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1
Lufi, Simon, et Marsel Nilaj. « The Kosovo War In The British Parliament Talks In 1999 ». European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no 17 (29 juin 2016) : 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p24.
Résumé :
The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have a religious or cultural impact that threatened to involve other states such as Bosnia and Turkey on the one hand and Greece on the other. The interest of major countries in Europe, as well as the world, was focused on this war. A country among them was the UK. As one of the founding states of the European Union, United Nations, and NATO, the UK was quite involved in this war. The UK and the US were two countries that became the political and military leadership in this struggle since its beginning, while reaching a peak in 1999. This situation involved talks in the British Parliament in the UK, especially the House of Lords where the decision-making aspect of parliamentary politics is achieved. The war was also a major concern for the parliament. On the one hand, it was important to resolve the situation in Kosovo without worsening it with other massacres. On the other hand, this situation required caution in dealing with the Serbian people. The destiny of Kosovo refugees was important to them. However, the future of the Serbian people in Kosovo had to be guaranteed. The most important thing was to obtain full autonomy for Kosovo, but also to achieve a bilateral cooperation from both countries. The House of Lords and the interest of some lords in this war made the British policy, as a whole, a lot more responsible for accomplishing what it had started since diplomacy regarding weapons and the military intervention used to manage the situation of refugees in Kosovo had a huge impact in Europe. The British parliamentary sessions were very crucial in leading to an international level this whole historical phase for Kosovo.
2
Recaj, Krenare. « Sovereignty Sensitivities and the Kosovo Crisis : The Impact of Domestic Considerations on Canada’s Foreign Policy ». Canadian Journal of History 56, no 2 (1 août 2021) : 136–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-56-2-2020-0076.
Résumé :
In 1999, Canada participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada’s interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, have additional and unique considerations during the Kosovo crisis, namely national unity. This analysis amply illustrates the close interconnection between domestic issues and Canadian foreign policy. During the Kosovo War, Canada had to balance sovereignty sensitivities with humanitarian concerns. From the first time Kosovo was mentioned in Parliament on 18 November 1991 to the end of the Kosovo War on 11 June 1999, Canadian parliamentarians attempted to distinguish what Canada’s views on Kosovo were. Historians have likewise been occupied with the same task: distinguishing the Canadian contribution and position. Like the parliamentarians, not one of the Canadian historians who has written on the topic has questioned the official government version of what motivated Canada’s policy in Kosovo. They all credit a combination of humanitarian and regional concerns. Therefore, there was consensus at the time, and has been since, about what motivated Canada’s policy toward Kosovo. However, an analysis of the primary sources reveals that Canada did in fact have an additional and unique consideration during the Kosovo crisis: national unity. Canada’s domestic national unity issue influenced Canadian foreign policy toward Kosovo at every stage.
3
Kabashi, Haki. « Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no 2 (30 avril 2016) : 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p161-169.
Résumé :
The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.
4
Kabashi, Haki. « Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no 2 (30 avril 2016) : 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p161-169.
Résumé :
The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.
5
Hasani, Enver, et Getoar Mjeku. « International(ized) Constitutional Court : Kosovo’s Transfer of Judicial Sovereignty ». ICL Journal 13, no 4 (26 mars 2020) : 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2019-0016.
Résumé :
AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendments, legal infrastructure, and other practical steps were needed to make the Court operational. These preparatory measures have been taken, but practical results are missing, and there is fear that the Court might end up like previous UN- and EU-led justice systems, which did too little and were too late to address the culture of impunity in Kosovo.
6
Pavlenko, Alexander. « The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017) ». Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni : naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no 26 (27 novembre 2017) : 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
Résumé :
Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
7
Harvey, Frank P., et John Mitton. « Fighting for Credibility : US Reputation Building in Asymmetric Conflicts from the Gulf War to Syria (1991–2013) ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no 3 (septembre 2015) : 503–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391500092x.
Résumé :
AbstractDo international reputations matter and are they transferable from one context to another? These critically important questions continue to frame policy debates surrounding US responses to crises in Syria and Ukraine. For skeptics, past actions and reputations for resolve have no bearing on an adversary's assessment of US credibility; relative “power” and “interests” explain behaviour (Hopf, 1994; Mercer, 1996; Press, 2005; Walt, 2013; Zakaria 2013). We argue that scholars who dismiss the relevance of reputations typically sidestep important questions about how adversaries actually acquire relevant information about US interests and power. Building on an extensive collection of qualitative and quantitative studies of US deterrence encounters in asymmetric conflicts over the last two decades, we argue that lessons from past actions inform an adversary's interpretation of US interests in any given case and provide crucial information about Washington's willingness to deploy military force (capabilities). By implication, lessons learned from Bosnia 1992–1995 informed actions in Kosovo 1999, which, in turn, informed subsequent assessments of US interests and commitments in Iraq 1991, 1998 and 2003. Similarly, lessons about US reputations and credibility in Iraq from 1991 to 2003 were critically important to successful WMD diplomacy in Syria. Policy implications are addressed in the conclusion.
8
McKinna, Anita. « Kosovo : The International Community's European Project ». European Review 20, no 1 (4 janvier 2012) : 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000275.
Résumé :
This article is about the post-war governance of Kosovo and the contradiction posed by the focus on multi-ethnicity on the one hand, and the development of a new Kosovar identity that transcends ethnicity on the other. Post-war Kosovo represents a bold experiment by the international community to create a society that adheres to European standards. The international administration has based its post-war reconstruction and governance of Kosovo on standards aimed at EU accession. To this end, since 1999 the international administration in Kosovo has pursued multi-ethnicity as a panacea. Far from creating the conditions conducive to greater inter-ethnic integration, the policies enacted supposedly in the name of multi-ethnicity have resulted in the further entrenchment of ethnic division. At the same time, the international administration has promoted a new Kosovo identity that transcends ethnicity and that fits with European standards. This article questions the international administration's approach in governing post-war Kosovo with the ultimate goal of EU accession. It argues that this approach has failed both in creating a more multi-ethnic society and in creating a new identity that is embraced by the people of Kosovo. This situation in turn raises questions as to whether there is a genuine will from the people of Kosovo to fulfil such standards, and therefore whether the goal of EU integration for Kosovo is a realistic one.
