possibilities, limitations and experiences. The focus of the international community on Serb-Albanian relations has further shifted the attention from minority issues. Although the legislative framework is advanced, minorities generally seem to face more limitations than possibilities, with potential for a positive turn. Minorities face limitations such as security concerns, freedom of movement caused by linguistic obstacles, together with restricted participation and access in political life. The Torbeshis face similar issues as mentioned, together with forms of discrimination, ethnic redefinition, assimilation and interrelationship between to major ethnic groups.Sedan Kosovos förklarade självständighet 2008 antog konstitutionen en lagstiftningsram innehållande flera lagar som främjar och skyddar minoritetsrättigheter, men trots implementeringen har dessa lagar förblivit relativt stillastående i praktiken. Kosovo definierar därmed sig själva som ett multietniskt samhälle i samband med fastställandet av dessa lagar. Minoriteterna i Kosovo har dessutom påverkats av Kosovos efterkrigstid och den Serbisk-Albanska dynamiken där spänningar mellan etniska grupper förekommer i landet och skapar diverse splittringar och samhällsutmaningar för minoriteterna. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka den aktuella situationen för minoriteter i Kosovo, tillsammans med de existerande begränsningar och möjligheter som finns för implementeringen av minoritetsrättigheter och samhällsmöjligheter. Studien tillämpar en fallstudie som utvärderar Torbesjers erfarenheter av att vara en minoritet, vilket illustrerar hur den nuvarande situationen av minoritetsrättigheter uttrycks i en viss social och politisk kontext. Det metodologiska tillvägagångssättet som tillämpas är semistrukturerade intervjuer och utgör det primära materialet bestående av resultat från intervjuer samt empirisk data. Datan analyserades sedan med hjälp av det teoretiska ramverket social konstruktivism med intersektionalitetskonceptet som ett kompletterande verktyg, och slutligen applicerades en narrativ analys för att behandla datan. Resultatet av studien visar på att den otillräckliga implementeringen av rättigheterna är den gemensamma nämnaren när det kommer till minoriteters situation, möjligheter, begränsningar och erfarenheter. Det omfattande fokus som läggs på relationen mellan serber och albaner av det internationella samfundet skiftar ytterligare uppmärksamhet från minoritetsfrågorna. Trots den avancerade lagstiftningsramen verkar minoriteter i Kosovo möta fler begränsningar än möjligheter, med potential för en positiv förändring. De begränsningar som minoriteter bemöter i Kosovo är säkerhetsproblem, rörelsefrihet, språkliga hinder, samt ett begränsat deltagande och tillgång i det politiska klimatet. Torbesjer står inför liknande problem, tillsammans med former av diskriminering, etnisk omdefiniering, assimilering och ett mellanförskap i förhållande till de etniska majoriteterna i landet.
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Mazreku, Egzon. « Från en förtryckt provins till ett självständigt land : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av Svenska Dagbladets rapportering under kriget i Kosovo ». Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-36731.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Syftet med uppsatsen är via kvalitativ innehållsanalys undersöka vad Svenska Dagbladet rapporterade om kriget i Kosovo, samt hur kriget gestaltades via ledarsidorna under krigets samtid. Jag har delat upp kriget i 4 perioder. Under varje period presenteras vad som stod på agendan i tidningen om just Kosovokriget. Sedan analyserades de två första ledarsidorna under varje period. För att besvara min första frågeställning tillämpades dagordningsteorin; Vad presenteras på dagordningen i Svenska Dagbladet om kriget i Kosovo, samt hur rapporteringen skiljde sig över tid. Till den andra frågeställningen tillämpades gestaltningsteorin; Hur framställer (gestaltar) Svenska Dagbladet sina nyheter om kriget i Kosovo via ledarsidorna? Via databasen retriver.se har jag samlat mitt empiri.
