Articles de revues sur le sujet « Leadership in children – Uganda – Case studies »

Learning outcomes This trio of cases is appropriate for upper-level undergraduate classes or for postgraduate programs in non-profit management, leadership and community development, international development, global studies, women’s and gender studies and social entrepreneurship. It allows the instructors and students to engage with classical leadership tenets and emerging social entrepreneurship literature. Upon completion of the case study discussion and assignments, students will be able to: identify diverse obstacles that African women face in starting social enterprises; understand the ways that African women leaders build a social dimension to their enterprise; and identify characteristics of women’s leadership and critique the value of women’s leadership for establishing sustainable social enterprises. Case overview/synopsis The case stories of the three African social enterprises portray how female leaders have fostered sustainable organisations through prioritising social, over economic and governance investments. Martha Letsoalo, a former domestic worker, founded the Heartfelt Project in South Africa, which now employs fifteen women, ships products all around the world and enriches the community of Makapanstad with its workshop, training and education centre. Victoria Nalongo Namusisi, daughter of a fisherman in rural Uganda, founded Bright Kids Uganda, a thriving care facility, school and community centre that educates vulnerable children, empowers victims of gender-based violence and distributes micro-loans to female entrepreneurs. Gertrude, abandoned in Lusaka, Zambia, founded Chikumbuso, a home of resilience and remembrance to educate children and offer women employment in a cooperative business. Each case documents the founding years of the social enterprise and outlines some of the shared women’s leadership approaches. The case dilemma focuses on why and how women start social enterprises in socially and economically difficult contexts. Complexity academic level This trio of cases is appropriate for undergraduate or graduate-level programs in non-profit management, leadership and community development, international development, global studies and social entrepreneurship. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS 3: Entrepreneurship. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only.

Background: Approximately 25% of the risk of Schistosoma mansoni is associated with host genetic variation. We will test 24 candidate genes, mainly in the Th2 and Th17 pathways, for association with S. mansoni infection intensity in four African countries, using family based and case-control approaches. Methods: Children aged 5-15 years will be recruited in S. mansoni endemic areas of Ivory Coast, Cameroon, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). We will use family based (study 1) and case-control (study 2) designs. Study 1 will take place in Ivory Coast, Cameroon, Uganda and the DRC. We aim to recruit 100 high worm burden families from each country except Uganda, where a previous study recruited at least 40 families. For phenotyping, cases will be defined as the 20% of children in each community with heaviest worm burdens as measured by the circulating cathodic antigen (CCA) assay. Study 2 will take place in Uganda. We will recruit 500 children in a highly endemic community. For phenotyping, cases will be defined as the 20% of children with heaviest worm burdens as measured by the CAA assay, while controls will be the 20% of infected children with the lightest worm burdens. Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) will be genotyped on the Illumina H3Africa SNP (single nucleotide polymorphisms) chip and genotypes will be converted to sets of haplotypes that span the gene region for analysis. We have selected 24 genes for genotyping that are mainly in the Th2 and Th17 pathways and that have variants that have been demonstrated to be or could be associated with Schistosoma infection intensity. Analysis: In the family-based design, we will identify SNP haplotypes disproportionately transmitted to children with high worm burden. Case-control analysis will detect overrepresentation of haplotypes in extreme phenotypes with correction for relatedness by using whole genome principal components.

The present article draws from the biographical narratives of three South African high school female principals which are part of a larger research study in which 26 aspiring and practicing women school leaders were interviewed. Narratives were constructed from in-depth interviews with each participant and analyzed for themes that provided insights into the skills, knowledge, and understanding that contribute to an effective African-centered leadership style that values three key principles of ubuntu: spirituality, interdependence, and unity. Findings indicate these women’s narratives are a testimony to their moral and ethical commitments in which social emancipation, compassion, and care for the community’s children are firmly rooted at the center of their leadership style. This study answers the call for research that explores context-specific leadership.

Malnutrition is a major public-health problem throughout the developing world and is an underlying factor in over 50% of the 10-11 million children under 5 years of age who die each year of preventable causes. Uganda loses US$310 million worth of productivity per year due to the high levels of stunting, iodine-deficiency disorders, iron deficiency, low birth weight, and malnutrition contributes to a loss of about 4.1% of the gross domestic product per year. This paper provides the findings of an assessment conducted in Kamuli district to determine the capacity of public health units to manage under-five malnutrition focusing on the six building blocks of the health system. This was a descriptive cross sectional study that employed both qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection, analysis and presentation. This involved interviewing health workers using a semi structured questionnaire and checklist for health facilities. Supplement qualitative data was collected using key informant interviews (KIIs). Results indicate that the capacity of health facilities to manage under-five malnutrition in Kamuli district was found to be low at 36.6% only. Capacity of health facilities was based on; Nutrition leadership and human resource development, health worker knowledge, availability of equipment and supplies, physical infrastructure, availability of infant and young child nutrition policy guidelines and planning and budgeting at health facility level.

This article presents a case study analysis of recent institutional changes occurring in The Family, a well-known international movement originally called The Children of God. The Family is now flourishing well into its third generation in spite of intense external opposition that portrays it as an insidious cult. During the past ten years since the death of its founder, David Berg, The Family has dramatically changed many of its organizational modes of operation. These new developments have rational democratizing, and worldly accommodation implications that enhance organizational viability and prospects for success, while simultaneously threatening the group's internal standards and moral identity. Family leadership has imposed several retrenchment campaigns on Family homes worldwide to offset what are seen as the corrupting consequences of too much worldly accommodation. Tensions generated by these changes and reactions to them are analyzed in this article within sociological models of religious accommodation. The data for this article were obtained from extensive interviews with Family co-leaders Maria and Peter, and from close readings of key Family documents.

The practice of levirate marriage describes cases where, under the customary conception of marriage, a male relative of the deceased husband ‘inherits’ or ‘takes over’ his widow. Based on the concept of legal pluralism, the paper analyses different notions of marriage in customary law and statutory law. Within this legal framework the collective character of marriage under customary law and the assumption that the alliance entered by two kin groups is not dissolved by the death of one spouse function as central preliminaries for the levirate marriage. Even though the levirate shows a large number of variables, all these arrangements were initially created as a support system for the widow and her children. Furthermore, it allowed the perpetuation of the lineage and the maintenance of the alliance between two families. By referring to case studies from various ethnic groups in Kenya and Uganda the paper discusses current developments of and challenges for this complex practice that constitutes a field of multiple negotiations especially in its legal-pluralistic context.

HIV and AIDS is an urgent housing and human settlements issue, especially among women and children living in poverty and suffering from poor housing conditions in urban slums in the South. The link between poverty and HIV prevalence is well established, and the fact that inadequate shelter increases the vulnerability of the urban poor to HIV and AIDS is increasingly recognised. Since 2003, Rooftops Canada and their partners in Kenya, Tanzania, Cameroon, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and more recently Uganda, have been working on strategies and developing programmes to respond to the AIDS crisis in these countries. Related programmes link shelter to poverty reduction through sustainable economic and social development, environmental protection, respect for human rights, democratisation and gender equality. This paper compiles the experiences of the partner housing organisations and resource groups in Sub-Saharan Africa responding to HIV and AIDS among their constituent stakeholders. The community-based responses focus on promoting social sustainability, enhancing operational capacity and improving financial sustainability. Community-based responses relate to issues of stigma and discrimination, reducing the impact of housing rights violations and responding to the specific vulnerability of children, women and youth. Social sustainability deals with the impact of HIV and AIDS on the social viability of communities. Operational capacity analyses housing groups' responses to the organ-isational impact of HIV and AIDS - including loss of staff, leadership and institutional memory, decreased productivity and capacity - and the experience of including HIV and AIDS within the core organisational mandate. Financial sustainability explores the challenges of reconciling related financial and social goals.

Based on three years of ethnographic fieldwork in a multi-ethnic immigrant Muslim congregation in a Midwestern city in the United States, this article scrutinizes the intricate process through which women use traditional gender roles and expectations to legitimate and operationalize women’s leadership. This study found that de facto congregationalism has made it possible for Muslim women to translate their ‘traditional’ responsibilities for food preparation and socializing children into greater visibility and voice in both the mosque and broader society. This study provides an in-depth examination of the nuanced processes of women’s empowerment in American Muslim congregations.

IntroductionSuboptimal quality of paediatric care has been reported in resource-limited settings, but little evidence exists on interventions to improve it in such settings. This study aimed at testing supportive supervision (SS) for improving health status of malnourished children, quality of case management, overall quality of care, and the absolute number of children enrolled in the nutritional services.MethodsThis was a cluster randomised trial conducted in Arua district. Six health centres (HCs) with the highest volume of work were randomised to either SS or no intervention. SS was delivered by to HCs staff (phase 1), and later extended to community health workers (CHWs) (phase 2). The primary outcome was the cure rate, measured at children level. Quality of case management was assessed by six pre-defined indicators. Quality of care was assessed using the national Nutrition Service Delivery Assessment (NSDA) tool. Access to care was estimated with the number of children accessing HC nutritional services.ResultsOverall, 737 children were enrolled. In the intervention arm, the cure rate (83.8% vs 44.9%, risk ratio (RR)=1.91, 95% CI: 1.56–2.34, p=0.001), quality of care as scored by NSDA (RR=1.57, 95% CI: 1.01–2.44, p=0.035) and correctness in complementary treatment (RR=1.52, 95% CI: 1.40–1.67, p=0.001) were significantly higher compared with control. With the extension of SS to CHWs (phase 2), there was a significant 38.6% more children accessing care in the intervention HCs (RR=1.26, 95% CI: 1.11–1.44, p=0.001) compared with control.ConclusionSS significantly improved the cure rate of malnourished children, and the overall quality of care, SS to CHWs significantly increased the crude number of children enrolled in the nutritional services. More studies should confirm these results, and evaluate the cost-effectiveness of SS.

AbstractObjectiveThe objective of the present study was to gain an understanding of the organizational characteristics and processes in two child-care centres that may influence adoption of the Alberta Nutrition Guidelines for Children and Youth (ANGCY).DesignIn-depth qualitative case studies. Data were collected through direct observations, key informant interviews and field notes. Diffusion of Innovations theory guided the evaluation and intrinsic case analysis.SettingTwo urban child-care centres in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada identified as exemplary early adopter cases.SubjectsTen key informants comprised of directors, junior and senior staff members participated in interviews.ResultsOrganizational processes such as leadership, networking and knowledge brokering, health champions and organizational culture positively influenced adoption behaviour in child-care centres. A key determinant influencing organizational behaviour within both centres was the directors’ strong leadership. Acceptance of and adherence to the guidelines were facilitated by organizational factors, such as degree of centralization, formalization and complexity, level of staff training and education. Knowledge brokering by directors was important for transferring and exchanging information across the centre. All child-care staff embraced their informal role as health champions as essential to supporting guideline adherence and encouraging healthy food and eating environments.ConclusionsOrganizational processes and characteristics such as leadership, knowledge brokering and networking, organizational culture and health champions played an important role in the adoption of nutrition guidelines in child-care centres. The complex interplay of decision making, organization of work and specialization of roles influenced the extent to which nutrition guidelines were adopted.

In this article, I examine my attempts as an instructor in a university-based school leadership program to cross the generational divide with my students by using democracy as the central concept for understanding what is meant by a quality American education for all children. I guide the course according to the democratic learning principles that my colleagues and I use in working with public schools on educational renewal and school improvement efforts. I try to be responsive to my graduate students in the same manner that I wish them to be responsive to each other and to me by asking them to painstakngly argue the opposite of what they believe about education and leadership. Educational assumptions are challenged through provocative research examples and case studies. At the end of the course, I must painfully evaluate myself on how successfully I have fairly judged the intellectual and imaginative quality of student work regardless of whether it agrees with my own vision and values of leadership.

quipping young people with livelihood skills is essential for positive youth development and empowerment as they transition into adulthood to become productive and engaged members of their communities. In Uganda, which may be the case in other nations of Sub-Saharan Africa, and elsewhere, even though many youth are becoming better educated and graduating from high schools and colleges, a majority of these graduates remain either unemployed or underemployed. Many have not acquired the necessary skills to transition from school to becoming employable and self-reliant. This phenomenon has been attributed to an outdated curriculum that does not meet the needs of contemporary times. Further, the mode of instruction in most of Uganda’s schools is teacher-centered and provides little room for student engagement and creativity to generate new knowledge, to have authentic learning experiences, or to reflect. Such challenges may be overcome through student-centered learning approaches involving School-Based, Agripreneurship Projects (SAPs) that integrate Youth-Adult Partnerships (YAPs), as were explored in this study. Evaluation of the students’ experiences through deductive and inductive thematic analysis indicated that they acquired knowledge in poultry science, business, agripreneurship, and life skills, including better communication, leadership, and conflict resolution practices. Longitudinal studies should be conducted to determine the longterm effectiveness and impact of SAPs facilitated by Y-APs on improving youth livelihoods, especially that prepare them with the life skills necessary to be productive citizens. Such research could involve cohort or panel investigations. Keywords: entrepreneurship; positive youth development (PYD); project-based learning (PjBL)

The concepts of ‘leadership’ and ‘inclusion’ continue to attract much attention in educational discourses; however, not many studies have explored their connection in schools serving conflict-affected communities where displacement and fragmentation of families risks the access, participation and achievement of many young people in education. This single intrinsic case study with aspects of ethnography was conducted in one post-conflict community primary school in Kenya, following the 2007/8 post-election violence. Overall, the aim was to understand the connection between school leadership and inclusive education practices, with interest in the schooling experiences of conflict-affected children. Following an integration of reviewed literature and findings emerging from the entire study, this paper specifically examines how roles for school leadership can be understood in relation to developing inclusive practices for conflict-affected pupils in post-conflict schooling. Three core thematic issues emerged, suggesting that these roles involved: mediating ‘post-conflict conflicts’; fostering ‘socio-moral connectedness’, and engendering aspects of ‘indigenous leadership practice’ in school. These roles were fundamental in reversing community disintegration and repairing moral distortion. Besides contributing to knowledge in the developing field of education and conflict, this study highlights the joint social, moral and professional investment made by headteachers and teachers in repairing violence-torn societies.

SUMMARYAcute gastrointestinal illness (AGI) is an important public health priority worldwide. Few studies have captured the burden of AGI in developing countries, and even fewer have focused on Indigenous populations. This study aimed to estimate the incidence and determinants of AGI within a Batwa Pygmy Indigenous population in southwestern Uganda. A retrospective cross-sectional survey was conducted in January 2013 via a census of 10 Batwa communities (n= 583 participants). The AGI case definition included any self-reported symptoms of diarrhoea or vomiting in the past 2 weeks. The 14-day prevalence of AGI was 6·17% [95% confidence interval (CI) 4·2–8·1], corresponding to an annual incidence rate of 1·66 (95% CI 1·1–2·2) episodes of AGI per person-year. AGI prevalence was greatest in children aged <3 years (11·3%). A multivariable mixed-effects logistic regression model controlling for clustering at the community level indicated that exposure to goats [odds ratio (OR) 2·6, 95% CI 1·0–6·8], being a child aged <3 years (OR 4·8, 95% CI 1·2–18·9), and being a child, adolescent or senior Batwa in the higher median of wealth (OR 7·0, 95% CI 3·9–9·2) were significantly associated with having AGI. This research represents the first Indigenous community-census level study of AGI in Uganda, and highlights the substantial burden of AGI within this population.