9
DiFelice, Beth. « International Transitional Administration : The United Nations in East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, and Kosovo – A Bibliography ». International Journal of Legal Information 35, no 1 (2007) : 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001979.
Résumé :
Between 1995 and 1999, the United Nations established transitional administrations over four war-torn territories – East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, and Kosovo. These transitional civil administrations began as part of a peace agreement and have or will end with either independence of the territory, as with East Timor, or the reuniting of a war-torn state, as with Eastern Slavonia's return to Croatia. As of this writing, the United Nations’ mission in Kosovo has not ended.
10
Kabashi, Haki. « The Role of the Investigative Prosecutor and Judge in the Pre-Trial Proceedings in Kosovo (1999-2013) ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no 1 (30 avril 2016) : 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p85-92.
Résumé :
The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive element of Yugoslavia). On March 23rd 1989 Milosevic destroyed its Autonomy with violence. On 1998-99 the war with Serbia breaks out, which on 10th of June 1999 ended (after NATO’s intervention), therefore installing the UNMIK Misssion and administration that even after the Declaration of Independence of Kosovo (17th February 2008). After UNMIK’s administration in Kosovo, the Law of the Criminal Procedure of ex-Yugoslavia was an applicable law. Its application was extended until the drafting and application of the Temporary Criminal Procedure Code of Kosovo (2004). The comparative methodology, written sources and different official raports are used to write this paper. The comparative data shows that with new Code, the authority of the Prosecution is empowered therefore weakening the role of the Court in the pretrial procedure, the number of the prescribed cases has risen and the discontent of the citizens also, towards the judicial system.
11
Kabashi, Haki. « The Role of the Investigative Prosecutor and Judge in the Pre-Trial Proceedings in Kosovo (1999-2013) ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no 1 (30 avril 2016) : 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p85-92.
Résumé :
The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive element of Yugoslavia). On March 23rd 1989 Milosevic destroyed its Autonomy with violence. On 1998-99 the war with Serbia breaks out, which on 10th of June 1999 ended (after NATO’s intervention), therefore installing the UNMIK Misssion and administration that even after the Declaration of Independence of Kosovo (17th February 2008). After UNMIK’s administration in Kosovo, the Law of the Criminal Procedure of ex-Yugoslavia was an applicable law. Its application was extended until the drafting and application of the Temporary Criminal Procedure Code of Kosovo (2004). The comparative methodology, written sources and different official raports are used to write this paper. The comparative data shows that with new Code, the authority of the Prosecution is empowered therefore weakening the role of the Court in the pretrial procedure, the number of the prescribed cases has risen and the discontent of the citizens also, towards the judicial system.
12
Bates, Benjamin R. « Circulation of the World War II / Holocaust analogy in the 1999 Kosovo intervention ». Journal of Language and Politics 8, no 1 (1 avril 2009) : 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.1.03bat.
Résumé :
This essay offers an analysis of the circulation of World War II and Holocaust analogies in discourses about American military involvement in Kosovo. The essay argues that the World War II/Holocaust analogy provided the public with a new vocabulary for understanding the situation in Kosovo. The essay uses Bill Clinton’s speeches about Kosovo during the first week of American intervention as a representative anecdote for discussing the analogy and its rhetorical force. The essay then probes the circulation of the analogy in other governmental, media, and public opinion outlets. By comparing Kosovo 1999 to Europe 1945, the analogy offers descriptive and prescriptive reasons for American involvement that encourage public approval of military intervention. The essay offers conclusions and implications of this analysis for the understanding of the relationships among rhetoric, public opinion, and international conflict.
13
Freedman, Lawrence. « Force and the international community : Blair’s Chicago speech and the criteria for intervention ». International Relations 31, no 2 (10 mai 2017) : 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817707395.
Résumé :
Tony Blair’s April 1999 Chicago speech is widely seen as foreshadowing his later decision to support the invasion of Iraq. Two sets of context for the speech are described: other criteria for the use of force, going back to the Just War tradition and more recent contributions from Caspar Weinberger and Colin Powell, and the December 1998 strikes against Iraq and the Kosovo War, which began in March 1999. The origins of the five factors mentioned when considering force are explored and their implications assessed.
14
Stremlau, John. « The 1999 Kosovo war through a South African lens ». International Journal of Human Rights 4, no 3-4 (septembre 2000) : 295–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980008406906.
15
Stremlau, John. « The 1999 Kosovo war through a South African lens ». South African Journal of International Affairs 7, no 1 (juin 2000) : 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460009545294.
16
Mehmeti, Fehmi, et Arsim Dragaj. « FISCAL POLICY IN KOSOVO AND ITS IMPACT ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ». Knowledge International Journal 26, no 6 (18 mars 2019) : 1693–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061693m.
Résumé :
Fiscal policy in Kosovo (1999) is based on government revenue and expenditure for achieving certain economic and social goals, and to influence macroeconomic indicators.Fiscal policy in this direction should be in the function of development and economic growth, with a high employment rate and protected from inflation.After the war in Kosovo, an UNMIK mission was set up, which from June to September 1999 was designated to provide donations in order to meet the emergency needs for financing and activating public administration, infrastructure rehabilitation and public services.In September 1999, the United Nations Civilian Administration established the Central Fiscal Authority (CFA) in Kosovo to build fiscal policy.Fiscal policy under specific conditions in Kosovo was tightened to mobilize financial means to cover public needs. So initially it was determined to collect funds for the Treasury bypassing the aspect of development of Kosovo. No mitigating administrative measures have been taken for economic development.
17
Enuka, Chuka. « War and Myth : The Might of Myth in the Kosovo War (1999) ». Greener Journal of Social Sciences 2, no 6 (20 février 2012) : 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15580/gjss.2012.6.110112195.