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Kuntzsch, Felix. « The violent politics of nationalism : identity and legitimacy in Palestine, Kosovo and Québec ». Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/25036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dans cette thèse, je montre que la violence est un moyen utilisé par certains militants nationalistes pour persuader le public, à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la nation, de l’inévitabilité de leur projet politique. Ce que je nomme la politique violente du nationalisme est essentiellement une lutte pour la légitimité. En défiant les autorités, les militants recourent à une stratégie de provocation. En effet, la violence politique est susceptible de provoquer une répression qui justifie leurs affirmations et contribue à priver l’État de sa légitimité. Cependant, une telle légitimation est fondée sur une transformation de l’identité collective, c’est-à-dire de la perception que la population concernée a d’elle-même. La nation, pour justifier les militants, doit paraître combative et intransigeante. L’escalade de violence a donc une dimension productive en ce qu’elle façonne la nation. Ce que je conceptualise comme le mécanisme de l’escalade provoquée constitue la pierre angulaire d’un double processus, celui de légitimation politique et de transformation identitaire. Les militants ressortent d’un tel processus en représentants légitimes de la nation, ce qui les aide ensuite à s’assurer du soutien de tierces parties. Afin d’étayer cette idée, je propose un cadre théorique résumant mon approche à la fois stratégique et constructiviste. Ce cadre est ensuite appliqué dans trois études de cas : les conflits nationalistes en Palestine, au Kosovo et au Québec. Je retrace l’évolution de chacun de ces mouvements nationalistes et le rôle qu’y ont joué les principaux groupes armés impliqués, soit le Fatah/OLP, l’UÇK et le FLQ. J’identifie dans chacun la présence du processus que mon cadre théorique met en évidence et j’analyse, à partir des récits historiques, l’impact que le recours à la violence a eu sur ces projets nationalistes, particulièrement en ce qui concerne la transformation identitaire et la légitimité des militants. Je constate la valeur heuristique de mon approche pour ces cas disparates et, à travers eux, je perçois une co-variation entre l’intensité de la violence et ses effets transformateurs sur l’identité, ainsi que la légitimité acquise par les militants. En outre, dans ces trois cas, l’action militante a contribué à rapprocher l’identité politique des frontières politiques.In this thesis, I argue that violence is a means used by militant nationalists to persuade their audiences both within and without the nation of the inexorable nature of their nationalist project. What I call the violent politics of nationalism is essentially a struggle for legitimacy. The militants’ armed strategy, I assert, is one of provocation. Political violence is likely to provoke state repression. Where it does so, it vindicates nationalist claims and helps to wrest political legitimacy from the state. Yet, such legitimation is based on a transformation of collective identity, that is, people’s self-perception. The nation, in order to legitimize the militants, has to take a combative and uncompromising look. The intentional escalation of violence thus has a productive effect in that it determines what the people, as a nation, are. The mechanism of provoked escalation constitutes the building block of what I conceptualize as the combined process of political legitimation and identity transformation. When this dynamic is set in motion, militants emerge as the legitimate representatives of their nation which, in turn, helps them to secure the support of third parties. In order to substantiate my argument, I present a theoretical framework summarizing my approach, which I call strategic constructivist. The framework is then applied to a set of three case studies, namely, the nationalist conflicts in Palestine, Kosovo and Québec. I focus on the evolution of the respective nationalist movements and the role played in them by the relevant armed groups, that is, Fatah/PLO, the KLA, and the FLQ. Across these widely disparate cases, I trace the process that my framework highlights. The three historical narratives analyze the impact the use of violence had on the different nationalist projects in terms of identity transformation and the legitimation of militants at home and abroad. I find that my framework offers heuristic purchase in all three cases and that across them the intensity of violence co-varies with its identity-shaping effect and the level of legitimacy the militants achieved. Also, in all three cases militant action contributed to making political identities and political boundaries converge.
