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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Labor unions – Organizing – History »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Clark, Paul F. "Organizing the Organizers: Professional Staff Unionism in the American Labor Movement." ILR Review 42, no. 4 (1989): 584–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904200408.

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This study summarizes the history of bargaining units formed to represent professional employees of American unions and presents the results of a 1987–88 survey of officers of 40 such professional staff unions. These special unions, which date to the early 1950s, resemble conventional unions in the bargaining issues that are most important to them (job security and salaries), as well as in their relationships with management (in this case, union leaders), which range from amicable to antagonistic. They differ sharply, however, in their infrequent use of strikes. Professional staff unionism is

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Eldridge, Sarah Vandegrift. "Mothers’ Labor: Organizing and Parenting in Neoliberal Academia." Feminist German Studies 40, no. 1 (2024): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fgs.2024.a933691.

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Abstract: In this article I reflect on my experiences in my university’s labor union, United Campus Workers (UCW), both before and after I became a parent. Labor unions—especially wall-to-wall unions like UCW—are an important site of solidarity and resistance against the neoliberal policies of university administrations. UCW, a union without collective bargaining in a state hostile to labor, has won important fights for better working conditions. This work takes time, however, and a long history of cultural depictions insists that political activism and parenting, particularly mothering, are o

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Armbruster-Sandoval, Ralph. "Globalization and Transnational Labor Organizing." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012682.

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The proliferation of garment industry sweatshops over the past 20 years has generated numerous cross-border (transnational) organizing campaigns involving U.S., Mexican, and Central American labor unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This article examines one such campaign that took place at the Honduran maquiladora factory known as Kimi. The Kimi workers (along with their transnational allies) struggled for six years before they were legally recognized as a union, and they negotiated one of the few collective bargaining agreements in the entire Central American region. The factory

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Zackin, Emily. "“To Change the Fundamental Law of the State”: Protective Labor Provisions in U.S. Constitutions." Studies in American Political Development 24, no. 1 (2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990083.

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As the United States industrialized, its state constitutions began to include protections for laborers. In this article, I describe the origins of these constitutional provisions and ask why labor organizations and other reformers pursued their inclusion in state constitutions. I argue that they saw state constitutions as a vehicle to prompt reluctant legislatures to pass protective statutes, to entrench existing protections against future legislatures, to safeguard labor legislation from constitutional challenges in state courts, and to facilitate further union organizing. Labor activism in t

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Wanzo, Rebecca. "Sentimental Solidarities." Film Quarterly 75, no. 2 (2021): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2021.75.2.89.

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Film Quarterly columnist Rebecca Wanzo surveys the history of fictional treatments of labor in US television and film and examines the frequently overlooked role played by sentimentality in media representations of labor and union organizing. Noting that sentimentality has been criticized for its deployment of suffering bodies as “other” objects for voyeuristic tears as well as for sometimes collapsing difference in an effort to construct empathy, Wanzo observes that documentary has often been a more welcoming space for the telling of sympathetic narratives about unions than Hollywood fiction

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Schirmer, Eleni. "“Sterilizing and Fertilizing the Plant at the Same Time”: The Class Formation of the Milwaukee Teachers’ Education Association." History of Education Quarterly 63, no. 3 (2023): 399–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2023.20.

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AbstractThis article analyzes class formation of the Milwaukee Teachers’ Education Association (MTEA). In 2011, Wisconsin curtailed public-sector union collective bargaining, causing Wisconsin unions’ membership and political power to plummet. This article puts the 2011 collapse into historical perspective, by considering the development of Milwaukee teachers’ labor organizing over the course of the twentieth century. In part I, I chronicle the formation of the MTEA, including its early contest with the Milwaukee Teachers Union (MTU) and the gendered fault lines of the teachers’ collective vis

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Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstr

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Fitzsimmons, Tracy, and Mark Anner. "Civil Society in a Postwar Period: Labor in the Salvadoran Democratic Transition." Latin American Research Review 34, no. 3 (1999): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100039388.