This contribution studies the variation in desired family size and excess fertility in four East African countries by analyzing the combined impact of wealth, education, religious affiliation, and place of residence. The findings show an enormous heterogeneity in Kenya. Wealthy and higher educated people have fertility desires close to replacement level, regardless of religion, while poor, uneducated people, particularly those in Muslim communities, have virtually uncontrolled fertility. Rwanda is at the other extreme: poor, uneducated people have the same desired fertility as their wealthy, educated compatriots, regardless of their religion—a case of “poverty Malthusianism.”. The potential for family planning is high in both countries as more than 50% of the women having 5 children or more would have preferred to stop at 4 or less. Tanzania and Uganda have an intermediate position in desired family size and a lower potential for family planning. Generally, the main factor that sustains higher fertility is poverty exacerbated by religious norms among the poor only.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight research on the exclusion from school of children with disabilities, and especially those identified as experiencing emotional disturbance. Two studies of schools that are inclusive are then described in order to examine how they achieve good results. Design/methodology/approach – Three papers are summarized. The first examines things that predict children with disabilities being excluded from school, including characteristics of children and of schools. The second is a qualitative study of four English schools involved in a national programme aimed at improving children’s mental health. The third is a case study of one American school identified for its high inclusivity and excellent educational results. Findings – In the first study, children with emotional disturbance, and African-American children were most likely to be excluded from school. The study of four English schools suggested that implementation of the national programme was variable but leadership and planning seemed vital, as well as whole-school commitment. The high-performing inclusive American school had whole-school commitment, high quality planning alongside flexibility, on-going further training for teachers, and close pupil tracking. Originality/value – The study of school exclusion was the first to examine children and schools together, as well as different disabilities and ethnicity. The study of English schools highlights the experiences of those directly involved in implementing a national programme to promote children’s mental health. The study of a high-performing inclusive school in America discovered much in common with inclusive high-performing schools in England, suggesting that some practices can be identified across the two cultures that aid successful inclusion of children with disabilities including mental health difficulties.

ABSTRACTMost African countries have recorded relatively lower COVID-19 burdens than Western countries. This has been attributed to early and strong political commitment and robust implementation of public health measures, such as nationwide lockdowns, travel restrictions, face mask wearing, testing, contact tracing, and isolation, along with community education and engagement. Other factors include the younger population age strata and hypothesized but yet-to-be confirmed partially protective cross-immunity from parasitic diseases and/or other circulating coronaviruses. However, the true burden may also be underestimated due to operational and resource issues for COVID-19 case identification and reporting. In this perspective article, we discuss selected best practices and challenges with COVID-19 contact tracing in Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, and Uganda. Best practices from these country case studies include sustained, multi-platform public communications; leveraging of technology innovations; applied public health expertise; deployment of community health workers; and robust community engagement. Challenges include an overwhelming workload of contact tracing and case detection for healthcare workers, misinformation and stigma, and poorly sustained adherence to isolation and quarantine. Important lessons learned include the need for decentralization of contact tracing to the lowest geographic levels of surveillance, rigorous use of data and technology to improve decision-making, and sustainment of both community sensitization and political commitment. Further research is needed to understand the role and importance of contact tracing in controlling community transmission dynamics in African countries, including among children. Also, implementation science will be critically needed to evaluate innovative, accessible, and cost-effective digital solutions to accommodate the contact tracing workload.

Nearly eighty percent of Kasese District residents in Western Uganda pursue subsistence farming on the slopes of the Rwenzori Mountains where soil erosion and poverty contribute to declining agricultural yields, food insecurity, and high rates of stunting and wasting in children. In 2017, the Rwenzori Center for Research and Advocacy(RCRA) began a pilot home garden program aimed at sustainably improving nutrition for vulnerable households in Kasese. In 2019, the research team investigated whether a home garden intervention for nutritional benefit is an effective entry point to achieve broad household welfare. Data were collected from fifty randomly selected households in four sites with varied degrees of exposure to the garden intervention. Methods included a questionnaire, innovative card sorting game (CSG), 24-hour recall nutrition survey, in-depth interviews, and case stories of diverse Kasese women. Findings show that households experience diverse garden benefits and challenges depending upon baseline conditions, such as access to land, water, and money, as well as the quality and consistency of the technical and material support received.The frequency of vegetable consumption per day showed the most consistently positive results across households,while a 24-hour nutrition survey displayed increased consumption of leafy green vegetables high in iron and vitamin A among families with gardens, leading to ‘stronger children’ (CSG scenario) and improved family health. Further, over seventy percent of families generated income from their gardens, though varying widely in capacity to sell year-round. The garden income earned by women gardeners is spent almost entirely on child welfare. On average, more than ninety percent of garden households save ten percent of their income, primarily through Village Savings Groups. Therefore, regarding our research question, there is evidence to affirm that a home garden intervention for nutritional benefit can be an effective entry point to achieve broad household welfare. This conclusion is supported by numerous previous studies on garden initiatives for improved nutrition around the world.

ABSTRACTMost studies of child bilingualism (Döpke, 1992; Fantini, 1985; Genishi, 1999; Gumperz, 1977, 1982; McClure, 1977; Myers-Scotton, 1993a; Romaine, 1994) concern children raised in a bilingual language community. The present study concerns a four-year-old child in an English-speaking community raised in an environment where his mother only spoke French to him. Two questions were raised: Can a child raised by a non-native parent produce situational code-switching triggered by topic changes? Are there additional topics or roles to add to the previous literature that trigger a young English-French bilingual child to code-switch? The data in this study showed that the child produced situational code-switching. Two novel hypotheses for code-switching were also found: leadership and expression of emotions and sensations. This case-study is important for the field of code-switching in the environment of a non-native parent raising a child in a second language.

Abstract Background: Plasmodium falciparum malaria is a leading global killer of children and cause for transfusion in endemic areas. Sequestration cytopenias and microvascular insufficiency are pathologic consequences of the acquired cytoadhesivity of P falciparum-infected red blood cells (iRBC). Parasite-derived surface knobs (PfEMP1) expressed on iRBC promote their binding to blood group ligands on non-infected blood cells and the microvascular endothelium. The purpose of the Cytoadherence in Pediatric Malaria Study (clinicaltrials.gov, NCT 00707200) is to study the association between malaria outcomes and host markers of cytoadhesion. Methods: This prospective observational study of children with malaria (age 6 m–12 y, HIV-neg) was launched in October 2007 at Mulago Hospital, Uganda. Patients with severe malaria syndromes, as defined by the WHO, were compared with uncomplicated malaria (UM) patients for presenting hematologic features and transfusion practices. Associations between severe malaria syndromes and mortality were also explored. Results: Over the study’s 1st 7 months, 785 patients were screened, 492 enrolled, and 44 excluded (40 malaria false positives, 4 HIV+). A total of 448 were analyzed (199 severe, 249 UM), including 16 deaths (severe malaria case fatality rate: 8%). Patients were 55% male/45% female. Severe malaria patients were significantly younger than those with UM (2.3 ± 1.9 y, 93% ≤ 5 y, vs 3.5 ± 2.7 y, 76% &lt;5 y), p &lt; 2×10−7. Hematologic features of the patients are summarized in Table 1, illustrating significantly greater derangements in the CBC of severe cases versus UM. In contrast, both groups had a similar sickle trait prevalence and level of parasitemia: Table 1: Hematologic Features in Uncomplicated Malaria (UM) vs Severe Malaria UM (n = 249) Severe (n = 199) signifinance WBC Count, × 10 9/L [mean ± sd] 8.1 ± 3.5 12.8 ± 8.1 p = 2.6 × 10−13 Hemoglobin, g/dL [mean ± sd] 9.3 ± 1.5 5.2 ± 2.1 p = 2.1 × 10−71 Severe Malarial Anemia [number, % ], Hb ≥ 5 g/dL 0 (0 %) 130 (65.3 %) χ2 = 226 Platelet Count, × 10 3/μL, [mean ± sd] 160,000 ± 103,000 129,000 ± 98,000 p =.0015 Severe Thrombocytopenia [n, %], Plt ≥ 50,000/μL 17 (6.8 %) 39 (19.6 %) χ2 = 15.3 Sickle Trait on Screen or History [n, %] 11/157 (7.0 %) 12/118 (10.2 %) χ2 =.51 (NS) Quantitative Parasitemia,/μL [median, range] 80,000 (7–10,638,000) 65,000 (60–2,593,000) p =.8 (NS) Hyperparasitemia [n, % ], Parasites ≥250,000/μL 42 (16.9 %) 44 (22.1 %) χ2 = 1.6 (NS) Among severe cases, severe malarial anemia (SMA) was the most common syndrome (n=130, 65%), followed by lactic acidosis (LA, n=93, 47%), respiratory distress (RD, n=91, 46%), hypoglycaemia (HG, n=22, 23%), cerebral malaria (CM, n=43, 22%), and hypoxia (HO, n=14, 7%). Among fatal cases, RD occurred most commonly (94%), followed by LA (75%), CM (56%), HG (42%), and SMA (only 31%). Overall, RBC transfusions were given to 78% of severe cases, and all but 1 of 130 SMA cases. Despite severe anemia, most received only 1 unit (1.2 ±.5 pediatric units/patient, range 1–3). 83% of transfusions were given for SMA and 10% for RD (without SMA). Significant delays or dose insufficiency of blood products occurred in 5.2% of recipients. ABO non-identical but compatible products were given 10.2% of the time. In unadjusted analysis of severe cases, associations between the hemolytic state of SMA and either hypoxia or respiratory distress (as possible signs of pulmonary hypertension) were not apparent (χ2=.01 and 2.2 respectively). LA was associated with SMA (χ2=4.7, p=.03), but not with the smaller subset of SMA patients with HO (χ2=.61, p=.43). The strongest association occurred between LA and RD (χ2=29.3, p&lt;.0001), tying labored breathing to acidotic respiratory compensation. Conclusions: Hematologic abnormalities are seen across the entire spectrum of severe and uncomplicated pediatric P falciparum malaria in Uganda, and are most striking in the severe syndromes. Among patients with severe malaria, SMA is the most common feature, while severe thrombocytopenia occurs in up to 20%. SMA is not as predictive of death as either RD, LA, or CM. LA in turn occurs even in the absence of severe anemia and/or hypoxia, highlighting the potential contribution of microvascular ischemia from cytoadhesion. Cytoadhesion between infected red cells and host ligands is thus an appealing area of focus for studies of the pathogenesis of malaria morbidity and mortality in children.

BackgroundThe mental health of children and young people (CYP) is a major UK public health concern. Recent policy reviews have identified that service provision for CYP with mental health needs is not as effective, responsive, accessible or child-centred as it could be. Following on from a previous National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) study into self-care support for CYP with long-term physical health needs, this study explored self-care support’s potential in CYP’s mental health.ObjectivesTo identify and evaluate the types of mental health self-care support used by, and available to, CYP and their parents, and to establish how such support interfaces with statutory and non-statutory service provision.DesignTwo inter-related systematic literature reviews (an effectiveness review with meta-analysis and a perceptions review), together with a service mapping exercise and case study.SettingGlobal (systematic reviews); England and Wales (mapping exercise and case study).Participants (case study)Fifty-two individuals (17 CYP, 16 family members and 19 staff) were interviewed across six sites.Main outcome measures (meta-analysis)A measure of CYP’s mental health symptomatology.Data sources (literature reviews)MEDLINE, Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL), PsycINFO, All Evidence-Based Medicine (EBM) Reviews, Applied Social Sciences Index and Abstracts (ASSIA) and Education Resources Information Center (ERIC).Review methodsTitles and abstracts of papers were screened for relevance then grouped into studies. Two independent reviewers extracted data from studies meeting the inclusion criteria. A descriptive analysis and meta-analysis were conducted for the effectiveness review; descriptive analyses were conducted for the perceptions review. These analyses were integrated to elicit a mixed-methods review.ResultsSixty-five of 71 included studies were meta-analysable. These 65 studies elicited 71 comparisons which, when meta-analysed, suggested that self-care support interventions were effective at 6-month [standardised mean difference (SMD) = −0.20; 95% confidence interval (CI) −0.28 to −0.11] and 12-month (SMD = −0.12; 95% CI −0.17 to −0.06) follow-ups. However, judged against Cochrane criteria, the studies were mostly low quality. Key elements of self-care support identified in the perceptions review were the acquisition of knowledge and skills, peer support and the relationship with the self-care support agent; CYP also had different perceptions from adults about what is important in self-care support. The mapping exercise identified 27 providers of 33 self-care support services. According to the case study data, effective self-care support services are predicated on flexibility; straightforward access; non-judgemental, welcoming organisations and staff; the provision of time and attention; opportunities to learn and practise skills relevant to self-care; and systems of peer support.ConclusionsMental health self-care support interventions for CYP are modestly effective in the short to medium term. Self-care support can be conceptualised as a process which has overlap with ‘recovery’. CYP and their families want choice and flexibility in the provision of such interventions and a continued relationship with services after the nominal therapy period. Those delivering self-care support need to have specific child-centred attributes.Future workFuture work should focus on under-represented conditions (e.g. psychosis, eating disorders, self-harm); the role of technology, leadership and readiness in self-care support; satisfaction in self-care support; the conceptualisation of self-care support in CYP’s mental health; and efficacy and cost-effectiveness.Study registrationPROSPERO number (for the effectiveness review) CRD42012001981.FundingThe NIHR Health Services and Delivery Research programme.

Social and emotional learning (SEL) competencies such as self-awareness and relationship skills are predictors of academic success, overall well-being, and avoidance of problematic behaviors. Among school-aged children, research has demonstrated that well-implemented programs teach SEL competencies and life skills (e.g., leadership, responsible decision making) that can transfer to other settings. Similar claims have been made in the field of sport-based youth development (SBYD), however, the SEL framework has not been widely applied in sport programming. Implementation, student learning, and transfer of learning in SBYD programs designed to promote SEL require further exploration. Therefore, the current study examined the implementation and perceived benefits of an after-school soccer program designed to promote SEL. Participants were six coaches and 51 students from three different sites where this program is offered. A multiple case study design was used, integrating data from customized feedback surveys, interviews, systematic observation, and field notes. Results indicated the program reflects many SBYD best practices. Although implementation varied between sites, program culture and core values were consistent. Evidence indicated students learned and applied SEL lessons in the soccer program and that transfer beyond the program was promoted. Participants were most likely to report transfer to the school setting, therefore, future studies should examine this topic more directly. Other implications for research and program implementation are discussed.