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Pistrick, Eckehard. « Chanter la Nostalgie : émigration, culture et créativité en Albanie du Sud ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100195.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La thèse propose une approche culturelle du phénomène de la migration albanaise fondée sur une méthodologie interdisciplinaire recourant à l’historiographie, l‘ethnomusicologie, l’anthropologie des émotions, l’anthropologie de la mémoire et de l‘absence. La recherche est basée sur un travail de terrain en Albanie du Sud, particulièrement entre 2007-2012 dans les régions où la tradition de chanter à plusieurs voix est encore vive. Le focus principal de ces missions fut les fêtes de villages pendant les Pâques et au mois d’août, occasion pour des milliers de migrants albanais d‘Italie et de Grèce de retourner dans leur village d’origine. La problématique principale de la thèse concerne les divers relations entre la migration vécue et imaginée et le chant. On a suivi les processus de création du chant et la „traduction“ de l’experience de migration en émotionnalité et en vocalité. A cette fin on a choisi une approche strictement émique en suivant les discours des chanteurs et les discussions entre ces derniers et leurs destinataires. Dans la discussion sur la „naissance du chant“ on a mis en évidence quelques concepts cruciaux indispensables à la création d’un chant d’exil (këngë kurbeti). C’est en premier lieu le concept de përjetoj („vivre l’experience“) qui rend possible et légitimise cet acte de création. Pendant la performance, deux autres concepts sont importants: „chanter la vérité“ et „pleurer en chantant“. Ont été cérnés les concepts émotionnels en usage en Albanie rurale, le développement historique du phénomène de la migration, la ritualité de la migration, et les processus de la mémorisation de la migration. Au centre de la thèse figurent les discours locaux et la performance de la musique en acteThis thesis, based on extensive fieldwork in South Albania between 2007-2012, proposes a cultural, performance-centred approach for studying Albanian migration in past and present. Migration is discussed both as a lived reality and an imaginary representation. Local village feasts occupy a central place in this discussion as highly symbolic events in which the social and cultural shift between remaining villagers and returning migrants becomes prominently visible. This contradictory reality is approached by applying an anthropology of absence and by discussing migration as seen through local narratives. The notion of absence is of particular importance as it generates a spatial, social and sonic nostalgia (mall), which becomes prominently visible in everyday life. This nostalgia is not understood as a depressing mental state which impeeds action, but as mobilizing creative energy. The thesis examines the creative processes for „translating“ migration experience into an emotionalised vocality following a stricly emic approach. For local singers the concept of „living through“ (përjetoj) is central, as it provides them with the legitimacy to sing about it. This holds particularly true for migration songs (këngë kurbeti) which possess a vital social and emotional function. They contain elements of two juxtaposed categories: those of song (këngë) and those of lament (vajtim). What singers and audiences define as a migration song, is largely subjective and contextual. Consequently we propose to describe migration songs either as a hybrid repertoire or a „performative category“. The second term implies that the very meaning of the song is constructed in the moment of its performance.In a final part the multiple links between death and migration are discussed, exemplified by the tragedy of Otranto in 1997, an accident which caused the death of several migrants. Death as permanent absence, and migration as temporary absence considered as a metaphorical extension of death coincide here in an emblematic case
Diese Promotion versucht, basierend auf ethnologischen Feldforschungen in Südalbanien zwischen 2007 und 2012, eine kulturelle Perspektive auf das Phänomen Migration in Albanien zu eröffnen. Dabei wird Migration sowohl als gelebte Alltagsrealität, als auch als eine mentale Konstruktion betrachtet. Lokale Dorffeste nehmen in dieser Diskussion als symbolisch besetze Orte der sozialen Auseinandersetzung über Konzepte wie Tradition, Modernität und Authentizität eine zentrale Rolle ein. Gleichzeitig werden in ihnen die sozialen und kulturellen Brüche zwischen verbliebener Dorfbevölkerung und den zu diesen Anlässen heimkehrenden Migranten sichtbar. Methodologisch wurde diese widersprüchliche Realität durch die „Anthropology of Absence“ einer näheren Untersuchung unterzogen. Zudem wurde Migration aus dem Blickwinkel individueller Narrative betrachtet. Das Konzept der „Abwesenheit“ ist für den Fall Albaniens von entscheidender