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AbstractThis research note seeks to offer some resolution to the theoretical disagreements over how democratization affects civil society, specifically in a transition toward democracy that occurs through pacted settlements of an armed internal conflict. Using a comparative study over time of the labor movement in El Salvador, the authors demonstrate that while unions of the political center and left have weakened since the signing of the Salvadoran Peace Accords, independent labor groups show higher levels of organizing and right-leaning unions have maintained nearly constant levels of organi

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Ji, Minsun. "With or without class: Resolving Marx’s Janus-faced interpretation of worker-owned cooperatives." Capital & Class 44, no. 3 (2019): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816819852757.

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To shed light on polarized perspectives regarding the virtues or downfalls of worker cooperatives among variants of Marxists, this article focuses on Marx’s own Janus-faced analysis of worker cooperatives. Marx had great faith in the radical potential of worker cooperatives, properly organized and politically oriented, but he also was greatly critical of the tendency of cooperatives to shrink their political horizons and become isolated from broader labor movements. Although thinkers in the Marxist tradition criticize worker cooperatives when they operate as isolated circles of ‘collective cap

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McFarland, Stephen. "Putting Workers on the Map: Towards a Labour Cartography." Cartographica: The International Journal for Geographic Information and Geovisualization 58, no. 1 (2023): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cart-2022-0019.

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Labour cartography is a useful frame for cartographic research. The project of labour cartography involves three main areas of study. First, recovery of an archive of maps created by workers and labour unions, a history of cartography from below. Second, mapping and spatial analysis that renders visible historical patterns of work, organizing, and working-class community life. Third, research into applications of GIS by contemporary labour unions and workers’ advocacy organizations, with an eye to developing more widespread, sophisticated, and democratic uses of maps and spatial analysis in or

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Luff, Jennifer. "Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658701.

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Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, a

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Frundt, Henry J. "Central American Unions in the Era of Globalization." Latin American Research Review 37, no. 3 (2002): 7–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100024468.

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AbstractGlobalization has exacerbated the impact of three Northern-driven forces on Central American unions. Transnational firms have restructured or enhanced their levels of subcontracting. Governments, while weakening labor-code implemention, have launched extensive privatization schemes. And international supporters of unions have espoused new priorities and rechanneled funding. Although all three trends have caused major difficulties for unions, this article assesses whether or not their traditional spirit of “social-movement unionism” has been undermined. Based on extensive interviews and

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Herod, Andrew. "Geographies of Labor Internationalism." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 501–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012669.

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Globalization is transforming the spatial organization of the world economy. In particular, it is leading to the “shrinking globe” phenomenon and the speeding up of social interaction between places across the planet. Given that international labor solidarity is a process of coming together across space, I argue that the spatial reorganization of global capitalism has important consequences for practices of solidarity. Specifically, I suggest that the spatial context within which they find themselves is likely to impact the types of political praxis in which workers engage. Thus, whereas globa

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Stolte, Carolien. "Introduction: Trade Union Networks and the Politics of Expertise in an Age of Afro-Asian Solidarity." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz098.

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Abstract Across 1950s Afro-Asia, the ongoing process of political decolonization occurred in tandem with increased connection between the local, the regional, and the global. A variety of internationalist movements emerged, much more polyphonic than the voices of the political leaders who had gathered at the Bandung Conference. Trade union networks played a particularly important role not just in organizing labor but in connecting local unions to regional and global ones. These networks were held together by exchanges between local African and Asian trade unions and large international federat

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Ringer, Andrea. "“We Fight Anything That Fights the Circus”: Unions and Labor Organizing under the Big Top." Labor 19, no. 3 (2022): 8–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9794956.

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Abstract With seasons that often stretched across continents, and a diverse and cosmopolitan group of employees, the circus was a startlingly unique mobile, transient, and global workplace. This article focuses on the significant worker activism in the circus during the late 1930s and early 1940s, particularly as it intersected with labor organizations. In 1938, nearly sixteen hundred laborers with the Ringling Brothers Circus staged a sit-in to protest unfair wages with the help of the AFL. But they were shocked when the circus responded by shutting down for the season, leaving every worker o

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Satı, Büşra. "Working-Class Women, Gender, and Union Politics in Turkey, 1965–1980." International Labor and Working-Class History 100 (2021): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547921000119.