Learning outcomes This case study introduces students to the core characteristics of social entrepreneurship by teaching Santos (2012) positive theory. The case allows students to transition from comprehension and application of what social entrepreneurship is, to considering how they operate. Druckers (2005) argument that social organisations will never have sufficient resources to do their work because they operate in an environment of infinite need is the catalyst for a conversation on resource dependency theory and the risks of mission drift. Students are introduced to the funding spectrum that can be used to understand the type of income that comes to an organisation, and to apply this to the case. By the end of their studies, students should be able to apply the Santos (2012) definition to social enterprises and social entrepreneurs, have insight into the complexity of operating in an environment of infinite need and able to apply the funding spectrum as a tool to manage to understanding financial sustainability. Case overview/synopsis The case tells the story of Sharanjeet Shan, a globally recognised social entrepreneur, and recipient of the Schwab Foundation’s Social Entrepreneur of the Year award in 2015. Shan moved to South Africa as the country moved into democracy, and has spent the past 20-plus years building the skills of Black African school children in mathematics and science through the organisation she leads, Maths Centre. But the country remains at the bottom of world rankings for the quality of its maths and science education, despite spending more per capita on education than any other country in Africa. Maths Centre has seen a dip in donations despite steady growth in the amount of money that businesses are investing in social change in South Africa through corporate social investment. But does Shan really need more donor income? Or are there other ways that she can build the financial sustainability of Maths Centre? Complexity academic level This case study is aimed at students of non-profit management, entrepreneurship, social entrepreneurship, women in leadership, corporate social investment, development studies and sustainable livelihoods. It is written at an Honours / Masters level and is therefore also appropriate for use in customised or short programmes. The case study is a good introduction for students with a background in business (e.g. Diploma in Business Administration / MBA / custom programmes) who are wanting to understand social enterprise and apply their learning's. Supplementary materials A list of supplementary materials is provided in the Teaching Note as Table I, which includes video's, radio interview recordings and a book chapter. Subject code CSS 3: Entrepreneurship.

Abstract Abstract 4222 In the developed world approximately 80% of children with lymphoma can be cured. As global health initiatives have broadened to address noncommunicable diseases the approach to cancer care for children in resource poor settings becomes of increasing concern. Traditional models of tertiary care provision will not be applicable as there is not an adequate number of existing pediatricians subspecializing in oncology to provide for the world's children. At Rwinkwavu, a Partners In Health (PIH) supported government district hospital in rural Rwanda, a small cohort of children with lymphoma have received therapy over the past 4 years using a unique approach to care delivery. Each case is managed by a team consisting of a Rwandan physician with no specialty training, a Rwandan nurse coordinator focused on oncology patients, a Rwanda-based US trained pediatrician and a US- based pediatric oncologist. Biopsies and radiologic staging studies were obtained in Rwanda but all pathologic diagnoses were made at Brigham and Women's Hospital, a Harvard teaching hospital, through a formal arrangement. A treatment plan for each patient was formulated with the consulting pediatric oncologist and a road map was generated. Chemotherapy was administered by nurses in the Rwinkwavu pediatric ward under the daily supervision of the local generalist and with the support of the pediatrician. Blood counts and broad spectrum antibiotics were available but blood cultures could not be performed. If radiation therapy was required patients were transported to Uganda for the treatments. Ten patients aged 3–15 (median age 9.5 years) have been treated using this approach. 5 (50%) have completed therapy - Hodgkin's Disease (HD) n =2, HIV-associated large cell lymphoma (HIV LCL) n =2, Burkitt's Lymphoma (BL) n=1. They received either CHOP (cyclophosphamide, adriamycin, vincristine, prednisone), n=3 or ABVD (adriamycin, bleomycin, vincristine, dacarbazine), n=1; 1 patient with Stage 1 Lymphocyte Predominant HD is being observed without adjuvant therapy after complete surgical excision. All 5 have no evidence of disease recurrence 4 months - 4 years following completion of therapy (median = 14 months). 2 patients are currently on therapy (recurrent HD, HIV LCL) and are in remission. 2 patients succumbed to treatment complications (HD- died from cardiomyopathy, BL- died from transverse myelopathy) and 1 patient (BL) died of progressive disease while receiving chemotherapy. We can not determine the number of pediatric patients with lymphoma who died before a diagnosis was made or before receiving appropriate therapy. In the developing world lymphoma is one of the most common oncologic diseases in children. These data suggest that chemotherapy can be administered with curative intent to a subset of these patients in the setting of a confirmed pathological diagnosis. This approach provides a platform for models of care that rely on local physicians acting in concert with trained consultants from the developed countries to deliver subspeciality care in resource poor settings. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Purpose The technology determinism theory facilitated in assessing the impact of interactive radio and social network sites (SNSs) on development factors such as education, agriculture, health, and governance, by conducting an integrative and comprehensive literature review focusing on African countries. This paper aims to conduct this literature review to provide comprehensive empirical evidence on the impact of interactive radio and SNSs on development in Africa. Design/methodology/approach This study examined articles that were retrieved from online databases including EBSCOhost, Elsevier, Science Direct, SAGE Journals, Springer and Wiley Online Library. The keywords used included interactive radio, radio, development in Africa, SNS, agriculture, education, health, peace and governance. Search phrases were formulated using boolean operators “AND” and “OR.” Findings Study results revealed that interactive radio and SNSs improve knowledge among farmers and allow the dissemination of information on innovative agricultural techniques, which supports the adoption of sustainable practices. Interactive radio promotes political accountability because the strategies provide the voiceless and powerless communities with a platform to express themselves. This paper discovers that the incorporation of SNS with existing multimedia communication facilitates the dissemination of health-related information on illnesses such as Ebola, HIV, hypertension, diabetes and Polio, and interactive radio and SNS promote education among marginalized communities and under-served rural schools. Research limitations/implications The findings on the impact of interactive radio and SNSs do not represent all 54 countries in Africa. Although the studies included in this literature review were conducted in several countries such as South Africa, Nigeria, Somalia, Kenya, Malawi, Ghana, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia, this limited the generalizability of the findings and recommendations. Also, the other potential limitation is that using the inclusion-exclusion criteria could have resulted in bias when selecting the studies to include in the review. Practical implications The paper might serve as a valuable source of information for students, academics and entrepreneurs where the impact of interactive radio and SNSs on agriculture, education, health and governance, which are core determinants of development in Africa, has been assessed for further case studies in this area. Social implications The use of interactive radio has helped in decreasing health issues caused by a deficiency in vitamin A among children in sub-Saharan Africa. Originality/value The development of sustainable and effective interactive radio programs is dependent on the collaboration of the core stakeholders such as governmental ministries, donor organizations and the mass communication sector. Numerous open sources on technology radio stations are available to employ social media managers to help in the application of knowledge.

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to analyse the experience of female part-time professionals with employee and managerial positions with the utilisation of flexible work arrangements in a corporate environment in the country with a full-time dominated work culture. The data represent a rare case study of the work environment in a Czech branch of one multinational company. This paper focusses on the position of female employees working part-time in professional and managerial positions. The reason for such an arrangement is their attempt to combine career and care for pre-school children. This paper evaluates the effects of flexible work policies in an environment where part-time work for female professionals is rarely available and, therefore, precious. In particular, this paper discusses conditions under which these arrangements are available and its impact on gender equality. Design/methodology/approach – The paper represents a rare case-study of an organisational environment. The seven analysed interviews derive from a larger study on the corporate environment which included 35 interviews and a series of participatory observations. In the analysis, the following questions are discussed: What is the position of employees working within flexible working arrangements in a specific corporate culture? Which aspects of flexible working arrangements affect the professional recognition and evaluation of the employees? To what extent and how do flexible working arrangements affect employee satisfaction with their working and private lives? Findings – The data reveal the diverse and often subtle forms of discrimination and exploitation of working mothers, who use the flexible working arrangement as a work-family reconciliation strategy. Female employees working with alternative working arrangements do not have equal bargaining power in comparison to other employees, regardless of whether they are professionals, and sometimes in managerial positions. At the formal level, the part-time professionals are restricted in pay and in access to the company benefits. In the informal relations within the workplace, their work lacks of sufficient recognition of colleagues and superiors. Overall, part-time work for female professionals and managers leads to an entrapment between the needs of their family and the expectations of their employer. Practical implications – The research reveals the practical limitation in introducing policies the work-life reconciliation policies. The results show the need to focus on promoting better conditions for employees working part-time. Also, it shows that managerial and highly demanding professional positions can be executed on a part-time basis if the work environment is open towards accepting this arrangement. Moreover, the findings outline the possibilities of developing workplace practices in the Czech Republic in a woman-friendly direction. Social implications – Specific legislative arrangements should be enacted, providing better protection for employees in non-standard employment. At the same time, the incentives for employers to enable part-time working arrangements should be provided. Originality/value – The amount of research on female professionals working part-time or from home is rather limited in context of the post-communist countries. The paper discusses the “double” tokenism of the women working in the leadership positions and at the same time in flexible working arrangements in the full-time working culture.

Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. Acknowledgements We want to acknowledge our GCSL cohort of school leaders who have supported us in the development of Kanne Lobal as a conceptual framework. A huge kommol tata to our friends: Joana, Rosana, Loretta, Jellan, Alvin, Ellice, Rolando, Stephen, and Alan. References Benson, C. (2002). Preface. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. Benson (Eds.), Tree of Opportunity: re-thinking Pacific Education (p. iv). Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific, Institute of Education. Bessarab, D., Ng’andu, B. (2010). Yarning about yarning as a legitimate method in indigenous research. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies, 3(1), 37-50. Fa’avae, D., Jones, A., & Manu’atu, L. (2016). Talanoa’i ‘a e talanoa - talking about talanoa: Some dilemmas of a novice researcher. AlterNative: An Indigenous Journal of Indigenous Peoples,12(2),138-150. Heine, H. C. (2002). A Marshall Islands perspective. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. 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Abstract Introduction Burkitt Lymphoma (BL) is a highly aggressive hematological malignancy that originates from germinal center B-cells, is characterized by IG/MYC translocation, and affects both children and adults. Clinical and biological differences have been noted between endemic BL, which occurs in equatorial Africa and is virtually always associated with Epstein-Barr virus (EBV) infection, and sporadic BL that is infrequently associated with EBV. BL is highly curable using an aggressive chemotherapy regimen, but the intensive supportive care required to manage the toxicities of this treatment precludes its use for most patients with endemic BL, resulting in poorer survival for those patients. Although previous genetic studies have identified recurrent mutations in BL (including alterations in ID3 and its downstream targets TCF3 and CCND3), endemic BL has not been as well characterized and the extent of differences between sporadic and endemic BL (and their potential relation to pathogenesis and response to therapy) is not yet clear. Therefore, more extensive genomic characterization of both sporadic and endemic BL is needed to provide insight into tumor biology and to identify novel therapeutic targets that can be utilized to provide less toxic treatments. Methods We interrogated frozen tumor and matched normal blood samples from a cohort of 30 pediatric BL cases, 12 of which were collected from Uganda and 18 from Texas Children's Cancer Center (Houston, TX). Whole exome sequencing (WES) and copy number analysis were performed on the Illumina platform using the OmniExpress array and VCrome 2.1 WES capture reagent and analyzed utilizing the Baylor College of Medicine Human Genome Sequencing Center bioinformatic pipeline. A median of 135x average coverage and >97% of targeted bases with at least 20x coverage was observed for WES. Results WES revealed a median of 46 nonsilent somatic mutations per case for endemic BL (range 19-207), and 32 per case for sporadic BL (range 13-119). Evidence of the EBV genome was detected in all endemic BL samples and 3/18 (17%) of sporadic BL cases. Mutations were found in genes known to be frequently mutated in BL, including MYC in 7/12 (58%) of endemic cases and 12/18 (67%) of sporadic cases and TP53 in 5/12 (42%) and 9/18 (50%), respectively. Of note, mutations in DDX3X (7/12 [58%] endemic, 9/18 [50%] sporadic) and FOXO1 (5/12 [42%] endemic, 7/18 [39%] sporadic) were identified frequently in our cohort. As previously described, the ID3 pathway was more frequently targeted by mutations in sporadic BL: ID3 in 8/18 (44%) sporadic cases vs 3/12 (25%) endemic, TCF3 in 3/18 (17%) vs. 1/12 (8%), and CCND3 in 7/18 (39%) vs 2/12 (17%), respectively. Mutations in the SWI/SNF chromatin-remodeling genes ARID1A and SMARCA4 have been reported to occur in BL in a mutually exclusive fashion. In our cohort, mutations in SMARCA4 were exclusive to sporadic cases (9/18, 50%) and not found in endemic tumors (P = 0.01). Conversely, ARID1A mutations were much more frequent in endemic cases (7/12, 58%) as compared to sporadic ones (3/18, 17%) (P < 0.05). Only one sporadic case was found to have both genes mutated. Copy number analysis did not reveal recurrent focal copy number deletions. Amplification of 13q31.2 - q32.2 was detected in sporadic cases (4/18, 22%) but not in endemic cases, while focal amplification of 7p14.1 (3/10, 30%) and 14q11.2 (4/10, 40%) were exclusive to endemic tumors. Conclusions These findings provide novel insight into the landscapes of genomic alterations in pediatric endemic and sporadic BL. Our data confirm the recurrence of mutated genes previously associated with BL and highlight differences between endemic and sporadic BL, most notably, the exclusivity of SMARCA4 mutations in sporadic BL cases in this cohort. The recurrence of mutations in ARID1A and SMARCA4 emphasizes the critical role of these SWI/SNF proteins in BL. More extensive molecular studies (whole genome and transcriptome sequencing) of this cohort are ongoing and may reveal additional differences between endemic and sporadic BL. Additional studies will be required to more precisely assess the frequency of these alterations in BL and their link to clinical features of the disease, as well as the biological relevance of the BL genes identified through these genomic analyses. Figure. Figure. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Abstrak: Degradasi moralitas kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara pada kalangan anak-anak remaja (peserta didik) berada pada kondisi yang cukup memprihatinkan. Tergambarkan dari begitu banyaknya permasalahan anak-anak remaja yang kita saksikan, baik secara langsung maupun dari berbagai media. Sebagai tempat pendidikan formal, tentu saja sekolah memiliki peran tersendiri sebagai wadah dalam menempa moralitas dan karakteristik peserta didik. Sekolah memiliki berbagai sumber daya, akan tetapi apakah sumber daya tersebut telah dikelola dengan seksama? Dari latar belakang tersebut, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali, menganalisis dan mendeskripsikan bagaimana manajemen kurikulum berbasis pendidikan karakter diimplementasikan di sekolah. Metode penelitian menggunakan deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara, observasi, dan studi dokumentasi. Selain itu peneliti juga bertindak langsung sebagai key instrument untuk mendapatkan data yang jauh lebih mendalam dan bermakna saat dilapangan dari berbagai sumber yang relevan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa fungsi-fungsi dari manajemen kurikulum berperan besar dalam keberhasilan sekolah mencapai visi, misi, tujuan, dan program-program sekolah yang dicanangkan. Salah satu faktor penunjang manajemen kurikulum tersebut adalah sikap dan gaya kepemimpinan kepala sekolah. Sebagai ujung tombak dalam manajemen kurikulum, kepala sekolah mengambil peran yang luar biasa sebagai inspirator, motivator, figur keteladanan, supervisi akademik, dan manajerial bagi segenap elemen yang ada di sekolah. Kata Kunci : Manajemen Kurikulum, Pendidikan Karakter CHARACTER BUILDING BASED CURRICULUM MANAGEMENT AT SEKOLAH DASAR NEGERI UJUNG MENTENG 01 PAGI JAKARTA Abstract: The degradation of the morality of nation and state life among children (learners) is in a fairly apprehensive condition. It has been described by so many problems among children, either directly or from various media. As a place of formal education, of course the school has its own role in forging the morality and characteristics of learners. School has a variety of resources, but has it been carefully managed? From this background, this research aims to analyze, explore and describe how character-based curriculum management is implemented in schools. The research method used is descriptive with qualitative approach of case study. Data collection techniques were conducted through interviews, observations, and documentation studies. In addition, researcher also acts directly as a key instrument when in the field to obtain data which is much more profound and meaningful from various relevant sources. The results show that the functions of curriculum management play major roles in the success of the school to achieve the vision, mission, goals and programs of the school that proclaimed. One of the factors supporting the management of the curriculum is the attitude and style of leadership of the principal. As a spearhead in curriculum management, the principal takes extraordinary roles either as an inspirator, a motivator, an exemplary figure, an academic supervisor, or manager for all elements of the school. Keywords: Curriculum Management, Character Building