18
Kijewski, Sara, et Markus Freitag. « Civil War and the Formation of Social Trust in Kosovo ». Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no 4 (16 septembre 2016) : 717–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716666324.
Résumé :
While a new, growing subset of the literature argues that armed conflict does not necessarily erode social cohesion in the postwar era, we challenge this perspective and examine how civil war experiences shape social trust in Kosovo after the war from 1998 to 1999. Based on a nationwide survey conducted in 2010 and the disaggregated conflict event data set of the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, we simultaneously analyze the impact of individual war-related experiences and exposure to war in the community through hierarchical analyses of twenty-six municipalities. Our findings confirm that civil war is negatively related to social trust. This effect proves to be more conclusive for individual war experiences than for contextual war exposure. Arguably, the occurrence of instances of violence with lasting psychological as well as social structural consequences provides people with clear evidence of the untrustworthiness, uncooperativeness, and hostility of others, diminishing social trust in the aftermath of war.
19
Demjaha, Agon. « Inter-Ethnic Relations in Kosovo ». SEEU Review 12, no 1 (1 juin 2017) : 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0013.
Résumé :
AbstractThe paper aims to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs, with special focus on the period after unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has exclusively been over its territory since both Serbs and Albanians have made claims about history and ethno-demography to justify their alleged exclusive right to this ethnically mixed region. Consequently, inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have been rather problematic throughout the most of the 20thcentury. During this period Albanians in Kosovo have been subjected to discrimination, intimidation and even mass expulsion by Yugoslav/Serb authorities. In late 1990s, these relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have progressively worsened and finally escalated in an armed warfare in 1999.Immediately after the war, Serbs in Kosovo were occasionally exposed to acts of inter-ethnic and retaliatory violence. Inter-ethnic relations between the two major ethnicities continued to be tense and fragile after independence of Kosovo in 2008. Dramatic changes of ethnic composition structure, atrocities and huge number of refugees due to the war, have left a legacy of deep mistrust and animosities between Albanians and Serbs in the newly created state. Consequently, Serbs in Kosovo have from the beginning refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence and have rigorously refused any governance by Kosovo authorities. Serbian community, especially in the North, claims stronger territorial autonomy, even separatism and unification with Serbia. The paper claims that in Kosovo inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. Therefore, paper concludes that only overall improvement of relations between Kosovo and Serbia could contribute to overall relaxation of inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo. Unfortunately, the latest incidents between Kosovo and Serbia have increased the tensions between the two sides to alarming levels.
20
Jashari, Nexhat. « Multimodal transport in Kosovo ». Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu 55, no 4 (27 novembre 2018) : 919–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31141/zrpfs.2018.55.130.919.
Résumé :
Development of the classic branches of transport until after the year 1999 was a characteristic of economic policies in Kosovo, which came as a result of improper functioning of the market economy and non-application of modern technologies. Despite the great importance that the multimodal transport has for Kosovo, till today initial steps have been taken with the approval of the sector strategy for the multimodal transport 2015-2025 by the Kosovo Government, respectively by the Ministry of Infrastructure. The aim of this strategy is to set priorities in terms of infrastructure, as well as in terms of legal regulation. This paper addresses this topic in Kosovo for the first time, among other things notes the newly established circumstances in Kosovo after the war in 1999, which led to the change of policy development in the field of transport in order to adapt to the newly created circumstances and approximate with EU integration processes.
21
Lisanin, Mladen. « U.S.-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN THE SHADOW OF THE 1999 KOSOVO WAR ». Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no 1/2020 (25 mai 2020) : 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.1.
Résumé :
The paper examines the changing relations between the U.S. and Russia since the end of the twentieth century, shaped by the experience of NATO’s war with Federal Republic of Yugoslavia over Kosovo. The first decade after the termination of the Cold War brought about the American ‘unipolar moment’, and with it the attempt of Russian political elites to approach the unipole and find a sustainable modus vivendi with it: the relationship between Yeltsin and Clinton administrations is a vivid example of such endeavors. At the same time, policies such as NATO expansion induced suspicion on the Russian side with regard to the possibilities of achieving an understanding and allowing Russia to become a legitimate part of European security architecture. When, in March of 1999, NATO began with the attacks against FRY (a country perceived as traditionally friendly towards Russia) without the consent of the United Nations Security Council, a long shadow was cast over the prospects of a Russian – American rapprochement. All subsequent episodes of cooperation and competition between Russia and the U.S. have been observed through the lens shaped by the Kosovo war. Drawing from contemporary Russian and western academic literature and memoir materials (Primakov, Guskova, Narochnitska, Baranovsky, Tsygankov, Sushenkov; Wohlforth, Walt, Clarke, Hill, Galen Carpenter et al.) and building upon the traditional realist concepts of great power competition and balancing, the author assesses the development of U.S.-Russian security relations in the context the Kosovo war experience. It is argued that, in addition to being an attack against a country perceived as a traditional Russian friend or protégé, NATO bombing of FRY in 1999 posed a major concern to Russia because it was a signal that the alliance was ready to change its strategic posture and engage in out-of-area operations.
22
Gowan, David. « Commentary : Kosovo : The British Government and ICTY ». Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no 4 (décembre 2000) : 913–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000534.
Résumé :
This article gives an account of the support provided by the British Government of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. In 1999, the author was the UK Kosovo War Crimes Co-ordinator, and was responsible for providing information and assistance to the ICTY Prosecutor.
23
Kraja, MA Eglantina, et Dr Sc Adelina Ahmeti. « Internalizing and Externalizing Problems in Children of War Veterans in Kosovo ». ILIRIA International Review 5, no 1 (30 juin 2015) : 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.25.