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AbstractThis paper focuses on the ideology and discourses of Tekstil İṣçileri Sendikası (the Textile Workers’ Union, Tekstil) in Turkey to highlight some of the specific visions of the organized labor for an emancipatory gender politics during the 1970s. This history of intersection between gender and working-class organizing has been overlooked by the Left scholarship on the one hand and liberal feminist scholarship on the other. This paper addresses this gap in the literature by highlighting gender and class concurrently throughout the history of the transformation of gender politics in labo

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Daria, James. "Fairwashing and Union Busting: The Privatization of Labor Standards in Mexico’s Agro-export Industry." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 38, no. 3 (2022): 379–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.379.

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While Mexico’s agricultural exports have rapidly expanded over the past two decades, a strike by farmworkers in San Quintín, Baja California, in 2015 drew attention to the labor problems and workers’ demands in the industry. In response, foreign agribusiness corporations implemented private labor standards through fair-trade labels to address these problems in their global produce supply chains. Based on ethnographic research, I argue that these private standards fail to improve farmworkers’ labor conditions and instead serve to “fairwash” fresh produce and to prevent union organizing even whe

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Higbie, Tobias, and Gaspar Rivera-Salgado. "The Border at Work: Undocumented Workers, the ILGWU in Los Angeles, and the Limits of Labor Citizenship." Labor 19, no. 4 (2022): 58–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10032376.

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Abstract In 2000, the AFL-CIO officially embraced the call for amnesty for undocumented immigrant workers, reversing long-standing policy in favor of greater restriction and border enforcement. The roots of this new approach stretched back to the 1970s, when the growing presence of undocumented workers in the industrial workforce challenged organized labor's nationalist orthodoxy. Taking the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU) in Los Angeles as a case study, we show how one union confronted new demographic and organizing realities and recognized the demand for unionization among

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Barrett, James R. "Whiteness Studies: Anything Here for Historians of the Working Class?" International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901004392.

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This response takes up four of Eric Arnesen's many objections to whiteness research: (1) the fuzziness of the definitions for “whiteness”; (2) the notion of a process by which European immigrants “became white”; (3) the sloppy research methods; and (4) the political posturing of some authors. Although I consider a range of works, I concentrate mainly on those of David Roediger. A serious analysis of the roots of white working-class racism was long overdue, and Roediger and his colleagues have advanced this study significantly. They have demonstrated the severe social limits and the racist impl

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Goldman, Debbie. "Dialing for Change: Organizing Call Center Workers in the 1990s." Labor 18, no. 4 (2021): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9361765.

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Abstract This article contrasts two Communications Workers of America (CWA) strategic organizing campaigns at Sprint and Southwestern Bell wireless in the 1990s. In the first case, the NLRA failed to protect Sprint workers after their employer closed the call center to avoid a union election, despite a complaint filed by a Mexican union under labor provisions of the North American Free Trade Agreement. In the second case, the CWA's “bargain to organize” strategy neutralized Southwestern Bell's opposition, and 40,000 wireless workers chose CWA representation under a negotiated neutrality/card-c

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Dingwall, Orvie, Lyle Ford, and Ruby Warren. "Ready for a Fair Deal." Canadian Journal of Academic Librarianship 8 (January 4, 2023): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cjal-rcbu.v8.38565.

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Canadian academic libraries are unionized environments, requiring collective organization and action to address labour conditions and contract negotiations. The University of Manitoba Faculty Association (UMFA) has 1264 members, including 52 archivists and librarians, and in 2021 resolved the longest strike in association history. The newly ratified agreement contained major gains to advance pay equity within the union, and the strike itself maintained UMFA historic high levels of participation and member engagement, in part due to the significant contributions of librarians and archivists. In

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Dingwall, Orvie, Lyle Ford, and Ruby Warren. "Ready for a Fair Deal." Canadian Journal of Academic Librarianship 8 (January 4, 2023): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cjal-rcbu.v8.38832.