Salvage options for children with relapsed ALL remain sub-optimal, particularly for T-cell ALL patients, and relapse remains the leading cause of death. Achieving complete remission (CR) after relapse is the first critical step to cure. Combining the proteasome inhibitor (PI) bortezomib with chemotherapy has previously shown promising results in achieving CR in pediatric phase 2 studies in ALL (Messinger 2012, Horton 2013, Bertaina 2017). In this ongoing dose-escalation phase 1 study, the second generation PI carfilzomib was combined with chemotherapy in children with relapsed ALL. Subjects received one 4-week cycle of induction chemotherapy with either UKALLR3 (dexamethasone, mitoxantrone, methotrexate, PEG-asparaginase, vincristine) or VXLD (vincristine, dexamethasone, PEG-asparaginase, daunorubicin) plus carfilzomib administered intravenously on days 1, 2, 8, 9, 15, and 16. The primary endpoint was dose limiting toxicities (DLTs) occurring during induction (grade 4 neutropenia or thrombocytopenia extending past day 45 or grade 4 non-hematological toxicity). Efficacy endpoints included CR (with or without hematological recovery) based on bone marrow (BM) and LP on day 29 of induction and consolidation. Subjects < 21 years of age and diagnosed with first early BM relapse (<36 months from diagnosis), multiply relapsed ALL, or primary induction failure were eligible; subjects with T-cell disease with any BM relapse were eligible. Subjects achieving ≥ stable disease could receive a cycle of modified BFM consolidation therapy (6-MP, cyclophosphamide, cytarabine, PEG-asparaginase, IT chemotherapy) plus carfilzomib at the same dose level and schedule given in induction therapy. Dose escalation was based on an evaluation of DLT's using a Bayesian logistic regression model. Ten subjects with B (n=9) or T- (n=1) cell ALL were treated with UKALLR3 at 2 carfilzomib dose levels (20 or 27 mg/m2, 5 subjects each). Among DLT-evaluable subjects, 3 DLTs (meningoencephalitis, hemolytic uremic syndrome and neutropenia) were observed, 2 at 27 and 1 at 20 mg/m2 dose levels with an MTD of 27 mg/m2. The UKALLR3 regimen was considered too toxic by the protocol steering committee and was replaced with VXLD in January 2016. The VXLD cohort started at 27 mg/m2 and is currently in the 56 mg/m2 dose level. Fifteen subjects (7 B-cell and 8 T-cell) were treated with VXLD at carfilzomib dose levels of 27 (n=3), 36 (n=7), 45 (n=4), and 56 (n=1) mg/m2. One DLT of posterior reversible encephalopathy syndrome (PRES) occurred in the 36 mg/m2 cohort, with no further DLTs identified after expansion to 7 subjects. Table 2 lists the patient characteristics of the 15 subjects in the VXLD cohort. Grade 3-4 hematological AEs were nearly universal for both UKALLR3 and VXLD. Non-hematological > Grade 3 AE's of note are listed in Table 1. PRES occurred in 2 subjects in the VXLD cohort (both with prior allogeneic SCT) and rapidly reversed in both cases. Re-challenge with carfilzomib in one case was tolerated without PRES recurrence. Serious AE's (SAE) were reported in 50% and 56% of subjects receiving carfilzomib in combination with UKALLR3 or VXLD, respectively, with the most common SAE's among all subjects being sepsis (16%), pancreatitis and PRES (8% each). In the UKALLR3 cohort, 60% of subjects (n=6) achieved a remission, however only 30% proceeded to consolidation. In the VXLD cohort, 53% of evaluable subjects (n=8) achieved remission and 13% were non-evaluable due to hypocellular BM at day 29 of induction. All responding subjects recovered hematological counts by day 42 without evidence of progression. Eight subjects (53%) proceeded to consolidation, including 2 subjects with non-evaluable BM results and 1 with 8% BM blasts after induction. All subjects entering consolidation were in remission on day 29 post-consolidation. The overall remission rate with VXLD-carfilzomib was 67% at the end of consolidation. Detailed response data are listed in Table 3. Carfilzomib in combination with VXLD chemotherapy was tolerable in a predominantly T-cell ALL population, very early or post stem cell transplant relapse. Efficacy is promising in this small cohort of patients with carfilzomib dose escalation continuing. Disclosures Burke: Amgen, Inc.: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau. Bautista Sirvent:EusaPharma: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Support for attending symposia; Takeda: Other: Support for attending symposia; Bayer: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Jazz Pharmaceuticals: Honoraria, Other: Support for attending symposia; Amgen, Inc.: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Gore:Amgen: Consultancy, Equity Ownership, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: travel expenses; Novartis: Consultancy, Other: Service on Data Safety Monitoring Committee; travel, accommodations, expenses; Roche/Genentech: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: travel expenses; Anchiano: Equity Ownership, Other: spouse employment and company leadership; Blueprint Medicines: Equity Ownership; Celgene: Equity Ownership, Other: DSMC member; Clovis: Equity Ownership; Mirati: Equity Ownership; Sanofi Paris: Equity Ownership. Locatelli:Amgen: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Miltenyi: Honoraria; bluebird bio: Consultancy; Bellicum: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Novartis: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. O'Brien:BMS: Research Funding; Celgene: Research Funding; Pfizer: Research Funding; AbbVie: Research Funding; Amgen: Research Funding; BTG: Research Funding. Obreja:Amgen, Inc.: Employment, Equity Ownership. Morris:Amgen, Inc.: Employment, Equity Ownership. Baruchel:Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; Servier: Consultancy, Honoraria; Bellicum: Consultancy; Celgene: Consultancy, Honoraria. OffLabel Disclosure: Kyprolis is a proteasomal inhibitor indicated in combination with dexamethasone or with lenalidomide plus dexamethasone for the treatment of patients with relapsed or refractory multiple myeloma who have received one to three lines of therapy. It is also indicated as a single agent for the treatment of patients with relapsed or refractory multiple myeloma who have received one or more lines of therapy.

The introduction of basic computer media for early childhood is very important because it is one of the skills that children need in this century. Need to support parents and teachers in developing the implementation of the use of computer technology at home or at school. This study aims to determine and understand the state of learning conducted based on technology. This research uses a qualitative approach with a case study model. This study involved 15 children and 5 parents. Data obtained through interviews (children and parents) and questionnaires for parents. The results showed that children who were introduced to and taught basic computers earlier became more skilled in learning activities. Suggestions for further research to be more in-depth both qualitatively and quantitatively explore the use of the latest technology to prepare future generations who have 21st century skills. 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Family relationships remain one of the most valuable and meaningful human experiences, within and outside of the military, and when loss or conflict occurs, this has profound effects on individuals and society. Furthermore, family support can influence occupational outcomes such as recruitment, retention, and military readiness. Family loyalty to the armed services can be transmitted intergenerationally and can influence public support for the military as an institution. The interplay between the family, the military, and broader society are considered throughout this special issue. This special edition on military families in Contemporary Military Challenges provides informative sociological perspectives on “military families” both in Slovenia and internationally. Each article tackles unique and significant issues related to military families and society. The lens of the socio-ecological model for risk and protective factor research, in combination with an implementation science approach and attention to contextual factors, is what is needed to move forward in supporting military families. Taken together, the articles in this special issue highlight the complexity and importance of military families and the related policy implications. In the field of family science, not enough attention has been given to the implementation of science research. To do this, one needs to consider both current and past policies and how they have affected families at different socio-ecological levels. As a basis for considering policies and research agendas, the historical context of the family and its relationship with the military in Slovenia and internationally is a good start (see article by Jelusic, Jeznic, & Juvan 2020). Research on military families in Slovenian Armed Forces is a relatively young field and of increasing importance given the changes in the last three decades, after becoming an all-voluntary force and the professionalization of the military. The authors detail the organizational and policy changes in Slovenia that have developed concurrently with military family research internationally and at home. The relevance of military families is now more widely recognized, yet barriers to the successful implementation of support programmes remain. The articles by Hess 2020, Jakopic 2020, and Kasearu et al. 2020 provide several examples of support programmes that can strengthen military families and bolster military family readiness. To achieve the best outcomes, the focus needs to not only be on the treatment of problems, but also on the primary prevention of risk factors and promotion of resilient families (e.g. through fostering high-quality intimate relationships). Promoting resilient families requires the provision of support at multiple levels of operation including psychological support, social care, legal counselling, and spiritual care. In addition to contextual perspectives and policy review, another fundamental part of military family research is identifying the risk and protective factors for socio-ecological outcomes through empirical research. Vuga 2020 provides an action plan for current research to identify factors at different socio-ecological levels that affect family behavioural health outcomes. The risk and protective factors which are most associated with outcomes in the Slovenian military context can be targeted in future programmes and policies. This public health based approach has been applied in other countries to inform military leaders about the needs of their armed forces. In our own work with the US military, we employed risk and protective factor models to identify unique modifiable factors in predicting behavioural and family health outcomes, which could be targeted in interventions at the individual, family, professional and community levels. Vuga and her colleagues’ expansion of the socio-ecological research model will be useful for the Slovenian Armed Forces and the results could be informative for other military organizations. Intervention derived from the risk and protective factor models from the MilFam project can then be tested in subsequent studies to ensure effective implementation and change in behavioural health outcomes. The MilFam project will serve as an important step in addressing the needs of military families in Slovenia. Several other relevant considerations for military sociological research are raised in the other articles, including cross-country differences, deployment challenges, and demographic changes impacting the concept of “military families”. The article by Kasearu et al. (2020) compares the concept of military families across three different countries. Whether families are seen as part of the military or separate, as is the case for some other professions, depends on how military service is defined in different countries. In some contexts, emphasis has been placed on policies for service members, and civilian family members are not considered. Although similar policies are common in many professions, there are certainly reasons unique to the military that suggest inclusive policies and programmes for civilian family members not only benefit military families but can also improve military preparedness. In the case of deployment, when policies are in place that do not support the significant other/spouse and children left behind it can lead to psychological distress, financial burdens, and impairment of family functioning. In the digital age, deployed service members are often well-informed about the problems at home and may become frustrated by the lack of policies in place to support military family members while they are deployed. Besides the challenges faced by separations, military families also face unique challenges related to being stationed abroad with their families. The importance of the infrastructure and network to provide informal and formal support for family members as they navigate a new environment is critical in these situations. This includes both tangible and emotional support for family members as they adjust to living in a foreign country. Housing, medical care, schooling, language, and job options for family members are some of the concerns facing families while abroad. Depending on the size of the military infrastructure abroad, these concerns may be supported internally through the military. However, in many cases, sufficient internal support infrastructures may not be available and agreements with host countries can fill some of these gaps. An added complexity is raised in the article by Švab (as well as in Jelušič et al. and Kasearu et al.), in that challenges facing military families not only depends on the military infrastructure and policies, but also on the family structure and dynamics. Jelušič et al. point out how the typical family of service members has evolved over time. Švab describes the dynamics of family structure across Slovenia and their interplay with military organizational needs. Family structure has changed significantly over the past few decades and this poses new challenges for military families. The changing family structures introduce diverse risks factors and areas to target with support programmes. The division of labour and family roles continues to evolve in Slovenia and internationally. There is a growing body of research that documents the relevance of gender and work division in the military context. Support for women service members with children varies from that of their male counterparts, and may require more targeted support programmes. In meeting the needs of diverse military family practices, attention to both formal and informal support networks in research and policy is necessary. Throughout this special issue, specific examples of programmes already offered to support military families are mentioned. It is important, however, that programmes are not just implemented, but that effective programmes are implemented with a sound base of empirical support for their implementation. One example of this is the PREP programme (Preparation and Relationship Enhancement/Education Programme), which is offered in several countries to support intimate partnerships among military couples. This programme has evidence to support its effectiveness in reducing relationship distress over time across numerous studies. This special issue makes it clear how important the military family is to effective professional functioning. Despite the clear importance of military families, they are often not supported sufficiently in various ways (e.g. through policies or evidence-based prevention offers). This not only influences professional outcomes such as job satisfaction, retention, days of missed work, and satisfaction with leadership, it also places families at risk of hardship and psychological distress. This in turn can cycle back into worse professional outcomes. Divorce/separations and living alone (i.e. social isolation) are associated with risks of depression and suicide, along with negative professional outcomes. Support programmes need to address changes in family structure that may be particularly stressful, as well as negative stressors that arise within family structures (e.g. family conflict and violence), which also, in turn, impact professional outcomes. This special issue draws attention to this cycle and will serve as a useful reference to generate further research studies and policies that will benefit the military and its families.

Data on asthma aetiology in Africa are scarce. We investigated the risk factors for asthma among schoolchildren (5–17 years) in urban Uganda. We conducted a case-control study, among 555 cases and 1115 controls. Asthma was diagnosed by study clinicians. The main risk factors for asthma were tertiary education for fathers (adjusted OR (95% CI); 2.32 (1.71–3.16)) and mothers (1.85 (1.38–2.48)); area of residence at birth, with children born in a small town or in the city having an increased asthma risk compared to schoolchildren born in rural areas (2.16 (1.60–2.92)) and (2.79 (1.79–4.35)), respectively; father’s and mother’s history of asthma; children’s own allergic conditions; atopy; and cooking on gas/electricity. In conclusion, asthma was associated with a strong rural-town-city risk gradient, higher parental socio-economic status and urbanicity. This work provides the basis for future studies to identify specific environmental/lifestyle factors responsible for increasing asthma risk among children in urban areas in LMICs.