Bedeutung, da es räumliche, soziale und klangliche Nostalgie (mall) definiert, die im Alltagsleben omnipräsent ist. Diese Nostalgie erweist sich nicht als hinderliches Element, sondern als eine Quelle der Inspiration für lokale Musiker. Sie aktiviert Prozesse der „Übersetzung“ von Migrationserfahrung in Emotionalität und in Gesangspraktiken. Für lokale Sänger steht beim Schaffensprozess das „durchleben“ (përjetoj) der Migrationserfahrung am Anfang eines Liedes. Diese Erfahrung verleiht ihnen die nötige Autorität um in authentischer Art und Weise über Migration zu singen. Das dabei entstehende Migrationslied (këngë kurbeti) besitzt wichtige emotionale und soziale Funktionen für die Dorfgemeinschaft, die in der Arbeit diskutiert werden. Musikalisch handelt es sich um ein Repertoire, das sich zwischen den grundsätzlich entgegengesetzten Polen von Lied (këngë) und Totenklage (vajtim) bewegt. Aus der vergleichenden Analyse von verschiedenen Aufführungskontexten für Migrationslieder geht hervor, dass die Einordnung eines Liedes als Migrationslied von subjektiven Perspektiven und dem jeweiligen Aufführungskontext abhängig ist. Der Begriff „performative category“ wird daher vorgeschlagen um diese Gruppe von Liedern näher zu definieren.Im abschließenden Teil werden die engen Beziehungen zwischen Tod und Migration als Formen der permanenten bzw. temporären Abwesenheit am Beispiel der Tragödie von Otranto 1997 untersucht. Die Koinzidenz von Migration und Tod führte in diesem Fall zu einer kulturellen Reaktion und zur Schaffung zahlreicher Lieder, in denen sich Migration als „nationale Mythengeschichte“ wiederfindet
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Butters, Michelle. « Genocide Prevention through Changing the United Nations Security Council Power of Veto ». The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2386.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1948 the international community in reaction to the horrors of the holocaust sought to eradicate genocide forever by creating the 'Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. This Convention criminalised the preparation and act of genocide by international law, making all individuals accountable irrelevant of status or sovereignty. But the Convention has not been enough to deter the act of genocide from occurring again, and again, and again. Worst, the international community has been slow to react to cases of genocide. The problem with preventing and punishing genocide is hindered by the power and right of veto held by permanent members of the UNSC. The UNSC has been given the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and is the only entity that can mandate an intervention that overrides the principle of non-intervention. The aim of this thesis is to show that the veto has been a crucial factor in stopping the prevention of genocide, thus it is imperative that the veto change. This study argues that to effectively prevent and punish genocide the veto needs to be barred from use in cases of genocide. It looks at different cases since the Armenian genocide during WWI through to the Darfur genocide which is still in process. The case of Armenia is significant because for the first time, members of the international community were prepared to hold leaders of another state accountable for their treatment of their own citizens. However the collective will to bring justice to those accountable waned coming to an abrupt end in 1923. The holocaust followed in WWII; six million Jews died, and numerous other groups were targeted under the Nazi's serial genocide. The shock of the holocaust led to the Genocide Convention. But thirty years later during the Cold War, Cambodia became embroiled in a genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. The international community silently stood by. The USSR, China, and the US all had their reasons to stay out of Cambodia, from supporting a regime with a likeminded political ideology to war weariness from Vietnam. In the 1990s, genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Kosovo) followed. The former was neglected by the US's unwillingness to be involved in another peacekeeping disaster. The two genocides in the former Yugoslavia were affected by Russia and China's reluctance to use military force even after the clear failure of serial negotiations. Finally, in 2003 Darfur became the latest tragedy of genocide. Again, Russia and China have been timid of calling the conflict genocide thus avoiding any affirmative action to stop it. These cases all show that where one state is unwilling to be involved in stopping genocide, their right and power to the veto stops or delays the international community from preventing and punishing genocide, regardless of whether the veto is used or merely seen as a threat. Therefore, for future prevention of genocide, the veto needs to be changed to prevent its use in times of genocide.