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Canadian academic libraries are unionized environments, requiring collective organization and action to address labour conditions and contract negotiations. The University of Manitoba Faculty Association (UMFA) has 1264 members, including 52 archivists and librarians, and in 2021 resolved the longest strike in association history. The newly ratified agreement contained major gains to advance pay equity within the union, and the strike itself maintained UMFA historic high levels of participation and member engagement, in part due to the significant contributions of librarians and archivists. In

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Duin, Pieter Van. "White Building Workers and Coloured Competition in the South African Labour Market, c. 1890–1940." International Review of Social History 37, no. 1 (1992): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000110934.

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SummaryThe article deals with “racial” aspects of the labour market and labour relations in South Africa's building industry, focussing largely, though not exclusively, on skilled building workers on the Witwatersrand (Southern Transvaal). Different trade-union strategies are examined, as pursued by building trade unions in the Transvaal as well as the Eastern Cape and Natal, in order to add a comparative dimension. In the latter areas, shortly after World War I, a white-exclusionist organizing policy was replaced in some urban centres by a pragmatic strategy of incorporating “coloured” artisa

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Galić, Borislav M., and Rajko G. Raonić. "DEVELOPMENT OF TRADE UNION ORGANIZING AS A HISTORICAL LEGACY AND A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT." Strani pravni život 68, no. 2 (2024): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.56461/spz_24204kj.

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Throughout history, trade union organization has undergone significant reforms and changed as the organization of the state itself has changed. Trade union organization went through three historical phases: the phase until the nineteenth century, the phase from the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century, and the final phase in the twenty-first century. Trade union organization followed the organization of the first states, through which workers defended their labor rights under primitive conditions in a primitively organized way. The first modern forms of trade union organiz

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Tucker, Sean, and Alex Mucalov. "Industrial Voluntarism in Canada." Articles 65, no. 2 (2010): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044300ar.

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The term “industrial voluntarism” has been used to describe the norm that dominated union organizing and, more broadly, union-management relations in Canada during most of the first half of the 20thcentury. In practical terms, the principle defines situations in which unions and employers initiate, develop, and enforce agreements without state assistance or compulsion. This paper investigates the history of voluntarism in Canada with attention to post-war legal accommodations and various manifestations of voluntarism related to union recognition. We show how aspects of the Framework of Fairnes

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Dolber, Brian. "Organizing at the Digital Water Cooler: Social Media, Platform Organizing, and the Fight against Surveillance Capitalism." South Atlantic Quarterly 122, no. 4 (2023): 779–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-10779424.

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This article explores how Rideshare Drivers United (RDU), a fledgling union of app-based drivers in California, works in dialectical relationship to processes of surveillance capitalism. First, the article gives a brief history of RDU's organizing strategy in the lead-up to two strikes in the spring of 2019. RDU capitalized on social media's advertising platforms, as well as on a purpose-built app called Solidarity, to bring together a disparate workforce. Next, drawing on Vincent Mosco's framework for the political economy of communication, the article describes how this strategy emerged in r

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Massie, Alicia, and Yi Chien Jade Ho. "“Working Women Unite”: Exploring a Socialist Feminist, Nonhierarchical Teachers Union." Labor Studies Journal 45, no. 1 (2020): 32–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x20909935.

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In this paper, we present and explore the case of the Teaching Support Staff Union (TSSU), an independent, directly democratic, and feminist labor union at Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada. Operating continuously since the 1970s, we argue that TSSU is an important example of the ways in which gender and class have intersected within the history of the Canadian labor movement, and a fascinating case of a longstanding socialist feminist union. We also argue that alongside the historical relevance, exploring the constraints and possibilities of a feminist nonhierarchical organi

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Smith, Julia. "Steelworkers in Struggle." Monthly Review 68, no. 10 (2017): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-068-10-2017-03_7.

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Ahmed White's vivid and deeply researched account of the Little Steel strike of 1937 makes an important contribution to our understanding of U.S. labor history, union organizing, and class conflict. It illustrates the tactical complexity of strikes, reveals the power and ruthlessness of employers, and demonstrates the risks of relying on the state to secure justice for working people.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

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Munger, Frank. "Legal Resources of Striking Miners: Notes for a Study of Class Conflict and Law." Social Science History 15, no. 1 (1991): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002099x.