Résumé :
The aim of this study was to explore internalizing and externalizing problems in adolescent children of veterans of the war in Kosovo (1998-1999). The results of this study are quite interesting from the perspective of the dilemma for the state of the children of veterans even 15 years after the war ended. Parents’ emotional problems affect the functioning of the family in general and children in particular. Children can react to symptoms of parents by developing different symptoms as trouble sleeping, appetite loss, emotional instability or even problems in development, according to research done on children's reactions to the problems of parents explained by interactions between environment, brain and behaviour driven by trauma.The results of this study have shown that the internalizing problems have not shown gender differences, meantime externalizing problems were found higher in male participants. An interesting finding of this study was the highest scores of emotional problems in children born before and during the war, compare to those born after the war ended. We also found that anxiety problems in children [R2= .83, p < .001] were a significant predictor of internalizing problems. The assessment of the scale of positive qualities [R2= .19, p < .001] was also found to be a significant predictor for externalizing problems.Only 0.8% of the variance of internalizing problems was explained by the income.Considering that the subject of this study were adolescent children of war veterans of the 1999 conflict in Kosovo, we must take into account that the post-traumatic stress disorder is a very frequent problem among war veterans and that its impact on their personal and family life cannot be overlooked.
24
Freitag, Markus, Sara Kijewski et Malvin Oppold. « War experiences, economic grievances, and political participation in postwar societies : An empirical analysis of Kosovo ». Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, no 4 (18 juillet 2017) : 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217716464.
Résumé :
This article contributes to the debate evolving around the political legacy of armed conflict. We evaluate the effect of war experiences during the 1998–1999 civil war in Kosovo on various modes of political participation. We find that war victims are on average more likely to participate in non-institutionalized forms of participation such as signing petitions and to participate in protests in the postwar era. In addition, we show that the impact of war experiences on political protest is contingent upon the postwar situation. War experiences are linked to protest behavior when a survivor is economically disadvantaged after the war. However, war experiences lose their impact on protest behavior when people do not encounter economic grievances in the postwar environment. In this vein, exploring the postwar context enriches our understanding of the political legacy of war victimization.
25
Fejzullahu, Bajram. « Chosen Model of Privatization of Socially Owned Enterprise in Kosovo Over Kosovo Trust Agency ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no 2 (30 août 2015) : 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p49-54.
Résumé :
Unlike in the countries of Central and South-East Europe, where the transformation of property and political transition were smooth and peaceful, in the countries of former Yugoslavia (except Montenegro and Macedonia) these processes were accompanied by war; the effects are present even nowadays. After 1999, it was Kosovo’s turn to be part of these changes. Normally, in these processes, the political transition occurs prior to the transformation of property. This was not the case in Kosovo, where the order was reversed. It cannot be said that the privatisation method chosen by UNMIK was not the best. As of now, this method has failed to fulfil its duties of economic recovery and solve the unemployment problem. UNMIK has chosen the method of transforming the social property of Kosovo as a set up for the total transition of the political system, which later on would be one of the main elements and will serve to proclaim independence of Republic of Kosovo. It will remain an unanswered question whether the method that used is actually better, whether it is more productive economically, or not. As Kosovo’s case for many things is sui generis, and as far as the process of privatisation of the social property is concerned, it is a process which tried to adjust to the existing circumstances in Kosovo, circumstances which were earlier unknown in the other countries.
26
Fejzullahu, Bajram. « Chosen Model of Privatization of Socially Owned Enterprise in Kosovo Over Kosovo Trust Agency ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no 1 (30 août 2015) : 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p49-54.
Résumé :
Unlike in the countries of Central and South-East Europe, where the transformation of property and political transition were smooth and peaceful, in the countries of former Yugoslavia (except Montenegro and Macedonia) these processes were accompanied by war; the effects are present even nowadays. After 1999, it was Kosovo’s turn to be part of these changes. Normally, in these processes, the political transition occurs prior to the transformation of property. This was not the case in Kosovo, where the order was reversed. It cannot be said that the privatisation method chosen by UNMIK was not the best. As of now, this method has failed to fulfil its duties of economic recovery and solve the unemployment problem. UNMIK has chosen the method of transforming the social property of Kosovo as a set up for the total transition of the political system, which later on would be one of the main elements and will serve to proclaim independence of Republic of Kosovo. It will remain an unanswered question whether the method that used is actually better, whether it is more productive economically, or not. As Kosovo’s case for many things is sui generis, and as far as the process of privatisation of the social property is concerned, it is a process which tried to adjust to the existing circumstances in Kosovo, circumstances which were earlier unknown in the other countries.
27
Ferati-Sachsenmaier, Flora. « Postwar Kosovo : Global and Local Dimensions of Interethnic Reconciliation Processes ». International Journal of Transitional Justice 13, no 2 (8 mars 2019) : 310–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijz004.
Résumé :
Abstract∞ This article examines how Kosovo’s postwar struggle for statehood intersected with interethnic reconciliation processes from 1999 to 2008. It argues that, among other factors, it was the ensuing governance in postwar Kosovo that made it difficult, if not impossible, for any kind of meaningful interethnic reconciliation to take place. Drawing on primary sources and personal interviews, the article focuses on groups that can be called ‘reconciliation agents’ and that were among the main actors dealing with the legacy of the Kosovo war. They were typically multiethnic actors, both in terms of their staff members and their declared agendas, and they were exceptionally creative and courageous in their efforts to promote interethnic reconciliation. They were, however, not seen as postconflict forces by much of the population and were often perceived as agents continuing the conflict over the status of Kosovo by other means. The same was true for their international donors and other relevant international governmental actors that were supporting interethnic reconciliation activities.
28
Bauer, Aleksandra. « Environmental impact of the war. Case study : Kosovo conflict of 1999 ». Prosperitas 5, no 4 (2018) : 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31570/prosp_2018_04_3.
29
David, Eric. « Respect for the Principle of Distinction in the Kosovo War ». Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 3 (décembre 2000) : 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000593.
Résumé :
From 24 March until 9 June 1999, NATO forces, or more precisely, the forces of 13 of the 19 member states of the Alliance, set at the service of the latter, attacked the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in order to force its Government to accept a solution to the dispute over Kosovo.
30
Qeriqi, Ilir. « ETHICAL LEADERSHIP OF KOSOVO LEADERS DURING THE WAR ». Knowledge International Journal 28, no 6 (10 décembre 2018) : 2171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28062171i.