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DE, FRANCO Chiara. « War by images : from Kosovo to Afghanistan ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10442.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 4 February 2008Examining Board: Pier Paolo Giglioli (Univ. Bologna), Fritz Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor), Martin Shaw (Univ. Sussex), Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In the most classical way and a less than original strategy in International Relations, this research is about power, the sources of power, and power relations. However, the unit of analysis is all but classical; on the contrary, this is something which is still an unusual presence within the discipline: the mass media. This research, indeed, aims at understanding if, how, and why the news international television networks (and CNN in particular) had power over the political and military decision-making during NATO’s intervention in Kosovo and Operation Enduring Freedom. Having analysed the existing literature to clarify concepts and theories which explain media power during international conflicts, I advanced my criticisms and presented my hypotheses about media power, and its sources, in order to develop a theoretical framework on which I could ground the empirical part of the research. It has been clarified, therefore, that the international news networks have: a) Power over the political agenda; b) Power over the process (over timing of the decision making); c) Power over the selection of communication channels; d) Power over the choice of instruments. A complex set of different methods has been used, which leads to an essentially diagnostic case analysis. This is based on the examination of those processes which, through documentation and interpretation, would be considered as effects of media power. In particular, the presence of some different effects has been detected: Agenda Setting, Real Time Policy, Media Diplomacy, and what has been labelled Media War. Research methodology is a combination of qualitative methods of both data collection and analysis, varying for each supposed effect of media power. The most important data are transcripts from CNN, newspaper articles, press agency bulletins, memoirs, and texts of original interviews conducted with policy makers, journalists, and military officials. These texts have been considered both as sources of information and as text to be rigorously analysed through a particular method of text analysis, which is semiotics, in order show how meaning is constructed by different speakers.
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Řezáčová, Veronika. « Srbská menšina v Kosovu a vztahy mezi Kosovem a Srbskem v letech 2008 - 2013 ». Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337816.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis is analyzing relations between the Serb minority in Kosovo, Kosovo proper and Serbia from 2008 to 2013 by using Robert Brubaker's "Triadic Nexus" concept that defines a relation between a national minority, a nationalizing state and an external national homeland. The Triadic Nexus will be supplemented by David Smith's "Quadratic Nexus" concept with the addition of an international actor that would be the United Nations and the European Union. In the north and the southeast of Kosovo lives a huge Serb community that does not recognize Kosovo's independence since 2008. From 2008 to 2013 Kosovo authorities were trying to integrate Serb minority into Kosovo society, however in most cases unsuccessfully. Kosovo Serbs kept relations with Serbia, especially thanks to the existence of parallel Serb institutions in these parts of Kosovo. The position of the Serb minority in the Kosovo`s society is analyzed through the legal framework and their (non)integration into the administrative and political institutions of the Kosovo proper. This should provide hints if and how the Serb minority in Kosovo was or was not persecuted. The thesis further enlightens, through the analysis of the Serb minority`s integration in parallel Serb institutions, how big of a problem the parallel Serb institutions pose...
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Semenov, Andrej. « Budování institucí v postkonfliktních oblastech : Pátrání po legitimních institucích v Kosovu ». Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-437371.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The pivotal argument of this thesis is that, due to specific circumstances, Kosovo operates as an EU protectorate. Firstly, the political status of Kosovo deeply divides the UN members, including the major powers, which makes unilateral decisions ineffective. This implies that neither side can achieve maximalist demands, and thus further negotiations are required. Secondly, both representatives of Kosovo and Serbia expressed hope that their future is in the EU. Both sides are ready to compromise their legal and/or political status and welcome a solution under the formula: Kosovo to be independent of Serbia even if it means that Kosovo is not a sovereign state; and, Serbia not to recognise Kosovo, even if it means that Serbia loses authority over the region. Thirdly, the great powers, led by the USA and Russia, decided that the conflict and the political status of Kosovo should be facilitated by the EU. This decision, accompanied by the ICJ decision that Kosovo's solution should be sought through the EU political channels, gives the EU role of a moral agent. Finally, while the EU protects Kosovo in international affairs, it also requires from Serbia to recognise Kosovo's institutions and local autonomy.