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Union miners stand together,Heed no operator’s tale.Keep your hands upon the dollar,And your eyes upon the scale.—verse from “Miner’s Lifeguard” [Silverman 1975: 389]In 1895, Fayette County, West Virginia, a leading coal county in the southern West Virginia coal fields, experienced widespread strikes by miners. The strikes were remarkable because, in an American industry known for violent labor relations and intensive union organizing since the appearance of the Molly Maguires in Pennsylvania before 1880, this was the first major strike in southern West Virginia. We might attempt to understand

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Elbert, Rodolfo. "Union Organizing after the Collapse of Neoliberalism in Argentina: The Place of Community in the Revitalization of the Labor Movement (2005–2011)." Critical Sociology 43, no. 1 (2016): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920515570369.

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Recent Argentine history showed that since 2003 the labor movement became increasingly relevant due to protests organized by unionized formal workers. Labor revitalization in a context of persistent informality raised the following question: Were there union organizing strategies that related formal workers to the broader working class community that included informal workers? This article answered the question through the analysis of union strategies from three formal sector firms located in one city of the Northern Gran Buenos Aires, Argentina, between 2005 and 2011. The evidence from this c

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Smith, Sara R. "Queers are Workers, Workers are Queer, Workers' Rights are Hot! The Emerging Field of Queer Labor History." International Labor and Working-Class History 89 (2016): 184–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791500040x.

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Gay male stewards performing drag shows on large passenger ships in the 1930s. Male hustlers selling sex to men for money and then going home to their girlfriends in the 1950s. Lesbian bus drivers organizing in the 1970s to include “sexual orientation” in their union contract's antidiscrimination clause. Gay male flight attendants fired from their jobs for being HIV-positive in the 1980s. These are some of the stories told in the four books under review, each about the queer labor history of the United States.

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Weber, Devra Anne. "Wobblies of the Partido Liberal Mexicano." Pacific Historical Review 85, no. 2 (2016): 188–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2016.85.2.188.

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This article examines the Mexican grassroots base of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) and PLM members who belonged to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). It suggests that a grassroots perspective, one that is also multilingual and transnational, reframes both the PLM and the IWW. Eschewing an institutional approach, this perspective suggests that the organizational underbelly for much of this work rested with Mexican social networks that formed the labor crews, strikes, foci, and union locals. PLM supporters prepared for a Mexican revolution. Some of them did so while organizing IWW l

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Martin, Andrew W. "Global Unions, Local Power: The New Spirit of Transnational Labor Organizing By Jamie K. McCallum Cornell University Press. 2013. 232 pages. $21.95 paperback, $65.00 hardback." Social Forces 94, no. 3 (2014): e74-e74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sou041.

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Ngai, Mae. "Understanding Contemporary Workers' Struggles: Remembering David Montgomery." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000221.

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I was not one of David's students, though I wanted to be. I had applied to Yale for graduate school and had gone up to New Haven to meet him beforehand. But I didn't get in. Apparently, the admissions committee (which he wasn't on that year) considered it too risky to admit someone who had worked in the labor movement, in light of the union organizing going on among Yale's graduate students and employees. I thought this was ironic because, although I was sympathetic to the Yale organizing, I was searching for the life of the mind. If I had wanted to organize workers, I would have continued wha

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Bovino, Emily Verla. "On union, displaced: Capture and captivity with the Hong Kong Artist Union (HKAU)." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 8, no. 1 (2021): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00037_1.

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In 2016, between Guangdong strikes in mainland China and Hong Kong’s unionization momentum, Hong Kong artist Wong Ka Ying posted a call on Facebook founding the Hong Kong Artist Union (HKAU). The gesture followed the mischievously named Come Inside, Hong Kong’s ‘first female artist duo’ created by Wong and artist Mak Ying Tung, which declared it would combat art’s ‘formalized system’. Ironically, one of its first actions was to enrol in a course on insurance that could help it formalize healthcare for artists. Come Inside welcomed the idea that opposition to the ‘system’ brings artists into it

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Martens, Allison M. "Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order." Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 2 (2009): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990034.