Résumé :
The paper examines the period of ethical leadership of KLA. Ethical leaders think about long-term consequences, drawbacks and benefits of the decisions they make in the organization. They are humble, concerned for the greater good, strive for fairness, take responsibility and show respect for each individual. Ethical leaders in the time of difficult dilemmas set high ethical standards and act in accordance with them. They influence ethical values of the organization through their behavior. Leaders serve as role models for their followers and show them the behavioral boundaries set within an organization. They are perceived as honest, trustworthy, courageous and demonstrating integrity. The more the leader “walks the talk”, by translating In this article I am going to write about a decision taken by Kosovo Liberation Army Leaders in the day that the war ended in Kosovo. On June 11th, 1999 in the town of Kumanova, Macedonia, the NATO forces and our Serbian Regime signed a peace agreement according to which Serbia had to withdraw all its forces from Kosovo within 12 days.
31
Zejnullahi, Veton. « Political Parties in Kosovo, Organizational Structure and Their Internal Democracy ». European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no 1 (1 décembre 2016) : 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p29-33.
Résumé :
The collapse of communism in the former Eastern bloc , which was followed by the establishment of democracies popular and holding free elections to the parliaments of the countries concerned had its impact in Kosovo , which although occupied accepted among first democracy in the former Yugoslavia , which was followed by the creation of political parties at that time. The role of political parties in the years of occupation there was a genuine character of party activity as a result of the occupation, because the main word on Kosovo was Serbian government, installed after violent suppression of Kosovo's autonomy in 1989. Political parties in general It served as a national movement, some of which joined the Kosovo Albanians by articulating their demands for freedom and independence. This included organizing parties in Kosovo and the Albanian parties in other areas in the former Yugoslavia was organized by the Coordination Council of Albanian Parties. End of the war in 1999 brought a completely new situation, changing political scene with the formation of more political parties, as well as providing more opportunities for a better organization of the political scene. Some of the political parties no longer exist, while others have a very small number of members. The formation of new parties expected profiling of political scene, however, serves only their declarative they are right or left, in most cases a proper profiling has not happened yet. Political parties in Kosovo even after so many years of activity apparently still in the phase of consolidation but also in search of their identity.
32
Blomdahl, Mikael. « Diversionary Theory of War and the Case Study Design ». Armed Forces & ; Society 43, no 3 (8 juin 2016) : 545–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16651866.
Résumé :
This article examines President Clinton’s decisions to launch military actions against Iraq in June 1993 and Kosovo in 1999. This study represents an attempt to test the descriptive accuracy and further developing the diversionary theory of war. Using a qualitative framework for diversionary use of force developed by another researcher, Ryan C. Hendrickson, this research examines and compares the two cases in order to determine whether or not these strikes appear to be diversionary in nature. This article generally suggests that empirical support for the diversionary argument in these cases is “mixed” but has more validity in the actions against Iraq. Two proposals to further develop qualitative tests for diversionary use of force are advanced.
33
Sprogøe-Jakobsen, Susan, Anders Eriksson, Hans Petter Hougen, Peter J. T. Knudsen, Peter Leth et Niels Lynnerup. « Mobile Autopsy Teams in the Investigation of War Crimes in Kosovo 1999 ». Journal of Forensic Sciences 46, no 6 (1 novembre 2001) : 15161J. http://dx.doi.org/10.1520/jfs15161j.
34
Brown, Chris. « Moral Agency and International Society ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 15, no 2 (septembre 2001) : 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2001.tb00360.x.
Résumé :
There is no body that has the legal right to exercise agency on behalf of international society (IS), even though the notion of “society” encapsulated in IS is, in principle, close to that conveyed by bodies such as clubs and associations that can be represented by, for example, a board of directors or governing committee. Some have argued that the UN or the Security Council can exercise agency on behalf of IS, but in view of the “underinstitutionalization” of IS in the UN, a more interesting possibility is that groups of states may authorize themselves to act on the behalf of IS as “coalitions of the willing.” However, the contrasting experience of the Gulf War of 1990/91 and the Kosovo campaign of 1999 suggest that the degree of ideological coherence of the coalition in question is an important variable here - in 1999, NATO was able with some plausibility to represent the wider international society because of its commitment to certain core democratic values, while in 1991 the Gulf War coalition could only act conservatively in restoring the status quo because of its diverse nature.
35
Kajtazi-Testa, Laura, et Christopher J. Hewer. « Ambiguous loss and incomplete abduction narratives in Kosovo ». Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry 23, no 2 (7 février 2018) : 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359104518755221.
Résumé :
Ten mothers of men and boys who were abducted and listed as missing during the war in Kosovo in 1998/1999 were interviewed in Kosovo in the spring of 2012. Although the missing are presumed dead by the authorities, the mothers continue to live in a state of emotional ambiguity where a presumption of death is balanced with the hope of being reunited. In the absence of absolute proof, finding the remains of their loved ones becomes a major preoccupation. Using a social phenomenological approach, this study explored the social and political complexities existing within the life-world of these women. The findings suggest that they live in a continual state of psychological distress, and even when remains are returned, the unknown elements of the narrative of their abduction and murder only add to their distress and force many into self-imposed emotional exile away from community and close family.
36
Dyregrov, Atle, et Magne Raundalen. « Norwegian Adolescents' Reactions to Distant Warfare ». Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy 33, no 4 (octobre 2005) : 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352465805002353.
Résumé :
A total of 1695 Norwegian adolescents answered a questionnaire concerning how they perceived and reacted to the threat of war during the 1999 Kosovo war and the 2003 Iraq war. Based on previous research and clinical experience the following hypotheses were formed: a) The Kosovo war, being in closer proximity to Norway, will result in more reactions than the Iraq war; b) There will be more communication between adolescents and adults following the Iraq war than following the Kosovo war, due to education by psychologists via the media in the intervening period; c) Girls will evidence more reactions than boys, in line with previous work; d) Adolescents who score above cut-off on the Impact of Event Scale will report less communication with friends and parents, in line with psychosocial theories of posttraumatic stress and previous empirical findings. The first three hypotheses were generally supported, but findings regarding hypothesis (d) were mixed. It is believed that a more open communicative climate has developed in families and schools following increased attention by professionals and media to the coverage of wars and disasters in the media. Mild reactions to the two wars suggest adolescent resilience. Professionals can play an important role in disseminating information on how such events can be handled by parents, professionals and society at large.