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Cunha, Raul Luis de Morais Lima Ferreira da. « Independência do Kosovo : coerência internacional ? » Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18870.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Os aspetos centrais da tese apresentada são o Kosovo e o reconhecimento, por muitos dos vários Estados existentes no mundo, da sua autoproclamação como um Estado. Da controvérsia originada pelas variadas interpretações que, fazendo uso da História, da Geografia e dos aspetos étnico-religiosos, os quais são também analisados neste trabalho, e tendo em consideração o facto de uma parte da Comunidade Internacional ter reconhecido o Kosovo enquanto entidade estatal e inclusive incentivado e apoiado essa autoproclamação, resultou a colocação de algumas questões, uma das quais se tornou principal na análise do tema: Os critérios mobilizados para a justificação da independência do Kosovo enquanto Estado são coerentes e justos? Assim este estudo procura identificar como os Estados Unidos da América e alguns países da União Europeia fomentaram e apoiaram a independência da República do Kosovo e que justificações apresentaram, ou seja, que fatores terão ponderado no seu posicionamento. Também importante é a apreciação das posturas de outros atores com reconhecida influência na evolução da situação e a análise de outras situações análogas à do Kosovo. No final, são apresentadas as consequentes conclusões.Central to this thesis is Kosovo and the recognition by many of the various states in the world of its self-proclamation as a state. From the controversy arising from the various interpretations that using History, Geography and ethnic-religious aspects, which are also analyzed in this work, and taking into account the fact that a part of the International Community has recognized Kosovo as a state entity and inclusively encouraged and supported this self-proclamation, resulted in a number of issues being raised, one of which became central to the analysis of the topic: Are the criteria, used to justify the independence of Kosovo as a State, coherent and fair? Thus this study seeks to identify how the United States of America and some European Union countries have fostered and supported the independence of the Republic of Kosovo and what justifications have been presented, i.e. what factors have weighed on its positioning. Also important is the appreciation of the positions of other actors with recognized influence on the evolution of the situation and the analysis of other situations similar to that of Kosovo. At the end, the consequent conclusions are presented.
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SZILAGYI, Zsofia. « Media reform in post-communist Europe : case studies of Hungary, Ukraine and Kosovo ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5398.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 September 2005Examining board: Prof. Peter Wagner, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. András Bozóki, Central European University ; Prof. László Bruszt, European University Institute ; Dr. Karol Jakubowicz, National Broadcasting Council of Poland and Council of Europe
First made available online 09 January 2019
Situated on the edge of mass communication studies and transition studies, this PhD thesis examines the process of media reform in countries undergoing post-communist transition. By performing three very different single country studies - a relative success story of transition (Hungary), a struggling post-Soviet society (Ukraine), and a post-conflict, international-administered province (Kosovo) - the work seeks to compile a thorough account of the problems that have plagued the region's media reform process in the last decade. The primary goal is to contribute to the discussion on media démocratisation through preparing comprehensive case studies on the basis of carefully selected empirical material. While focusing on the most important elements of the complex interaction between political and media systems, the thesis reviews the new structural and cultural organisation of the media systems. It focuses on the policy decisions that were adopted by political elites, and on the discussions which surrounded the theoretical grounding and/ or the implementation of these decisions. The work hypothesises that media systems undergoing transition can be fruitfully analysed according to four normative media models - the libertarian, social democratic, authoritarian and development assistant models. These theoretical models help to ascertain the fundamental organisational and structural principles which define a given media segment, and also help to identify the basic commonalities and differences between the various development paths. The work argues that the success of media reform ultimately depends on the political elites' commitment to implementing the above models in an appropriate balance. It concludes that a "transitional media model" might make sense for some of these countries, in which continued party political presence and political parallelism - particularly in the print segment - may be justified.
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Sousa, Ricardo Alexandre Encarnação. « Yugoslavia : from wars to European integration : perspectives from university students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia and Kosovo ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15130.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What are the conditions for meaningful reconciliation in post-conflict societies? This was the
departure research question for this research project focusing on the former Yugoslavia, in
particular on the territories of the three largest former republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Serbia, and Kosovo, due to the latter’s respective specificities.