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Labor, gender and, class have each been identified as important reconstructive forces of the American constitutional order, but rarely has a single organization provided an opportunity to directly study the interrelationship of all these forces during a critical period of constitutional change. This article examines one such organization during the years leading up to the New Deal: The Women's Trade Union League. The WTUL, which uniquely mixed middle-class and working-class membership, was founded in 1903 to facilitate trade union organizing by women. Its labor approach, however, would ultimat

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Konefsky, Alfred S. "“As Best to Subserve Their Own Interests”: Lemuel Shaw, Labor Conspiracy, and Fellow Servants." Law and History Review 7, no. 1 (1989): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743781.

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Over thirty years ago, Leonard Levy, building explicitly on suggestions first offered by Walter Nelles, and implicitly on observations made by Roscoe Pound, commented on the unusual conjunction of two decisions announced within weeks of each other in 1842 by Lemuel Shaw, Chief Justice of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court. The cases, Farwell v. Boston & Worcester Railroad which helped create the fellow servant rule in the United States, and Commonwealth v. Hunt, which involved a prosecution for criminal conspiracy for organizing a labor union as a closed shop, seemed at odds. Hunt ap

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Kinsella, Timothy K. "A Renegade Union: Interracial Organizing and Labor Radicalism. By Lisa Phillips. (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2013. Pp. ix, 231. $50.00.)." Historian 76, no. 3 (2014): 599–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12048_25.

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Orleck, Annelise. "“There Is Not a Factory Today Where This Same Immoral Condition Does Not Exist”: Strikes against Sexual Harassment, 1912–2019." Labor 19, no. 1 (2022): 74–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9475730.

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Abstract From 1912 to 2019, low-wage women workers have used the strike to resist sexual violence and harassment on the shop floor. This article examines two strike actions, more than a century apart. First it looks at the 1912 Kalamazoo Corset Co. strike, the first known strike against sexual harassment in the United States. Comparing it to a multicity anti-sexual-harassment strike wave by McDonald’s workers in 2018–19 (mostly women of color), the article assesses the increasing importance of race in women’s union organizing as well as the impact of the #MeToo movement on women’s labor activi

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Verchenko, A.L. "Chinese history in faces: the first female CCP member." East Asia: Facts and Analytics, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 6–20. https://doi.org/10.24412/2686-7702-2021-1-6-20.

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In the Soviet/Russian historical science, the personality of Miao Boying has not been fully researched, and the CCР's 100th anniversary gives all the reasons to light up her biography. Miao Boying (1898–1929) belongs to a generation of the Chinese youth who in the early 1920s after the Xinhai revolution under the influence of the “New Culture Movement” and the “May Fourth Movement” began the campaign for the renewal of the state, for the rejection of outdated traditions, related to women in particular. Before the formation of the CCP, she criticized moral and

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Sangster, Joan. "Waitresses in Action." Labour / Le Travail 92 (November 10, 2023): 13–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52975/llt.2023v92.003.

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In the 1970s, women in Toronto created the Waitresses Action Committee to protest the introduction of a “differential” or lower minimum wage for wait staff serving alcohol. Their campaign was part of their broader feminist critique of women’s exploitation and the gendered and sexualized nature of waitressing. Influenced by their origins in the Wages for Housework campaign, they stressed the linkages between women’s unpaid work in the home and the workplace. Their campaign eschewed worksite organizing for an occupational mobilization outside of the established unions; they used petitions, publi

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САПОЖНИКОВА, С. М., and С. А. ЧУДАКОВА. "CREATING SUSTAINABLE GROWTH OF FLAX PRODUCTION WITHIN THE UNION STATE." Экономика и предпринимательство, no. 9(158) (November 18, 2023): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2023.158.09.020.

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Производство льна-долгунца в Смоленской области имеет длительную историю развития, приносило устойчивый доход. Однако льноводство отличается высоким уровнем трудоёмкости, что привело в условиях рынка к деградации отрасли в регионе. Однако в мире спрос на льнопродукцию растет, что требует мер по возрождению этой отрасли. При этом в РБ условия для выращивания льна схожи, что можно использовать в организации совместной работы по созданию Индустриального межгосударственного комплекса по производству льна в рамках Союзного государства. Smolensk region has a long history of development, brought a st

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Hecker, Steven. "Hazard Pay for COVID-19? Yes, But It’s Not a Substitute for a Living Wage and Enforceable Worker Protections." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 30, no. 2 (2020): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291120933814.