Background and Aims: Children in contact with adults having pulmonary Tuberculosis (TB) are vulnerable to TB infection and hence contact tracing and screening is important for early detection of infection. However, there are few contacts traced and the prevalence and risk factors for transmission are not well studied. The objective of this study was to determine the prevalence of infection and risk factors associated with TB transmission among under five children in household contact with adult pulmonary TB patients. Materials and Methods: A cross sectional study was carried out in three health facilities with a high TB burden in Mbale District, Eastern Uganda involving all under five household contacts of adults with pulmonary tuberculosis recorded in the TB register from October 2018 to March 2019 and still on treatment. Structured questionnaires were administered to the index clients to obtain their demographic and clinical data about TB, HIV as well as information on the children. Children were screened using the intensive case finding forms to identify presumptive cases. Results: The total number of index TB Clients line listed were 70. Number of clients traced was 38, 21 (%) of whom had children under five years and a total of 33 children were identified. The number of presumptive cases was 9/33 (27.27%). 77.8% of the presumptive cases were living in poorly ventilated houses. Conclusion: The study identified children with presumptive TB and various risk factors for TB transmission. Intensive contact tracing can therefore help reduce TB transmission within the communities. It is recommended to undertake studies aiming at improving contact tracing and strategies to eliminate the risk factors to TB transmission.

PurposeThis research study focusses on the succession challenges in small-medium outboard marine businesses of Malaysian Chinese family ownership. The founder-owners face challenges in convincing the next-generation members to establish their careers within the family business and to ensure successions are in place to safeguard the family's wealth. A gap exists in the research literatures concerning such family business owners; and their experiences would provide valuable information to other Malaysian Chinese family businesses planning to start the succession journey.Design/methodology/approachAn exploratory case study methodology to research five Malaysian Chinese family businesses cases in Klang Valley, Selangor, Malaysia, is used in this study. The primary qualitative data were obtained through in-depth, semi-structured interviews and observations. The research data lead to the identification of the following themes: generational change affects the survival of small-medium Malaysian Chinese family-owned businesses; the founder-owners' intention and desire for business to pass to the next generation give rise to the imperative of succession; the founder-owners' motive and goals, family context and the business nature would determine a large part to how the succession plans are carried out and the upbringing, expectation and obligations would determine how the next generations of children would view the prospect of taking over the family business. From this, a succession model that detailed an inclusive approach to succession planning process between the two generations is established.Research limitations/implicationsA small purposive sample is included, and it is recommended that a larger and more diverse sample be collected in future studies. This study follows a nuclear family structure of parents and children. If more Chinese family businesses are selected based on a wider set of family members such as uncles and cousins, the findings may differ.Social implicationsThis research study could also facilitate other Malaysian family businesses to rethink and refocus on the importance of undertaking an inclusive approach to succession planning and also help potential next-generation successors in understanding and working towards attaining the qualities that family firms look for in future leaders.Originality/valueThe researcher summarizes the study findings into a management succession model. An inclusive succession approach is needed to overcome these challenges and would enable sustainability, continuity and longevity of the family business. This would help the family business to understand that succession is not a single event but a process that needs to be planned together with the next-generation family members over a certain period of time.

ObjectiveTo evaluate the relationship between test positivity rate and test-confirmed malaria case rate both in time and space, to provide better understanding of the utility and representativeness of HMIS data for changing malaria burden in endemic settings.IntroductionRoutine surveillance is an important global strategy for malaria control. However, there have been few studies comparing routine indicators of burden, including test positivity rate (TPR) and test-confirmed malaria case rates (CMCR), over spatial and temporal scales.MethodsWe studied the relationship between these indicators in children under 11 years, presenting with suspected malaria at outpatient department clinics in three health facilities in locations of varying transmission across Uganda. We evaluated trends in each indicator over time (month) and space (by village) and explored the relationship between them using multivariable regression models.ResultsOverall, 65,710 participants visited the three clinics during the study period. Pairwise relationships between TPR and CMCR showed good agreement over time, particularly for TPR’s below 50% and during low transmission seasons, but the relationship was complex at the village level. Village mean annual TPR remained constant while CMCR was drastically reduced with increased distance from health facility, highlighting health care access’ importance. The forth quartile of distance from the health facility, relative to the first, was associated with reduction in CMCR with IRR of 0.40 (95% CI: 0.23-0.63; p=0.001), 0.55 (0.40-0.75; p<0.001), and 0.25 (0.12-0.51; p<0.001) for Nagongera, Kihihi, and Walukuba respectively. Regression analysis results emphasized a non-linear (cubic) relationship between TPR and CMCR, after accounting for month, village, season and demographic factors.ConclusionsAltogether, these results suggested a strong non-linear relationship between the two indicators regardless of transmission setting. However, the current malaria surveillance system in Uganda may under-represent burden from patients living furthest from sentinel health facilities.

Abstract Background Peer-to-peer approaches are widely used in health promotion. Peer leaders are suggested to increase credibility and identification through role modelling. We suggest that to meet the rationales of peer education, peer leaders should be able to interpret and rework their delivery, based on programme rationales. This entails a need for implementation studies to compare programme theory with the realities of implementation. The purpose of this study was therefore to conceptualise a youth-led programme and to explore how peer leaders engage with the peer leader education and subsequently implement activities. Methods The case of study was the Danish street sport organisation, GAME. GAME educates and supports youth peer leaders (age 16-25) in providing life skills-based community sports activities for younger peers (age 8-15) in less advantaged neighbourhoods. A theory of change was developed in partnership with professionals from GAME to conceptualise their programme and its rationales. To study implementation, we observed three two-day peer leader education camps and 49 peer-led GAME activities focusing on specific elements of the theory of change. Results We present a theory of change to illustrate the content, rationale, expected outcomes and key assumptions of a peer-led community sport programme. We compare this conceptualisation to the implementation of peer-led activities; i.e., GAME's operationalisation of the peer leader education and peer leaders' enactment of the programme in practice, focusing on role modelling, pedagogical approaches and interactions with participating children. As expected, implementation style varied considerably across settings and thereby the ways in which delivery corresponded with the intentions described in the theory of change. Conclusions The study provided insight into how youth peer leaders in community sport interpret their role and interact with peers of relevance to peer leadership research and practice. Key messages The rationales behind peer education call for programmes that allow youth peer leaders to interpret and adjust activity implementation with an ensuing need for implementation studies. Initiatives to educate and support peer leaders should be modified based on insights into peer leaders’ interpretation and implementation of peer-led activities.

This paper explores school reform in England under the Conservative-led Coalition government, elected in 2010, through a focus on the changing roles and status of Local Authorities (LAs). The Coalition's stated aim was the development of a 'self-improving, school-led' system in which LAs should become 'champions for children'. The paper draws on two locality case studies and a set of future scenarios and policy narratives to analyse the ways in which LAs and school leaders are responding to reform. The paper concludes that the Coalition focused its attention on structural reform, but that this placed an additional onus on leadership agency within local school systems to shape contextually appropriate solutions. The schools in the two areas studied appear to have become more fragmented and yet – paradoxically – more networked; however, they are not yet working in the 'deep partnerships' envisaged by Hargreaves (2010). This has meant that the LAs have needed to sustain their traditional roles (for example, in providing challenge and support to schools), whilst simultaneously evolving new ways of working (for example, providing 'bridging social capital'). These roles may sometimes be in tension, but are driven by different factors: LA-level accountability in the case of challenge and support, and reduced funding in the case of 'bridging social capital'. This suggests that the Coalition's conflicting policy narratives were in tension and that the notion of LAs as 'champions for children' requires review.

Human leucocyte antigen (HLA) class I molecules present endogenously processed antigens to T-cells and have been linked to differences in HIV-1 disease progression. HLA allelotypes show considerable geographical and inter-individual variation, as does the rate of progression of HIV-1 disease, with long-term non-progression (LTNP) of disease having most evidence of an underlying genetic contribution. However, most genetic analyses of LTNP have occurred in adults of European ancestry, limiting the potential transferability of observed associations to diverse populations who carry the burden of disease. This is particularly true of HIV-1 infected children. Here, using exome sequencing (ES) to infer HLA allelotypes, we determine associations with HIV-1 LTNP in two diverse African pediatric populations. We performed a case-control association study of 394 LTNPs and 420 rapid progressors retrospectively identified from electronic medical records of pediatric HIV-1 populations in Uganda and Botswana. We utilized high-depth ES to perform high-resolution HLA allelotyping and assessed evidence of association between HLA class I alleles and LTNP. Sixteen HLA alleles and haplotypes had significantly different frequencies between Uganda and Botswana, with allelic differences being more prominent in HLA-A compared to HLA-B and C allelotypes. Three HLA allelotypes showed association with LTNP, including a novel association in HLA-C (HLA-B∗57:03, aOR 3.21, Pc = 0.0259; B∗58:01, aOR 1.89, Pc = 0.033; C∗03:02, aOR 4.74, Pc = 0.033). Together, these alleles convey an estimated population attributable risk (PAR) of non-progression of 16.5%. We also observed novel haplotype associations with HLA-B∗57:03-C∗07:01 (aOR 5.40, Pc = 0.025) and HLA-B∗58:01-C∗03:02 (aOR 4.88, Pc = 0.011) with a PAR of 9.8%, as well as a previously unreported independent additive effect and heterozygote advantage of HLA-C∗03:02 with B∗58:01 (aOR 4.15, Pc = 0.005) that appears to limit disease progression, despite weak LD (r2 = 0.18) between these alleles. These associations remained irrespective of gender or country. In one of the largest studies of HIV in Africa, we find evidence of a protective effect of canonical HLA-B alleles and a novel HLA-C association that appears to augment existing HIV-1 control alleles in pediatric populations. Our findings outline the value of using multi-ethnic populations in genetic studies and offer a novel HIV-1 association of relevance to ongoing vaccine studies.

Background: Using 2012 World Heart Federation (WHF) criteria, standard portable echocardiography (SPE) reveals a high burden of rheumatic heart disease (RHD) in resource poor settings, but widespread screening is limited by cost and physician availability. Handheld echocardiography (HHE) may decrease costs, but WHF criteria are complicated for rapid field screening, particularly for non-physician screeners. Objective: To determine the best simplified screening strategy for RHD detection using HHE. Methods: HHE (GE Vscan) and SPE (GE Vivid q or i or Philips CX-50) were performed in 5 schools in Gulu, Uganda. Borderline or definite RHD cases were defined by 2012 WHF criteria on SPE images, by 2 experienced readers. HHE studies were reviewed by cardiologists blinded to SP results. As HHE lacks continuous wave Doppler, pansystolic mitral regurgitation (MR) was defined as MR on 2 consecutive frames. We evaluated single and combined HHE parameters to determine the simplified screening strategy that maximized sensitivity and specificity for case detection. Results: In 1420 children (10.8±2.6 years old, 47% male) with HHE and SPE studies, morphologic criteria and presence of any MR by HHE had poor specificity (Table). MR jet length by HHE correlated with SPE (r=0.54, p<0.0001). Aortic insufficiency (AI) was specific but not sensitive. Combined criteria of MR jet length ≥1.5 cm, chosen from receiver operating characteristic analysis, or any AI best balanced sensitivity and specificity; pansystolic MR could be substituted for MR jet length with slightly lower sensitivity for definite RHD. With a prevalence of 4% and subsequent SPE screening of positive HHE studies, this would reduce SPE studies by 80% from a SPE-based screening strategy. Conclusions: In resource-limited settings, HHE with simplified criteria offers reasonable sensitivity and specificity for RHD screening. Further study is needed to validate HH screening by local practitioners and long-term outcomes.

Small rural schools in many countries have historically been viewed as less desirable than their larger urban counterparts, being treated less favourably in the policy arena and facing a risk of closure or amalgamation. Within Europe, they have been the focus of a range of research studies and have been defined in different ways, based mostly on the number of pupils enrolled (typically around 100), but also their geographical isolation or small number of staff. However, the last notable attempt to review the literature in this area was carried out over 10 years ago. Since then, there has been a large volume of research conducted in many European countries. This rigorous scoping review has brought together what we know from research (published in English since 2000) on small rural schools in Europe. The most common themes identified were school leadership, the importance of context (including education policy and school closures/amalgamations), and school-community relationships. Case studies and ethnographic qualitative methods were the most popular, with a stronger use made of theoretical frameworks since the previous review. Nonetheless, the current review found still significant gaps in the literature including an under-theorization of certain topics and a lack of research with children.

Abstract Background In Aotearoa NZ, preventable paediatric admissions and readmissions with diseases of poverty are common, particularly for Māori (Indigenous) children. In response, the Harti Hauora Tamariki (HHT) was developed. This is a multilevel programme of: culturally safe engagement; comprehensive high-quality screening; standardised evidence-based protocols for addressing need(s) and navigation. Methodological innovations are required for a RCT of HHT effectiveness within the context of whānau (family) wellbeing. Methods Approximately 980 children admitted to paediatrics at Waikato Hospital were randomised (with whānau) to HHT or usual care. Measures of effectiveness include: level of unmet need identified; impact of HHT on meeting needs; qualitative assessment of HHT support for health outcomes and whānau satisfaction with care. The primary quantitative endpoint is relative readmission risk. Results Qualitative case studies demonstrate the importance of engagement and the high-trust environment of HHT enabling whānau to reveal needs. Needs are common. Many needs identified (such as food insecurity, lack of resources) are not recognised through standard hospital care. HHT adaptations were required. Quantitative outcome analyses are underway. Conclusions The whole health system has responsibility and ability to improve whānau health promotion, prevention, and wellbeing support. HHT provides a model for action. RCT assessment of HHT needed to be whānau-centred and flexible to match programme evolution and provide evidence for effectiveness. Key messages A family-centred holistic screening programme, with culturally-safe engagement, improves inpatient care and enhances determinants of health. Indigenous leadership and commitment to Indigenous wellbeing and equity facilitates effective programme improvement, within an adaptable RCT framework.

Abstract Background In Aotearoa New Zealand (NZ), paediatric admissions (& readmissions) with diseases of poverty are common & this preventable burden is more severe for Māori (Indigenous) tamariki (children) & their whānau (families). In response, the Harti Hauora Tamariki (HHT) programme was developed. This is family-centred multilevel programme that consists of: culturally safe engagement for whānau; comprehensive high-quality wellbeing screening; standardised evidence-based protocols for addressing identified need(s); & navigation for and with whānau into services & support. Methods In 2019, over 980 children (0-4 years) admitted to the acute paediatric ward at Waikato Hospital in Aotearoa NZ were randomised (with their whānau) to intervention (HHT) or usual clinical care. Measures of effectiveness include the level of unmet need identified; the impact of HHT on meeting those needs & achieving improved outcomes for tamariki; qualitative assessment of how HHT led to the outcomes; & whānau satisfaction with hospital care. The primary quantitative endpoint is relative readmission risk. Results Qualitative case studies demonstrate the importance of engagement with staff and services, and that the HHT programme can create a high trust environment where whānau feel safe to reveal their needs. Needs are common. Many needs identified that impact whānau wellbeing (such as food insecurity and lack or resources including carseats) are not recognised through standard hospital care. Quantitative primary and secondary outcome analyses are underway. Conclusions Enhanced health promotion and prevention measures are required to achieve health equity for children in Aotearoa NZ, and the whole of health system (including secondary hospital care) has the responsibility and ability to manage such measures. The HHT programme is whānau-centred, adaptable, evidence-based, and able to address the broader determinants of common paediatric illness as well as support wellbeing and whānau ora. Key messages A family-centred holistic screening programme, with culturally safe engagement, improves inpatient care and enhances the determinants of health. Indigenous leadership and commitment to Indigenous wellbeing and health equity facilitates effective evolution and programme improvement, within the framework of a randomised controlled trial.