Starting out from a general hypothesis: the fulfilment of a set of political, social and
economic conditions fosters and enables tolerant and peaceful coexistence among the peoples
of the former Yugoslavia, this then shaped and thus defined the main research objectives:
understanding the way in which the post-war educational systems have or have not
contributed to reconciliation between the various nations and peoples of the region; the
prospects of European integration as an engine for pacification; the role of hate speech
formulated in the media and culture and as well as the means of overcoming it.
Through research that interweaves with the professional activity of the author – a
journalist with extensive experience in coverage of the region – and deploying a combination
of qualitative and quantitative methods (a survey answered by over 270 students from the
countries under study), this dissertation strives to provide new clues for approaching
nationalist phenomena and perspectives (taking into account the responses of students to the
survey this thesis put forward) on reconstructing post-conflict societies and furthermore
identifying a set of conditions that must first be verified before ever achieving what this
dissertation defines as reconcivicnation, a civic reconciliation of nations.Quais as condições para a reconciliação em sociedades pós-conflito? Esta foi a pergunta central de partida que orientou a investigação, que incide sobre a antiga Jugoslávia, em particular sobre os territórios das três maiores antigas repúblicas: Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Sérvia, acrescentando o Kosovo, pelas especificidades que encerra. Partindo de uma hipótese geral: a concretização de um conjunto de condições políticas, sociais e económicas permitirá um convívio mais tolerante e pacífico entre os povos da antiga Jugoslávia, foram considerados e definidos os objetivos principais da pesquisa: a compreensão da forma como a educação – o sistema educativo dos vários países e entidades constituintes – contribuiu ou não, após as guerras, para a reconciliação entre as várias nações e povos da região; as perspetivas de integração europeia como motor, ou não, de pacificação da região; o papel do discurso do ódio formulado nos media e na cultura e formas de o superar. Através de uma investigação que se cruza com a actividade profissional do autor – jornalista com vasta experiência na cobertura da região – e utilizando uma combinação de métodos qualitativos e quantitativos (um inquérito que foi respondido por mais de 270 estudantes dos países em estudo), esta dissertação pretende trazer novas pistas para a abordagem dos fenómenos nacionalistas e perspectivas de reconstrução de sociedades pósconflito, considerando as perspetivas dos estudantes que responderam ao inquérito e apontando um conjunto de condições que se devem verificar para que seja atingido aquilo que esta dissertação definirá como “reconcivicnation”, uma reconciliação cívica das nações.
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SÖRENSEN, Jens Stilhoff. « State collapse and social reconstruction in the periphery : the political economy of ethnicity and development : Yugoslavia, Serbia, Kosovo ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6333.
Texte intégral
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KOINOVA, Maria. « Degrees of ethno-national violence : the cases of Kosovo, Macedonia and Bulgaria after the end of communism ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5304.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 23 September 2005Examining board: Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (European University Institute, supervisor) ; Prof. Jan Zielonka (Oxford University/European University Institute) ; Prof. Ivo Banac (Yale University, external co-supervisor) ; Prof. Stefano Bianchini (University of Bologna)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Jovanovic-Krstic, Viktoria. « Evaluating the discourse of war in the press media a lexicogrammatical examination of the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia from the perspective of appraisal theory / ». 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99192.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in English.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [337-354]. Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99192.
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Solterbeck, Melanie. « Politicizing humanitarian aid : the European Union's aid program and its role in the Kosovo Crisis ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the field of humanitarian aid continues to grow exponentially, the politicization of humanitarian aid is an increasing concern. The European Union's humanitarian aid office (ECHO) is the world's second largest aid donor and widely understood to be unpoliticized due to its multilateral nature, relative institutional isolation, needs-based mandate and use of standardized assessment indicators. Using primary and secondary literature and interview sources, this thesis takes a critical look at the EU's aid program and ECHO's work with operating partners using a framework of four degrees of politicization. These degrees are applied throughout the thesis and in a short case study of the EU's aid programs during the Kosovo crisis of 1999. It finds that while ECHO offers an outstanding example of official policy commitments to unpoliticized aid, in practice, it too is subject to the influences of politicization. The thesis concludes with an assessment of how ECHO might address the politicization of aid to improve future aid programs.