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The COVID-19 pandemic is exposing critical failures in public and occupational health in the United States. So-called hazard pay for essential workers is a necessary but insufficient response to the lack of workplace protections. The roots of these failures in the weakening of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration enforcement and pandemic preparedness and the dramatic shifts in the economy and labor market in recent decades are explored along with the history of hazard pay. The current prominence of COVID-19-related workplace hazards, and the mobilization by both nonunion and union

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Lee, Joong-Jae. "Defense Workers' Struggles for Patriotic Control: The Labor-Management-State Contests over Defense Production at Brewster, 1940–1944." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 136–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000213.

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Labor historians have heretofore presented bifurcated portrayals of the relationship between defense workers and the wartime, corporatist state during the Second World War. While liberal CIO leaders energetically tried to establish labor's greater representation in wartime mobilization and politics through patriotic social unionism, militant rank and filers turned out to be antistate wildcatters. In contrast, this local study of Brewster workers producing naval aircraft suggests that the wartime fetish with patriotic productivity had converging impacts on the relationship of both international

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James, Leslie. "“Essential Things Such as Typewriters”: Development Discourse, Trade Union Expertise, and the Dialogues of Decolonization between the Caribbean and West Africa." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 378–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz100.

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Abstract This article examines how the liberatory ideals of transnational projects could become codified in particular processes of thought, deed, and expression. During his term of service in Nigeria between 1960 and 1962 the Trinidadian union leader McDonald Moses mobilized a number of phenomena central to the transformative projects of the mid-twentieth century: the paramountcy of psychology to “true” transformation and change; the embrace of programmatic action; and the belief that both psychological transformation and programmatic action could be articulated through new and enlightened fo

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Williams, Charles. "The Racial Politics of Progressive Americanism: New Deal Liberalism and the Subordination of Black Workers in the UAW." Studies in American Political Development 19, no. 1 (2005): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000040.

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In February 1937, members of the United Automobile Workers (UAW) celebrated their pioneering victory over General Motors by waving American flags as they marched out of Fisher Body and paraded through the streets of Flint, Michigan. Later that year, as the UAW turned to organizing Ford's massive River Rouge plant, the Ford edition of the United Automobile Worker described the complex as a foreign country and called on workers to “win this for America” and “win the war for democracy in River Rouge!” When a successful strike finally led to union recognition and an NLRB election in 1941, the UAW

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Cain, Timothy Reese. "The First Attempts to Unionize the Faculty." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 112, no. 3 (2010): 876–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811011200310.

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Background/Context Faculty unionization is an important topic in modern higher education, but the history of the phenomenon has not yet been fully considered. This article brings together issues of professionalization and unionization and provides needed historical background to ongoing unionization efforts and debates. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study This article examines the context of, debates surrounding, and ultimate failure of the first attempts to organize faculty unions in the late 1910s and early 1920s. Following a discussion of the institutional change of the perio

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McIlroy, John. "Organizing for partnership: the influence of the American Federation of Labor - Congress of Industrial Organisations on the British Trades Union Congress 1995–2005." Labor History 54, no. 2 (2013): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2013.773143.

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Huerta, Alvaro, and Alfonso Morales. "Formation of a Latino Grassroots Movement." Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 39, no. 2 (2014): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/azt.2014.39.2.65.

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When the city of Los Angeles banned gas-powered leaf blowers in 1996, the law sparked one of the most dynamic grassroots campaigns by Latino immigrants in recent history. Latino immigrant gardeners, working with a small group of Chicana/o activists, organized the Association of Latin American Gardeners of Los Angeles (ALAGLA), which pressured city leaders to reverse the ban. ALAGLA pursued its objectives by engaging in the political process, taking direct action, advocating technological adaptations, and reframing the gardeners and their tools in a positive light. Turning public opinion in the

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Arnesen, Eric. "Phillips Lisa. A Renegade Union. Interracial Organizing and Labor Radicalism. [The Working Class in American History.] University of Illinois Press, Urbana [etc.] 2013. xv, 231 pp. Ill. $50.00." International Review of Social History 59, no. 01 (2014): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901400008x.

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