37
Bratt, Duane. « Ethics and Foreign Intervention ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no 3 (septembre 2004) : 781–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904450100.
Résumé :
Ethics and Foreign Intervention, Deen K. Chatterjee and Don E. Scheid, eds., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. xiii, 301The 1990s saw the gradual, but steady, expansion of the doctrine of humanitarian military intervention in places like northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, and Bosnia. This process culminated in the 1999 Kosovo war which saw NATO bomb Serb targets to prevent the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Ethics and Foreign Intervention uses the Kosovo case as its reference point to dissect the concept of humanitarian military intervention from a moral perspective. Although there are chapters on the legal implications of intervention, most notably the chapters by Tom Farer, Christine Chwaszcza, and Allen Buchanan on intervention and secession, the focus of this edited collection is to apply just war theory to the concept of humanitarian military intervention. George R. Lucas, Jr., even suggests that because the use of force in humanitarian cases is much closer to the use of force in domestic law enforcement than it is to traditional warfare the concepts of jus ad bellum and jus in bello need to be joined by jus ad pacem (or jus ad interventionem).
38
Brennan, Richard J., Camilo Valderrama, William R. MacKenzie, Kamal Raj et Robin Nandy. « Rehabilitating Public Health Infrastructure in the Post-Conflict Setting : Epidemic Prevention and Preparedness in Kosovo ». Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 16, no 4 (décembre 2001) : 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00043375.
Résumé :
AbstractThe war in Kosovo in 1999 resulted in the displacement of up to 1.5 million persons from their homes. On the subsequent return of the refugees and internally displaced persons, one of the major challenges facing the local population and the international community, was the rehabilitation of Kosovo's public health infrastructure, which had sustained enormous damage as a result of the fighting. Of particular importance was the need to develop a system of epidemic prevention and preparedness. But no single agency had the resources or capacity to implement such a program. Therefore, a unique six-point model was developed as a collaboration between the Kosovo Institute of Public Health, the World Health Organization, and an international, nongovernmental organization. Important components of the program included a major Kosovo-wide baseline health survey, the development of a provincewide public health surveillance system, rehabilitation of microbiology laboratories, and the development of a local capacity for epidemic response. While all program objectives were met, important lessons were learned concerning the planning, design, and implementation of such a project. This program represents a model that potentially could be replicated in other post-conflict or development settings.
39
Farquet, Romaine. « Narrating the ‘Liberation of Kosovo’ in Switzerland . Transnational Strategies of Boundary-Making ». Südosteuropa 68, no 1 (26 mai 2020) : 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0004.
Résumé :
AbstractAlbanian-speaking migrants in Switzerland mobilized massively on behalf of the national cause in Kosovo in the 1990s. Despite this strong engagement with their homeland, however, some have felt forgotten and have been offended by negative stereotypes in Kosovo itself since the war ended in 1999. Taking a boundary-making approach, the author analyses the ways in which Albanian-speaking former activists in Switzerland have responded to their unfavourable standing, and how they have sought to improve their transnational position. She shows how former activists tend to choose between one of two narratives to describe their place in their societies of origin and settlement: either they yearn to be a part of the ‘Albanian nation’ as imagined in Kosovo; or they adopt a new model of what it is to be ‘Albanian’ in Switzerland.
40
Pavlović, Aleksandar. « The everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional status ». Bastina, no 51 (2020) : 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26304.
Résumé :
In this paper the author presents the results of the research of the everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. The main attention is paid to the status and the functioning of institutions. The aim of the paper is to offer a contribution based on the conceptualization of the ethnographic field work material in order to give the account of the everyday experience of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional relations caused by the withdrawal of Serbian authorities from Kosovo and Metohija, the introduction of an international protectorate and the unilateral declaration of Kosovo independence. The results presented in this paper were obtained from the field research conducted several times from 2011 to 2015 in a total duration of over eight months. The change of social-political context after the war in 1999 led to major structural disruptions in Kosovo and Metohija. These disruptions were felt especially in the institutional sphere, where they reflected in almost all aspects of the everyday life of Serbs in this area. The undefined status of institutions, in this regard, has shown to be one of the key issues in the context of the everyday life of the Serb population in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica. The survival of the Serbian institutions for the Serbs in this town represented a confirmation of the presence of the Republic of Serbia in the North of Kosovo and Metohija, which was an important symbol of identification of the local Serbs with the state they considered their own. These institutions, on the other hand, have been under intense international and Albanian pressure since the war in 1999, i. e. under the constant threat of abolition, which caused a continuous feeling of insecurity among the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica and the concerns regarding their own survival. In the conditions of contested legitimacy the Serbs did not accept the imposed instances of international and Kosovo administration, while the international regulatory bodies and Kosovo institutions did not recognize institutions of the Republic of Serbia, considering them "parallel", i. e. illegal. In Northern Kosovska Mitrovica this led to a social situation characterized by the absence of clearly defined authorities, especially in the domain of executive structures, in which the Serbs in this town led their everyday life in a gap between their needs for carrying out various daily practices on the one hand, and on the other the reality interwoven with intricate institutional relations. The Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica were forced to adapt to living in "parallel" realities, deprived of the "normalcy" of everyday life inherent in organized societies. Yet, even though they learned how to adapt to those circumstances and even how to take advantage of them, such a reality created a number of everyday problems which, in the conditions of general uncertainty, made their situation even more unfavorable.