Abstract Background Due to increasing pressure on natural resources, subsistence agriculture communities in Uganda and Sub-Saharan Africa are experiencing increasingly restricted access to diminishing natural resources that are a critical requirement of their livelihoods. Previously, common-pool resources like forests and grasslands have been either gazetted for conservation or leased for agriculture, the latter in particular for large-scale sugarcane production. Satisfying the increasing consumer demand for grassland or forestry products like wild mushrooms as food or medicine, requires innovative ethno-biological and industry development strategies to improve production capacity, while easing the pressure on diminishing natural resources and averting ecosystems degradation. Methods This case study addresses traditional knowledge systems for artisanal mycoculture to identify cultivation practices that enhance sustainable utilization of natural resources. Multi-scalar stakeholder engagement across government and community sectors identified artisanal mushroom producers across five districts in Uganda. Focus groups and semi-structured interviews characterized artisanal production methods and identified locally used substrates for cultivation of different mushroom species. Results Artisanal practices were characterized for the cultivation of six wild saprophytic mushroom species including Volvariella speciosa (akasukusuku), two Termitomyces sp. (obunegyere and another locally unnamed species), Agaricus sp. (ensyabire) and Agrocybe sp. (emponzira), and one exotic Pleurotus sp. (oyster) that are used as food or medicine. The substrates used for each species differed according to the mushroom’s mode of decomposition, those being the following: tertiary decomposers such as those growing under rotting tree stumps or logs from forestry activity like the Agrocybe sp. known as emponzira which grows in forests, thickets, or near homesteads where big logs of hardwood have been left to rot. Also pieces of firewood are chipped off whenever need arises thus providing fuel; secondary decomposers growing on naturally composted grass associated with termites like the Termitomyces sp. known as obunegyere growing in protected sites in gardens, composted cattle manure for Agaricus sp. known as ensyabire in the kraal area where cattle manure is plenty, composted maize cobs for a locally unnamed Agaricus sp. on heaped cobs placed near homesteads; and primary decomposers growing on waste sorghum from brewing the traditional alcoholic drink, muramba for Pleurotus sp. (oyster), and banana and spear grass residue from banana juice processing like the Volvariella speciosa known as akasukusuku because it is associated with the banana plantation locally known in the Luganda language as olusuku and is usually heaped under ficus trees. Management practices also varied based on mode of decomposition and other ecological requirements such as the following: zero tillage and minimal disturbance in areas where obunegyere grow, heaping banana and spear grass residues under the cool ficus trees which also keep them away from banana stump that may cause infestation with nematodes and insects. Even within the generic practices accessibility by the users is critical for example placing logs near homes where children can use them to play, they can be used as fire wood and to even get off-season mushroom as household waste water can make the mushrooms grow. Conclusions Our description of artisanal mycoculture methods that respond to conservation and utilization pressures, demonstrates the value of addressing traditional knowledge to improve ethno-biology and mycoculture industry practice. Traditional communities engage in multiple technological and organizational innovations and practices for sustainability and in the case of mushroom production to conserve the environment and culture, ensure variety, food and nutrition security, and income. The results of this study present opportunities to preserve ecosystem quality while developing an artisanal mycoculture system. They have also identified aspects of artisanal mycoculture that most urgently require further ethno-biological study and industry development. Future research and industry development can utilize the result of this study to boost artisanal production of wild saprophytic mushrooms in Sub-Saharan countries, for food or medicinal consumption, and environment conservation. Further development of production efficiencies in context with sustainable natural resource management is recommended.

This article explores the theme of collaboration in relation to biochemist Rupert Sheldrake’s concept of morphogenic fields. We contend that this idea, with its emphasis on the role of resonance in generating self-organising systems and cooperative action, has application for our research into the culture and educational experiences of Australian travelling communities. One of the emerging trends within cultural studies has been an engagement with the concepts generated from new scientific philosophies such as chaos and complexity theory. One such scientific concept is Sheldrake’s concept of morphogenic fields, which he sees as being present in biological processes, governing the behaviour of species. Such fields possess very little energy, but are able to absorb energy from other sources (for example, by sensing the presence of gravity) and shape it, so as to transform a physical system from chaotic disorder to dynamic order. The field acts as a geometric influence that generates resonances that affect the behaviour of a species in other sites, such that morphogenic fields are built up through the accumulated behaviour of species’ members (Sheldrake 60). As information systems theorist Margaret Wheatley comments of Sheldrake’s idea, “After part of the species has learned a behaviour, such as bicycle riding, others will find it easier to learn that skill” (51). We argue that the principle of morphogenic fields can help to make sense of work within a cultural field such as academia. In this case we can relate it to our research into Australian travelling communities, such as the circus and travelling showmen. There are particular implications drawn from the concept of morphogenic fields that seem especially significant in considering the practice of collaborative research. Here we focus specifically on the idea that a group of practitioners can absorb energy from other sites in order to self-organise into a dynamic partnership—that is, that the acquisition of the skills of collaborative partnerships is made easier for one group when another has already acquired those skills. In relation to this idea, research into collaborative or cooperative communities is well established but an emerging area of interest that is an extension of this field relates to collaboration between groups from different organisations. The focus on collaborative efforts between entities that represent different systems highlights an exponential increase in both possibilities and problems. As Moriarty has demonstrated, when groups from two different organisations collaborate, ethical and political dimensions become important considerations impacting on the degree of success of the partnership. The focus in this paper, however, is on the possibilities, rather than the problems. We take a step back and look at how the energy behind a productive group or system emerges and then influences the new partnership. In the case of this collaboration between our research team and the show and circus groups, the emergence of a resonant relationship happened through three stages, analogous to the way in which within physical systems the morphogenic field enacts its influence at different levels. In the first stage, happenstance played a part in the emergence of a Traveller education research group at Central Queensland University (CQU). At the same time as the then Dean of Education was encouraging greater research productivity within the former College of Advanced Education by suggesting the formation of collaborative teams, the agricultural show was on in the local area. This circumstance sparked a ‘corridor discussion’ speculating on how the show children were schooled, providing the impetus for the formation of a research collaboration that has continued for 15 years. The second stage involved the forging of links between this research team and the travelling communities. The process of attaining ethical clearance, making contact with the communities, and arranging semi-structured interviews was part of this process. In the case of the travelling show community, these interviews coincided with a period when members of the community, particularly mothers, were coming together to seek mechanisms for improving the school opportunities for their children. While established traditions of home tutoring, correspondence classes, and boarding schools had provided some level of educational access for show children, the long-term uncertainties of the business, and the increasing emphasis on formal education as a pathway to maximising life opportunities, helped to generate a determination within the show community to seek other options. Through a process of consultation with teachers and educational bureaucrats and lobbying of different levels of government, the community succeeded in having established a dedicated travelling school taught through specialised state-of-the-art classrooms transported on semi-trailers. Thus the Queensland School for Travelling Show Children (QSTSC) was launched as a joint federal and state initiative in 2000. The excitement of these moves within the community to improve their educational outcomes communicated itself to the university research team, who at the same time were generating links with international scholars in Traveller education. One of these, a former head of an Irish Traveller school in Dublin, has conducted research with the CQU team and conducted interviews with the QSTSC. Thus we can see how the energy within one site has communicated itself within another, such as to generate collaborative resonances beginning at the local level and extending internationally. The third stage of this collaborative process has been marked by the principal of the QSTSC co-writing academic papers with the CQU research team. Likewise, a leading member of the circus community has run workshops for academics and teachers, showcasing the role of circus tricks as pedagogical instruments. We contend that the concept of morphogenic fields offers rich possibilities for making sense of such collaborative enterprises. In its focus on such procedures as happenstance, self-generating mechanisms, absorption of energy flows, and the influence of one site within a field upon another, morphogenic fields offer a vision of collaboration that extends beyond observations of others’ practices and immersion in their world. Happenstance played a role in the CQU research team coming together at the same time that the show community was becoming particularly concerned with greater options in schooling. These groups have self-organised in response to particular needs: to increase research performance, on the one hand, and to agitate for improved educational access, on the other. The energy generated by the show community in its lobbying for a dedicated school has certainly provided impetus for the research group, while the international collaborations emerging within this research context have helped energise members of the show school in seeking opportunities to make themselves felt within the field of academia. Indeed, there has been a blending of the fields of academia and of occupational Travellers as they play off the resonances that each has generated. Certainly many aspects of our approach to researching Traveller education have been learned from, and made easier to practise by, interacting with Travellers and have extended our thinking and skill base—in this case in relation to negotiation and expanding collaborations with other groups with separate but shared interests. This kind of skill acquisition is more than the observation and immersion highlighted by conventional pedagogical models; it is also facilitated by the morphogenic resonance arising from interactions among groups with such common interests. At the same time, while crucial elements of these collaborations have been intuitive, serendipitous, and unconscious, it is important to note that both the Travellers and we have engaged in systematic reflection, decision-making, and strategic planning about their and our respective directions. Deviating from the ‘norm’ of permanent residence, the show and circus people have had to devise ways of identifying, lobbying, and communicating effectively with policy-makers with the power to create new structures for the provision of schooling. In doing so, they have highlighted the education of occupational Travellers as a morphogenic field—possessing very little energy in its own right, precisely because it is marginalised from the power of the educational centre or mainstream, it has had to absorb energy from, and to attain resonance with, representatives of that centre or mainstream. “Riding waves of resonance” is thus an appropriate metaphor for this particular ‘take’ on collaboration. In particular, both the Travellers and the researchers can be likened to surfers expending and expanding energy as they interact with the far more powerful ocean and sustaining other members of the surfing community and themselves as they do so. So too the Travellers and the researchers absorb energy from one another and others and self-organise in further dynamic and resonant collaborations and partnerships. References Moriarty, Beverley. “Inter-systemic Research and Collaboration: Ethical and Political Dimensions and Elements of Risk Among Cooperative Communities.” Strategic Uncertainties: Ethics, Politics and Risk in Contemporary Educational Research. Eds. Phyllida Coombes, Mike Danaher, and Patrick Alan Danaher. Flaxton: Post Pressed, 2004. 143-154. Sheldrake, Rupert. A New Science of Life. Los Angeles: Jeremy Tarcher, 1981. Wheatley, Margaret. Leadership and the New Science: Learning about Organisation from an Orderly Universe. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 1992. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Danaher, Geoff, Beverley Moriarty, and P.A. Danaher. "Riding Waves of Resonance: Morphogenic Fields and Collaborative Research with Australian Travelling Communities." M/C Journal 9.2 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0605/06-danahermoriarty.php>. APA Style Danaher, G., B. Moriarty, and P. Danaher. (May 2006) "Riding Waves of Resonance: Morphogenic Fields and Collaborative Research with Australian Travelling Communities," M/C Journal, 9(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0605/06-danahermoriarty.php>.

In many circles today, there is enthusiasm to join nutritional sciences to agriculture, whereby the supply of a healthy diet to the populations of the world starts with agricultural production. However, bridging disciplines has always been a challenge, as each discipline has its own multiple centers of gravity: intellectual, methodological, institutional, administrative, and budgetary. HarvestPlus is a program within the international agricultural research centers of the CGIAR system, and has been one of the most structured attempts to bridge agriculture and nutrition. This effort initiated in 1994 with an exploratory workshop to test the possible interest of crop researchers in addressing nutritional problems. This writer signed up “for the ride” given that it was a funded activity, and agreed to test the potential to improve common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris) as a dietary source of iron and zinc. He only gradually incorporated nutritional impact into his worldview of the role of agriculture in what is now widely known as “biofortification” – a term that he is credited with coining. These lines are a reflection on that experience. Over the past quarter of a century, breeders and agronomists of common bean have broadened their scope beyond yield-related traits, and learned something of nutrition. Agronomists have learned to refine their vocabulary. What is bioefficacy? What is the difference between anemia and iron deficiency, and what is their relationship? What is the optimal variety, if not one that serves the nutritional needs of consumers? But this transition has been received with enthusiasm as it has given a new dimension and social role to the work of crop development. Perhaps what has most motivated breeders and agronomists is the possibility of rescuing young children in their developmental years from the life-long effects of iron deficiency on their cognitive ability. On the other hand, nutritionists contributed to the breeding program from the start, in choosing target nutrients and setting goal levels of these. Within HarvestPlus, micronutrients were highlighted and iron, zinc and pro-vitamin A were prioritized. Meanwhile, perhaps nutritionists have learned something of plant breeding: what is genetic variability? What is heritability? Perhaps they have learned to think in terms of hundreds or thousands of breeding lines, instead of two or three that enter bioefficacy trials. Perhaps they have found a new channel whereby their own science can impact on society. While donor expectations often overshot the outputs of the breeding program, and results were a long time coming, the foray into a very new area of breeding proved to be a productive learning experience. Biofortification joined cutting edge research on genetic resources and a core collection [1], with standard genetic studies on genotype by environment interaction, and conventional breeding methods. A long-term learning process eventually led to an appreciation of the evolution of different species and the potential contribution of genes from those that originated in semiarid environments [2]. Breeders were supported for evaluation of mineral concentration with efficient methodologies of atomic absorption spectrophotometry, and later with a novel method of X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) [3], which greatly facilitated the breeding process. In retrospect, iron homeostasis was an obstacle to altering the iron concentration in the crop; interestingly, this is a biological phenomenon shared by plants and humans, and we might have appreciated this much sooner with a more intense dialogue with nutritionists. Early efforts in the nutritional sciences were marked by naivety about the demands of properly run bioefficacy trials, including among nutritionists whose specialty was not iron. Just as breeders and agronomists specialize on their crop, so do nutritionists specialize on their nutrient - a fact those breeders needed to appreciate. Eventually success emerged in a bioefficacy trial in Rwanda comparing high and low iron beans. Publications document the successful partnership of breeders and nutritionists. Not only did high iron beans increase hemoglobin levels in college age women [4], but they also improved cognitive ability [5], neuron function [6], and work capacity [7]. In a separate trial, a strong tendency toward improvement of transferrin receptor (P=0.054) was observed among Mexican school children consuming biofortified beans [8], especially among the most iron deficient [9]. At the end of the day, our faith in a diet-based approach and the potential contribution of biofortification was vindicated. Breeding itself is being restructured within the international agricultural research centers, whereby the stages of developing and delivering improved varieties are defined more explicitly, from product design, to breeding and testing, to final dissemination to farmers and consumers. Just as nutritionists participated in the definition of breeding goals at the outset of HarvestPlus, so will they likely do so in the future as new frontiers emerge? However, as illustrated in the case of biofortification of common bean, this longterm interdisciplinary interaction extended far beyond the definition of expected products, and has been a partnership that facilitated genetic improvement, and that led to validating those products in trials with human beings. Indeed, an even more pernicious scenario is emerging in both the developed world and in so-called developing countries, as obesity and its accompanying syndrome of diabetes loom large. With continuing prevalence of micronutrient deficiencies in many countries and environments, under-nutrition increasingly co-occurs with “over-nutrition”. The current pandemic has thrown millions more into poverty and will aggravate malnutrition. Other questions have been raised about the effects of climate change on the nutritional quality of crops. Where will the institutional leadership come from to confront these challenges and to coordinate across disciplines? Some issues may be addressed by joint short-term projects, but these challenges will require an even more coordinated cross-disciplinary programmatic effort. Within the United States, the USDA is the institution best positioned to address the linkages between nutrition and agriculture, and this has become an explicit part of its mandate. On the international scene, the CGIAR maintains a stated commitment to both nutrition and agricultural production, but the necessary institutional structure to facilitate cross-disciplinary cooperation has not been defined. Any reorganization has implications of re-positioning relationships, but cross-disciplinary relationships present their own tests. While technical challenges may appear daunting, the greater challenge may be to find a coherent institutional programmatic framework whereby well-meaning scientists can cooperate on solving the nutritional problems of society.