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Krestovská, Dina. « Přístup hlavních srbských politických stran k nacionální otázce ve druhé a třetí Jugoslávii ». Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350522.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This theses deals with the research on the development of attitude of main Serbian political parties to the nationalist question and Serbian nationalist program. Results of this research reveal how in the past quarter century changed the attitude of the Serbian parliamentary parties on the Serbian national question, depending on the key milestones of development (origins and development of multi-party system, the war in the early 90s; escalation of the Kosovo crisis). Among others things theses deals with differences between the declared programs and principles and the real party politics. During the research were also analyzed programming and factual modifications of attitude to the mentioned issues for the following parties: Socialist Party of Serbia, Democratic Party, Serbian Renewal Movement, Serbian Radical Party, Democratic Party of Serbia and the Citizens Union of Serbia. Heuristically work is primarly based on published sources: the relevant programs; resolutions of the party congresses and conferences; speeches of key representatives of the ementioned parties.
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Svobodová, Iveta. « Volně dostupné digitální knihovny v zemích bývalé Jugoslávie ». Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-367988.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis focuses on freely available digital libraries in the field of science, research and education in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The work is divided into theoretical and practical part. The theoretical part introduces the basic terminology and the issue of freely available digital libraries. The main part of the thesis is based on the findings of freely available digital libraries in the countries of former Yugoslavia. Their structured overview is an annex to this thesis and a commentary on them is given in the practical part. The core of the thesis constitutes the results of analyzes of three digital libraries from the selected region. It aims to analyse, describe,compare and assess selected systems. The practical part presents the descriptions and analysys of the selected systems. Next chapter includes the comparison of their qualitative and quantitative parameters. The conclusion of the work brings final assessment of the knowledge.
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Ivaniushin, Mikhail. « Reakce na bombardování SR Jugoslávie v roce 1999 v české politické debatě ». Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436678.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the thesis is to map and analyze the Czech public debate about the bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia by NATO air forces in 1999. The North Atlantic Alliance attack on the FRY, which followed shortly after the Czech Republic had joined the Organization. Part of the political representation reacted to NATO's actions with restraint or regret, while the current, represented mainly by President Havel, became a principled supporter of the attack, even on the international political scene. The work deals with various levels of this debate: the initiation of individual actors in the problems of the NATO Operation in Yugoslavia, the starting points, argumentation strategies or links with other topics. It tries to reveal secondary motivations in the formulation of individual opinions (considerations of the security interests of the Czech Republic, worldview, prejudices, etc.). The source base of the work is mainly periodicals, especially the most read dailies. Klíčová slova (anglicky): Czech Republic, Serbia, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Yugoslavian crisis, The conflict in the Balkans in 1999, NATO Air Strikes Against Yugoslavia in 1999, NATO
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Božková, Lucie. « Operace Spojenecká síla ve vybraných českých denících ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398198.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis: Operation Allied Force in Selected Czech Daily Newspapers Author: Mgr. Lucie Božková Annotation In my thesis Operation 'Allied Force' in Selected Czech Daily Newspapers I am tracing the representation of the topic - NATO's air strikes in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (the so called Operation 'Allied Force') in 1999 in selected Czech Daily Newspapers. I am observing the effects, media's impact, frames and agenda setting. To support the integrity of the topic I added a chapter about the Kosovo crisis which enlightens the initiation of the air attacks. Furthermore, and mainly I am focusing on professional studies dealing with military news. The dominant theme of these articles is the foreign media coverage of the Kosovo War. In the experts 'outputs I predominantly center on their choosing and the method of analysis, on which I then base my analysis on. I decided to use the method of the quantitative content analysis for my own research. The first period of exploration is the bombing period (March 24, 1999 - June 10, 1999). Here the aim of my analysis is to find out what attention have the daily newspapers MF Dnes, Hospodářské noviny, Právo and Blesk paid to the Operation 'Allied Force'. In addition, I followed the placement of the articles, media resources and also the presentation of...