41
Barbullushi, M. « Kosovo 2002 : the epidemiology of renal disease and the impact of 1999 Kosovo war on end-stage renal disease patients ». Nephrology Dialysis Transplantation 17, no 12 (1 décembre 2002) : 2275–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ndt/17.12.2275.
42
Stepic, Milomir. « Kosovo-Metohija component of de-serbing the Balkans : A possible epilogue and its geopolitical consequences ». Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 85, no 1 (2005) : 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0501187s.
Résumé :
Throughout history, the Serbs have represented the most significant populational and spatial factor on the Balkans. Geopolitical aims of great forces and Serbian neighbours have been directed to continual decrease of that significance, by reducing and fragmentation of Serbian ethno-spatial potentials. That has been carried out multi-dimensionally in all Serbian areas, and especially in Kosovo and Metohija. After the war and the establishing of the protectorate in the year 1999, the process of systematic de-serbing of Kosovo and Metohija was continued in various ways, and accelerated. The epilogue is expected through the geopolitical act of official separation of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia. This would happen in a similar way that was tested before (in Dayton-Paris agreement) - by "finished act" of forced territorialization and setting up the border lines. Geopolitical prognosis points to the expectation that the further operationalization of a hypothetical separation could have the following phases: further propaganda of the allegedly unavoidable independence of Kosovo and Metohija; further institutional distancing of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia; Albanian military preparations; setting up of incidents as triggers of Albanian attacks; direct armed action of Albanians; extortion of Serbian agreement on losing Kosovo and Metohija, under the threat of hypothetical losing of larger territories.
43
Kovacevic, Miladin. « The weak points of statistical and demographic analyses in estimations of war victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995 ». Stanovnistvo 43, no 1-4 (2005) : 13–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0504013k.
Résumé :
In the political and war crisis which embraced Bosnia and Herzegovina in the spring of 1992 with an end of war hostilities in the autumn of 1995 when the "Dayton Peace Agreement" emerged (November 1995), a media war occurred. From the very beginning, this war had an international character. The question on the number of war victims (killed and missing) "exploded" in June of 1993 when Haris Silajdzic stated that there had been 200000 dead among the Muslims. This figure uncritically became the basis for all later media and local "empirical truths" on the number of victims. All statistical and demographic disciplines were exploited to support, if not prove, the propaganda standpoints. Objectivity was oppressed by an ugly "face of the war". Having in mind the experience of the Second World War in Yugoslavia the question on the number of victims does not cease to be topical for decades after the end of the war. Bosnia and Herzegovina is more than a confirmation. This question seems to intervene (and in a way "feed of") with the most difficult political and international questions and court trials. ("International Court of Justice", indictment of Bosnia and Herzegovina against The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, namely Serbia). The methodological analysis of the most important works which deal with the question of the number of victims in the Bosnian war (above all, those done by Bosnian institutes and authors) indicate the "mistakes" made by the character of these works (propaganda). The manipulation with statistical methods and numbers is not new. Methodological and numerical traps can slip even to the most informed. The use of statistics and social science in court trials seems to show Janus's face of science: on one side the authentic "moral passion" of researchers finds great sense, and on the other side special interests strive to impose themselves through the (most refined) instrumentation of science and knowledge. (The example of Mr. Patrick Ball's testification in the trials in the Hague Tribunal is edifying as regards the question of the reasons for the Albanian exodus in the war crisis on Kosovo and Metohia in 1999).This analysis points out to the crucial defects of every statistical (and demographic) procedure of deriving the number of war victims in the absence of a comparable population census after the war (which did not take place in Bosnia and Herzegovina). The qualification of the quality of the 1991 Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina is briefly given (the author was an expert and organizational leader of all operations of last censuses in former Yugoslavia, 1991). Probably the most distinctive point, in the continuous course of deriving numbers and analysis on the number of victims in the Bosnian war so far, is the text of George Kenney published in the NY Times Magazine, April 23rd 1995.
44
Simic, Predrag. « Russia and the problem of Kosovo and Metohija ». Balcanica, no 38 (2007) : 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738243s.
Résumé :
Nearly ten years since the 1999 NATO military intervention against Serbia and the establishment of UN administration, Kosovo and Metohija has resurfaced as a topical issue in international politics, separating the positions of the USA and Russia, and becoming a precedent in international relations, possibly with far-reaching consequences not only for the future of the western Balkans but also for many territorial disputes worldwide. Russia has only recently pulled herself out of the years-long Chechnya crisis, and facing similar problems in her 'new neighborhood' (Abkhazia, South Ossetia Transdniestria), is among the countries that might be affected by this precedent. Secondly, with her bad experience in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, Russia has become sensitive not only to any disturbance in the balance of power in the Balkans but also to any change to the existing international order. Moscow has not forgotten that during the 1990s many Westerners saw Serbia as a 'metaphor for Russia' and that the NATO interventions against the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995) and against Serbia (1999) revealed Russia's weakness, sending her the message to give up her interests in the Balkans and Europe. Thirdly, diverging American and Russian policies on Kosovo and Metohija coincide with their strained relations over the deployment of an antimissile 'shield' in Poland and the Czech Republic, the war in Iraq, policy towards Iran and other issues currently at the top of the list of international problems. Fourthly, meanwhile Russia has managed to recover from the disintegration of the USSR and to consolidate her economic and political power in Europe and the world, owing above all to oil and gas exports, but also to the export of industrial products (military in particular). The precedent that an independent Kosovo and Metohija would constitute in international relations is therefore a test of Russia's role as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. She has found herself in the role of the defender of the fundamental principles of international law such as the inviolability of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the UN members.
45
Kupina, Qefsere. « Development of Microfinance Institutions (MFIs) in Kosovo ». European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 3, no 1 (30 avril 2015) : 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v3i1.p89-86.