A politician’s political and personal selves have been in the spotlight of academic scholarship for hundreds of years, but only in recent years has a political ‘persona’ obtained new modes of mediation via networked media. New advancements in politics, technology, and media brought challenges to the traditional politics and personal self-representation of major leaders. Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement in June 2013, posed a new challenge for his political self-mediation. A rather reserved leader (Loshak), he nonetheless broadcast his personal news to the large audience and made it in a very peculiar way, causing the media professionals and public to draw parallels with Soviet-era mediated politics and thereby evoke collective memories. This paper studies how Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement was constructed and presented and also what response and opinion threads—satirical and humorous, ignorant and informed feedback—it achieved via media professionals and the general Twitter audience. Finally, this study aims to evaluate how Vladimir Putin’s political ‘persona’ was represented and perceived via these mixed channels of communication.According to classic studies of mediated political persona (Braudy; Meyrowitz; Corner), any public activity of a political persona is considered a part of their political performance. The history of political marketing can be traced back to ancient times, but it developed through the works of Renaissance and Medieval thinkers. Of particular prominence is Machiavelli’s The Prince with its famous “It is unnecessary for the prince to have all the good qualities I have enumerated, but it is very necessary to appear to have them” (cited in Corner 68). All those centuries-built developments and patterns of political self-representation have now taken on new forms as a result of the development of media industry and technology. Russian mediated politics has seen various examples of new ways of self-representation exercised by major politicians in the 2010s. For instance, former president Dmitry Medvedev was known as the “president with an iPad” (Pronina), as he was advocating technology and using social networks in order to seem more approachable and appear to be responsive to collecting feedback from the nation. Traditional media constantly highlighted Medvedev’s keen interest in Facebook and Twitter, which resulted in a growing public assumption that this new modern approach to self-representation may signify a new approach to governance (see Asmolov).Goffman’s classic study of the distinction between public and private life helps in linking political persona to celebrity persona. In his view the political presentation of self differs from the one in popular culture because politicians as opposed to entertainers have to conform to a set of ideals, projections, social stereotypes and cultural/national archetypes for their audience of voters (Goffman; Corner). A politician’s public persona has to be constantly reaffirming and proving the values he or she is promoting through their campaigns. Mediations of a political personhood can be projected in three main modes: visual, vocal, and kinetic (Ong; Mayhew; Corner). Visual representation follows the iconic paintings and photography in displaying the position, attitude, and associative contexts related to that. Vocal representation covers both content and format of a political speech, it is not only the articulated message, but also more important the persona speaking. Ong describes this close relation of the political and personal along with the interrelation of the message and the medium as “secondary orality”—voice, tone and volume make the difference. The third mode is kinetic representation and means the political persona in action and interaction. Overlapping of different strategies and structures of political self-representation fortifies the notion of performativity (Corner and Pels) in politics that becomes a core feature of the multidimensional representation of a mediated political self.The advancement of electronic media and interactive platforms has influenced political communication and set the new standard for the convergence of the political and personal life of a politician. On its own, the President Clinton/Monica Lewinsky affair raised the level of public awareness of the politician’s private life. It also allowed for widely distributed, contested, and mediated judgments of a politician’s personal actions. Lawrence and Bennett in their study of Lewinsky case’s academic and public response state that although the majority of American citizens did not expect the president to be the moral leader, they expressed ambivalence in their rendition of the importance of “moral leadership” by big politicians (438). The President Clinton/Lewinsky case adds a new dimension to Goffman and Corner’s respective discussions on the significance of values in the political persona self-representation. This case proves that values can not only be reinforced by one’s public persona, but those values can be (re)constructed by the press or public opinion. Values are becoming a contested trait in the contemporary mediated political persona. This view can be supported by Dmitry Medvedev’s case: although modern technology was known as his personal passion, it was publicised only with reference to his role as a public politician and specifically when Medvedev appeared with an iPad talking about modernisation at major meetings (Pronina). However, one can argue that one’s charisma can affect the impact of values in public self-representation of the politician. In addition, social networks add a new dimension to personified publicity. From Barack Obama’s ‘Yes We Can’ networked campaign in 2008 and through many more recent examples, we are witnessing the continuing process of the personalisation of politics (Corner and Pels). From one point of view, audiences tend to have more interest and sympathy in political individuals and their lifestyles rather than political parties and their programmes (Lawrence and Bennett; Corner and Pels). It should be noted that the interest towards political individuals does not fall apart from the historical logics of politics; it is only mediated in a new way. Max Weber’s notion of “leadership democracy” proves that political strategy is best distributed through the charismatic leadership imposing his will on the audience. This view can be strengthened by Le Bon’s concept of emotive connection of the leader and his crowd, and Adorno’s writings on the authoritarian personality also highlight the significance of the leader’s own natural and mediated persona in politics. What is new is the channels of mediation—modern audiences’ access to a politician’s private life is facilitated by new forms of media interactivity (Corner and Pels). This recent development calls for the new understanding of “persona” in politics. On one hand, the borderline between private and public becomes blurred and we are more exposed to the private self of a leader, but on the other hand, those politicians aware of new media literacy can create new structures of proximity and distance and construct a separate “persona” online, using digital media for their benefit (Corner and Pels). Russian official politics has developed a cautious attitude towards social networks in the post-Medvedev era - currently, President Vladimir Putin is not known for using social networks personally and transmits his views via his spokesperson. However, his personal charisma makes him overly present in digital media - through the images and texts shared both by his supporters and rivals. As opposed to Medvedev’s widely publicised “modernisation president” representation, Putin’s persona breaks the boundaries of limited traditional publicity and makes him recognised not only for his political activity, but looks, controversial expression, attitude to employees, and even personal life. That brings us back to Goffman, Corner and Lawrence and Bennett’s discussions on the interrelation of political values and personal traits in one’s political self-representation, making it evident that one’s strong personality can dominate over his political image and programme. Moreover, an assumption can be made that a politician’s persona may be more powerful than the narrative suggested by the constructed self-representation and new connotations may arise on the crossroads of this interaction.Russian President Divorce Announcement and Collective MemoryVladimir Putin’s divorce announcement was broadcast via traditional media on 6 June 2013 as a simple news story. The state broadcasting company Vesti-24 sent a journalist Polina Yermolayeva from their news bulletin to cover Vladimir Putin and Lyudmila Putin’s visit to a ballet production, Esmeralda, at the state Kremlin theatre. The news anchor’s introduction to the interview was ordinarily written and had no hints of the upcoming sensation. After the first couple and the journalist had discussed their opinion of the ballet (“beautiful music,” “flawless and light moves”), the reporter Yermolayeva suddenly asked: “You and Lyudmila are rarely seen together in public. Rumour has it that you do not live together. It is true?” Vladimir Putin and his wife exchanged a number of rather pre-scripted speeches stating that the first couple was getting a divorce as the children had grown old enough, and they would still stay friends and wished each other the best of luck. The whole interview lasted 3:25 minutes and became a big surprise for the country (Loshak; Sobchak).When applying the classification of three modes of political personhood (Corner; Ong) to Vladimir Putin’s divorce announcement, it becomes evident that all three modes—visual, vocal, and kinetic—were used. Television audiences watched their president speak freely to the unknown reporter, explain details of his life in his own words so that body language also was visible and conveyed additional information. The visual self-representation harkens back to classic, Soviet-style announcements: Vladimir Putin and Lyudmila Putina are dressed in classic monochrome suit and costume with a skirt respectively. They pose in front of the rather dull yet somewhat golden decorations of the Kremlin Theatre Hall, the walls themselves reflecting the glory and fanfare of the Soviet leadership and architecture. Vladimir Putin and his wife both talk calmly while Lyudmila appears even more relaxed than her husband (Sobchak). Although the speech looks prepared in advance (Loshak), it uses colloquial expressions and is delivered with emotional pauses and voice changes.However, close examination of not only the message but the medium of the divorce announcement reveals a vast number of intriguing symbols and parallels. First, although living in the era of digital media, Vladimir Putin chose to broadcast his personal news through a traditional television channel. Second, it was broadcast in a news programme making the breaking news of the president’s divorce, paradoxically, quite a mundane news event. Third, the semiotic construction of the divorce announcement bore a lot of connotations and synergies to the conservative, Soviet-style information distribution patterns. There are a few key symbols here that evoke collective memories: ballet, conservative political report on the government, and the stereotype of a patriarchal couple with a submissive wife (see Loshak; Rostovskiy). For example, since the perestroika of the 1990s, ballet has been widely perceived as a symbol of big political change and cause of public anxiety (Kachkaeva): this connotation was born in the 1990s when all channels were broadcasting Swan Lake round the clock while the White House was under attack. Holden reminds us that this practice was applied many times during major crises in Soviet history, thus creating a short link in the public subconscious of a ballet broadcast being symbolic of a political crisis or turmoil.Vladimir Putin Divorce: Traditional and Social Media ReceptionIn the first day after the divorce announcement Russian Twitter generated 180,000 tweets about Vladimir Putin’s divorce, and the hashtag #развод (“divorce”) became very popular. For the analysis that follows, Putin divorce tweets were collected by two methods: retrieved from traditional media coverage of Twitter talk on Putin’s divorce and from Twitter directly, using Topsy engine. Tweets were collected for one week, from the divorce announcement on 6 June to 13 June when the discussion declined and became repetitive. Data was collected using Snob.ru, Kommersant.ru, Forbes.ru, other media outlets and Topsy. The results were then combined and evaluated.Some of those tweets provided a satirical commentary to the divorce news and can be classified as “memes.” An “Internet meme” is a contagious message, a symbolic pattern of information spread online (Lankshear and Knobel; Shifman). Memes are viral texts that are shared online after being adjusted/altered or developed on the way. Starting from 1976 when Richard Dawkins coined the term, memes have been under media scholarship scrutiny and the term has been widely contested in various sciences. In Internet research studies, memes are defined as “condensed images that stimulate visual, verbal, musical, or behavioral associations that people can easily imitate and transmit to others” (Pickerel, Jorgensen, and Bennett). The open character of memes makes them valuable tools for political discourse in a modern highly mediated environment.Qualitative analysis of the most popular and widely shared tweets reveals several strong threads and themes round Putin’s divorce discussion. According to Burzhskaya, many users created memes with jokes about the relationship between Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. For instance, “He should have tied up his relationship with Dmitry Anatolyevich long ago” or “So actually Medvedev is the case?” were among popular memes generated. Another collection of memework contained a comment that, according to the Russian legislation, Putin’s ex-wife should get half of their wealth, in this case—half of the country. This thread was followed by the discussion whether the separation/border of her share of Russia should use the Ural Mountains as the borderline. Another group of Twitter users applied the Russian president’s divorce announcement to other countries’ politics. Thus one user wrote “Take Yanukovich to the ballet” implying that Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich (who was still a legitimate president in June 2013) should also be taken to the ballet to trigger changes in the political life in Ukraine. Twitter celebrity and well-known Russian actress and comedian Tatiana Lazareva wrote “In my opinion, it is a scam”, punning on the slang meaning of the word “razvod” (“divorce”) in Russian that can also mean “fraud” or “con”. Famous Russian journalist Dmitry Olshansky used his Twitter account to draw a historical parallel between Putin and other Russian and Soviet political leaders’ marital life. He noted that such Russian leaders as Tsar Nikolay the Second and Mikhail Gorbachev who loved their wives and were known to be good husbands were not successful managers of the state. In contrast, lone rulers of Russia such as Joseph Stalin proved to be leaders who loved their country first and gained a lot of support from their electorate because of that lonely love. Popular print and online journalist Oleg Kashin picked up on that specific idea: he quoted Vladimir Putin’s press secretary who explained that the president had declared that he would now spend more time working for the prosperity of the country.Twitter users were exchanging not only 140 symbol texts but also satirical images and other visual memes based on the divorce announcement. Those who suggested that Vladimir Putin should have divorced the country instead portrayed Lyudmila Putina and Vladimir holding candles and wearing funereal black with various taglines discussing how the country would now be split. Other users contributed visual memes jamming the television show Bachelor imagery and font with Vladimir Putin’s face and an announcement that the most desirable bachelor in the country is now its president. A similar idea was put into jammed images of the Let’s Get Married television show using Vladimir Putin’s face or name linked with a humorous comment that he could try those shows to find a new wife. One more thread of Twitter memes on Putin’s divorce used the name of Alina Kabaeva, Olympic gymnast who is rumoured by the press to be in relationship with the leader (Daily Mail Reporter). She was mentioned in plenty of visual and textual memes. Probably, the most popular visual meme (Burzhskaya; Topsy) used the one-liner from a famous Soviet comedy Ivan Vasylievich Menyaet Professiyu: it uses a joyful exclamation of an actress who learns that her love interest, a movie director, is leaving his wife so that the lovers can now fly to a resort together. Alina Kabaeva, the purported love interest of Putin, was jammed to be that actress as she announced the “triumphal” resort vacation plan to a girlfriend over the phone.Vladimir Putin’s 2013 divorce announcement presented new challenges for his personal and political self-representation and revealed new traits of the Russian president’s interaction with the nation. As the news of Vladimir and Lyudmila Putin’s divorce was broadcast via traditional media in a non-interactive television format, commentary on the event advanced only through the following week’s media coverage and the massive activity on social networks. It has still to be examined whether Vladimir Putin’s political advisors intentionally included many symbols of collective memory in the original and staid broadcast announcement. However, the response from traditional and social media shows that both Russian journalists and regular Twitter users were inclined to use humour and satire when discussing the personal life of a major political leader. Despite this appearance of an active counter-political sphere via social networks, the majority of tweets retrieved also revealed a certain level of respect towards Vladimir Putin’s privacy as few popular jokes or memes were aggressive, offensive or humiliating. Most popular memes on Vladimir Putin’s divorce linked this announcement to the political life of Russia, the political situation in other countries, and television shows and popular culture. Some of the memes, though, advanced the idea that Vladimir Putin should have divorced the country instead. The analysis also shows how a charismatic leader can affect or reconstruct the “values” he represents. In Vladimir Putin’s divorce event, his personality is the main focus of discussion both by traditional and new media. However, he is not judged for his personal choices as the online social media users provide rather mild commentary and jokes about them. The event and the subsequent online discourse, images and texts not only identify how Putin’s politics have become personified, the research also uncovers how the audience/citizenry online often see the country as a “persona” as well. Some Internet users suggested Putin’s marriage to the country; this mystified, if not mythologised view reinforces Vladimir Putin’s personal and political charisma.Conclusively, Vladimir Putin’s divorce case study shows how political and private persona are being mediated and merged via mixed channels of communication. 