Résumé :
Well functioning microfinance sector can contribute to the creation of the sustainable financial institutions of the country. An improvement in the microfinance institutions (MFIs) seems to have a positive impact in the lives of the people that able to work but is limited to banking service. The role and importance of the microfinance institutions have increased during the last decade. Large numbers of microfinance programs increased significantly in conflict affected environments, and in many cases become successful institutions. Kosovo is a good example, which indicates the role of MFIs in countries emerging from conflict. By the end of the war in Kosovo (1999) brought the emerging necessary needs for capital projects dealing with reconstruction for economic, social and political development. Therefore, financial support from large numbers of international and relief organizations was imperative for the overall situation in Kosovo. Expansion of the microfinance institutions' networks and improvement of their activities are important for the Kosovo financial system. Microfinance sector in Kosovo is well specified and regulated within their constitutional acts. The microfinance institutions’ goal as a development organization is to serve the financial needs of un-served and underserved markets as a means of meeting development objectives. Researching the current situation of MFIs in Kosovo, the aim of this paper is to describe the overall microfinance sector improvement to its establishment, thereby to provide some additional assessment for the studies in the future. It was stated that microfinance in Kosovo has found an adequate environment for development as well network expansion.
46
Harz Feldbrugge, Benedikt. « Conflicting Perceptions : Russia, the West and Kosovo ». Review of Central and East European Law 34, no 1 (2009) : 491–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303508x339715.
Résumé :
AbstractThe confrontation between the West and Russia over conflict resolution in breakaway states (Kosovo, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, etc.) has been, by and large, the result of dangerous geopolitical moves on the part of both sides after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The US tried to translate the unexpectedly quick victory in the Cold War into a policy aimed at making political use of this tectonic shift in world affairs. On the other hand, Russia—economically marginalized and fully dependent on foreign aid—was forced to stand by and swallow the bitter pill of being excluded from geopolitical decision making. This applies to international diplomacy in the Balkans in the 1990S and, especially, to the Kosovo question, which had already become heated by 1999. However, times have changed in this respect, and things have gotten worse. The Georgian-Ossetian conflict in the summer of 2008 shows that neither side is really interested in an irreversible settlement process in the regions concerned: Russia—for a long time humiliated by the West—acts with a hint of satisfaction in its voice and the West still denies reality by referring to the fairy tale of Kosovo as a sui generis case.
47
Cvijic, Srdjan. « Swinging the Pendulum : World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia ». Nationalities Papers 36, no 4 (septembre 2008) : 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.
Résumé :
The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.
48
Eilders, Christiane. « Media under fire : Fact and fiction in conditions of war ». International Review of the Red Cross 87, no 860 (1 décembre 2005) : 639–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383100184474.
Résumé :
AbstractThe article reviews recentfindings on the quality of war reporting, the conditions under which it takes place, the information policies of the warring parties and their effects. Focusing on German media coverage of the 1991 Gulf war, the Kosovo war and the 2003 Iraq war, it discusses both typical shortcomings of reporting and recent improvements, highlights information control strategies and proposes standards for war reporting.
49
Mihaljinac, Nina, et Vera Mevorah. « Broken promises of Internet and democracy : Internet art in Serbia, 1996–2014 ». Media, Culture & ; Society 41, no 6 (7 mars 2019) : 889–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719831177.
Résumé :
The article uses case studies of artistic and cultural practices on Internet in Serbia (1996–2014) to provide a deeper analysis of possible uses of internet technology and internet art for social and political change as well as showcasing changing attitudes toward the internet in a transitional semi-periphery state. Through analyzing these questions, the article defines several phases of development of internet and art projects in Serbia including (a) the phase of techno-utopia when internet technology was used for staging and supporting student protests and the so-called first ‘internet revolution’ in Serbia (1996–1999); (b) the phase of ambivalence or ‘mixed feelings’ toward the Internet, triggered of by Kosovo War and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-led bombing of 1999–2000; (c) the phase of optimism and hope about the Internet after the ‘October 5th’ revolution (2000–cc. 2005); and (d) the phase of disillusionment with both the Internet and democracy (2010–2014). This study re-evaluates early achievements and democratic principles of networked society and illuminates core issues and accomplishments of cyberculture from the 1990s until present times through the point of view of multiple actors present within Serbian art and culture.
50
MacPherson, Douglas W., Fausto Mariani, Jacqueline Weekers et Brian D. Gushulak. « Field Epidemiology Assessment for a Medical Evacuation Programme Related to the Crisis in Kosovo, 1999 ». Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 15, no 3 (septembre 2000) : 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00025140.
Résumé :
AbstractIn complex human emergency (CHE)-aid situations, the international community responds to provide assistance to reduce morbidity and mortality related to environmental and civil disruptions. The political and social situation in Kosovo, in combination with the military activity from 23 March to 09 June, 1999, created a crisis associated with mass movement of the population of Kosovo into neighbouring provinces and nations. This forced migration of people seeking protection increased demands for -water, food, shelter, and health care in the refugee areas. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that 771,900 ethnic Albanians, and 30,700 Serbians, Croatians, and Montenegrins had been displaced from Kosovo during this time period, and that 439,500 of these people had arrived in Albania. Given the limited health-care resources in Albania to respond to the increasing demands for health care, a field epidemiological study was conducted by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to assess the need for a medical evacuation program from Albania related to the crisis in Kosovo. Outcome measurements in this assessment were: 1) health-care capacity and health-care utilization rates in Albania before the crisis and by the refugees during the crisis; 2) the frequency of war-related injuries; 3) the frequency of medical evacuation; 4) nature of medical conditions of the patients being evacuated; and 5) destination for medical evacuation (internal or international) during the crisis. The results of the field assessment, which gathered health outcome data during the first eight weeks of the conflict (23 March 1999 to 25 May 1999), indicated that there was a need for a specifically designed medical evacuation programme in Albania. The study demonstrated that the implementation of a medical evacuation programme must be integrated with the national health care objectives. It also was found that the magnitude of an evacuation programme could be reduced markedly by strategic support of existing medical programmes in Albania (haemodialysis, trauma and orthopaedics, blood banking). Implementation of this strategy could permit containment of the majority of cases within Albania or to regional, health-care facilities. The results of such targeted support for specific services could result in a national programme for internal medical evacuation, with limited dependence upon the international movement of patients.