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This article explores resilience as it is experienced by refugees in the context of a relational community, visiting the notions of trauma, a thicker description of resilience and the trajectory toward positive growth through community. It calls for going beyond a Western biomedical therapeutic approach of exploration and adopting more of an emic perspective incorporating the worldview of the refugees. The challenge is for service providers working with refugees (who have experienced trauma) to move forward from a ‘harm minimisation’ model of care to recognition of a facilitative, productive community of people who are in a transitional phase between homelands. Contextualising Trauma Prior to the 1980s, the term ‘trauma’ was not widely used in literature on refugees and refugee mental health, hardly existing as a topic of inquiry until the mid-1980’s (Summerfield 422). It first gained prominence in relation to soldiers who had returned from Vietnam and in need of medical attention after being traumatised by war. The term then expanded to include victims of wars and those who had witnessed traumatic events. Seahorn and Seahorn outline that severe trauma “paralyses you with numbness and uses denial, avoidance, isolation as coping mechanisms so you don’t have to deal with your memories”, impacting a person‘s ability to risk being connected to others, detaching and withdrawing; resulting in extreme loneliness, emptiness, sadness, anxiety and depression (6). During the Civil War in the USA the impact of trauma was referred to as Irritable Heart and then World War I and II referred to it as Shell Shock, Neurosis, Combat Fatigue, or Combat Exhaustion (Seahorn & Seahorn 66, 67). During the twenty-five years following the Vietnam War, the medicalisation of trauma intensified and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) became recognised as a medical-psychiatric disorder in 1980 in the American Psychiatric Association international diagnostic tool Diagnostic Statistical Manual (DSM–III). An expanded description and diagnosis of PTSD appears in the DSM-IV, influenced by the writings of Harvard psychologist and scholar, Judith Herman (Scheper-Hughes 38) The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV) of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) outlines that experiencing the threat of death, injury to oneself or another or finding out about an unexpected or violent death, serious harm, or threat of the same kind to a family member or close person are considered traumatic events (Chung 11); including domestic violence, incest and rape (Scheper-Hughes 38). Another significant development in the medicalisation of trauma occurred in 1998 when the Victorian Foundation for Survivors of Torture (VFST) released an influential report titled ‘Rebuilding Shattered Lives’. This then gave clinical practice a clearer direction in helping people who had experienced war, trauma and forced migration by providing a framework for therapeutic work. The emphasis became strongly linked to personal recovery of individuals suffering trauma, using case management as the preferred intervention strategy. A whole industry soon developed around medical intervention treating people suffering from trauma related problems (Eyber). Though there was increased recognition for the medicalised discourse of trauma and post-traumatic stress, there was critique of an over-reliance of psychiatric models of trauma (Bracken, et al. 15, Summerfield 421, 423). There was also expressed concern that an overemphasis on individual recovery overlooked the socio-political aspects that amplify trauma (Bracken et al. 8). The DSM-IV criteria for PTSD model began to be questioned regarding the category of symptoms being culturally defined from a Western perspective. Weiss et al. assert that large numbers of traumatized people also did not meet the DSM-III-R criteria for PTSD (366). To categorize refugees’ experiences into recognizable, generalisable psychological conditions overlooked a more localized culturally specific understanding of trauma. The meanings given to collective experience and the healing strategies vary across different socio-cultural groupings (Eyber). For example, some people interpret suffering as a normal part of life in bringing them closer to God and in helping gain a better understanding of the level of trauma in the lives of others. Scheper-Hughes raise concern that the PTSD model is “based on a conception of human nature and human life as fundamentally vulnerable, frail, and humans as endowed with few and faulty defence mechanisms”, and underestimates the human capacity to not only survive but to thrive during and following adversity (37, 42). As a helping modality, biomedical intervention may have limitations through its lack of focus regarding people’s agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress (Eyber). The benefits of a Western therapeutic model might be minimal when some may have their own culturally relevant coping strategies that may vary to Western models. Bracken et al. document case studies where the burial rituals in Mozambique, obligations to the dead in Cambodia, shared solidarity in prison and the mending of relationships after rape in Uganda all contributed to the healing process of distress (8). Orosa et al. (1) asserts that belief systems have contributed in helping refugees deal with trauma; Brune et al. (1) points to belief systems being a protective factor against post-traumatic disorders; and Peres et al. highlight that a religious worldview gives hope, purpose and meaning within suffering. Adopting a Thicker Description of Resilience Service providers working with refugees often talk of refugees as ‘vulnerable’ or ‘at risk’ populations and strive for ‘harm minimisation’ among the population within their care. This follows a critical psychological tradition, what (Ungar, Constructionist) refers to as a positivist mode of inquiry that emphasises the predictable relationship between risk and protective factors (risk and coping strategies) being based on a ‘deficient’ outlook rather than a ‘future potential’ viewpoint and lacking reference to notions of resilience or self-empowerment (342). At-risk discourses tend to focus upon antisocial behaviours and appropriate treatment for relieving suffering rather than cultural competencies that may be developing in the midst of challenging circumstances. Mares and Newman document how the lives of many refugee advocates have been changed through the relational contribution asylum seekers have made personally to them in an Australian context (159). Individuals may find meaning in communal obligations, contributing to the lives of others and a heightened solidarity (Wilson 42, 44) in contrast to an individual striving for happiness and self-fulfilment. Early naturalistic accounts of mental health, influenced by the traditions of Western psychology, presented thin descriptions of resilience as a quality innate to individuals that made them invulnerable or strong, despite exposure to substantial risk (Ungar, Thicker 91). The interest then moved towards a non-naturalistic contextually relevant understanding of resilience viewed in the social context of people’s lives. Authors such as Benson, Tricket and Birman (qtd. in Ungar, Thicker) started focusing upon community resilience, community capacity and asset-building communities; looking at areas such as - “spending time with friends, exercising control over aspects of their lives, seeking meaningful involvement in their community, attaching to others and avoiding threats to self-esteem” (91). In so doing far more emphasis was given in developing what Ungar (Thicker) refers to as ‘a thicker description of resilience’ as it relates to the lives of refugees that considers more than an ability to survive and thrive or an internal psychological state of wellbeing (89). Ungar (Thicker) describes a thicker description of resilience as revealing “a seamless set of negotiations between individuals who take initiative, and an environment with crisscrossing resources that impact one on the other in endless and unpredictable combinations” (95). A thicker description of resilience means adopting more of what Eyber proposes as an emic approach, taking on an ‘insider perspective’, incorporating the worldview of the people experiencing the distress; in contrast to an etic perspective using a Western biomedical understanding of distress, examined from a position outside the social or cultural system in which it takes place. Drawing on a more anthropological tradition, intervention is able to be built with local resources and strategies that people can utilize with attention being given to cultural traditions within a socio-cultural understanding. Developing an emic approach is to engage in intercultural dialogue, raise dilemmas, test assumptions, document hopes and beliefs and explore their implications. Under this approach, healing is more about developing intelligibility through one’s own cultural and social matrix (Bracken, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1767). This then moves beyond using a Western therapeutic approach of exploration which may draw on the rhetoric of resilience, but the coping strategies of the vulnerable are often disempowered through adopting a ‘therapy culture’ (Furedi, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1769). Westoby and Ingamells point out that the danger is by using a “therapeutic gaze that interprets emotions through the prism of disease and pathology”, it then “replaces a socio-political interpretation of situations” (1769). This is not to dismiss the importance of restoring individual well-being, but to broaden the approach adopted in contextualising it within a socio-cultural frame. The Relational Aspect of Resilience Previously, the concept of the ‘resilient individual’ has been of interest within the psychological and self-help literature (Garmezy, qtd. in Wilson) giving weight to the aspect of it being an innate trait that individuals possess or harness (258). Yet there is a need to explore the relational aspect of resilience as it is embedded in the network of relationships within social settings. A person’s identity and well-being is better understood in observing their capacity to manage their responses to adverse circumstances in an interpersonal community through the networks of relationships. Brison, highlights the collective strength of individuals in social networks and the importance of social support in the process of recovery from trauma, that the self is vulnerable to be affected by violence but resilient to be reconstructed through the help of others (qtd. in Wilson 125). This calls for what Wilson refers to as a more interdisciplinary perspective drawing on cultural studies and sociology (2). It also acknowledges that although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. To date, within sociology and cultural studies, there is not a well-developed perspective on the topic of resilience. Resilience involves a complex ongoing interaction between individuals and their social worlds (Wilson 16) that helps them make sense of their world and adjust to the context of resettlement. It includes developing a perspective of people drawing upon negative experiences as productive cultural resources for growth, which involves seeing themselves as agents of their own future rather than suffering from a sense of victimhood (Wilson 46, 258). Wilson further outlines the display of a resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from what might have been otherwise negative migration experiences (Wilson 47). Wu refers to ‘imagineering’ alternative futures, for people to see beyond the current adverse circumstances and to imagine other possibilities. People respond to and navigate their experience of trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways (Wilson 29). Trauma can cripple individual potential and yet individuals can also learn to turn such an experience into a positive, productive resource for personal growth. Grief, despair and powerlessness can be channelled into hope for improved life opportunities. Social networks can act as protection against adversity and trauma; meaningful interpersonal relationships and a sense of belonging assist individuals in recovering from emotional strain. Wilson asserts that social capabilities assist people in turning what would otherwise be negative experiences into productive cultural resources (13). Graybeal (238) and Saleeby (297) explore resilience as a strength-based practice, where individuals, families and communities are seen in relation to their capacities, talents, competencies, possibilities, visions, values and hopes; rather than through their deficiencies, pathologies or disorders. This does not present an idea of invulnerability to adversity but points to resources for navigating adversity. Resilience is not merely an individual trait or a set of intrinsic behaviours that can be displayed in ‘resilient individuals’. Resilience, rather than being an unchanging attribute, is a complex socio-cultural phenomenon, a relational concept of a dynamic nature that is situated in interpersonal relations (Wilson 258). Positive Growth through a Community Based Approach Through migrating to another country (in the context of refugees), Falicov, points out that people often experience a profound loss of their social network and cultural roots, resulting in a sense of homelessness between two worlds, belonging to neither (qtd. in Walsh 220). In the ideological narratives of refugee movements and diasporas, the exile present may be collectively portrayed as a liminality, outside normal time and place, a passage between past and future (Eastmond 255). The concept of the ‘liminal’ was popularised by Victor Turner, who proposed that different kinds of marginalised people and communities go through phases of separation, ‘liminali’ (state of limbo) and reincorporation (qtd. in Tofighian 101). Difficulties arise when there is no closure of the liminal period (fleeing their former country and yet not being able to integrate in the country of destination). If there is no reincorporation into mainstream society then people become unsettled and feel displaced. This has implications for their sense of identity as they suffer from possible cultural destabilisation, not being able to integrate into the host society. The loss of social supports may be especially severe and long-lasting in the context of displacement. In gaining an understanding of resilience in the context of displacement, it is important to consider social settings and person-environment transactions as displaced people seek to experience a sense of community in alternative ways. Mays proposed that alternative forms of community are central to community survival and resilience. Community is a source of wellbeing for building and strengthening positive relations and networks (Mays 590). Cottrell, uses the concept of ‘community competence’, where a community provides opportunities and conditions that enable groups to navigate their problems and develop capacity and resourcefulness to cope positively with adversity (qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 4, 5). Chaskin, sees community as a resilient entity, countering adversity and promoting the well-being of its members (qtd. in Canavan 6). As a point of departure from the concept of community in the conventional sense, I am interested in what Ahmed and Fortier state as moments or sites of connection between people who would normally not have such connection (254). The participants may come together without any presumptions of ‘being in common’ or ‘being uncommon’ (Ahmed and Fortier 254). This community shows little differentiation between those who are welcome and those who are not in the demarcation of the boundaries of community. The community I refer to presents the idea as ‘common ground’ rather than commonality. Ahmed and Fortier make reference to a ‘moral community’, a “community of care and responsibility, where members readily acknowledge the ‘social obligations’ and willingness to assist the other” (Home office, qtd. in Ahmed and Fortier 253). Ahmed and Fortier note that strong communities produce caring citizens who ensure the future of caring communities (253). Community can also be referred to as the ‘soul’, something that stems out of the struggle that creates a sense of solidarity and cohesion among group members (Keil, qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 17). Often shared experiences of despair can intensify connections between people. These settings modify the impact of oppression through people maintaining positive experiences of belonging and develop a positive sense of identity. This has enabled people to hold onto and reconstruct the sociocultural supplies that have come under threat (Sonn and Fisher 17). People are able to feel valued as human beings, form positive attachments, experience community, a sense of belonging, reconstruct group identities and develop skills to cope with the outside world (Sonn and Fisher, 20). Community networks are significant in contributing to personal transformation. Walsh states that “community networks can be essential resources in trauma recovery when their strengths and potential are mobilised” (208). Walsh also points out that the suffering and struggle to recover after a traumatic experience often results in remarkable transformation and positive growth (208). Studies in post-traumatic growth (Calhoun & Tedeschi) have found positive changes such as: the emergence of new opportunities, the formation of deeper relationships and compassion for others, feelings strengthened to meet future life challenges, reordered priorities, fuller appreciation of life and a deepening spirituality (in Walsh 208). As Walsh explains “The effects of trauma depend greatly on whether those wounded can seek comfort, reassurance and safety with others. Strong connections with trust that others will be there for them when needed, counteract feelings of insecurity, hopelessness, and meaninglessness” (208). Wilson (256) developed a new paradigm in shifting the focus from an individualised approach to trauma recovery, to a community-based approach in his research of young Sudanese refugees. Rutter and Walsh, stress that mental health professionals can best foster trauma recovery by shifting from a predominantly individual pathology focus to other treatment approaches, utilising communities as a capacity for healing and resilience (qtd. in Walsh 208). Walsh highlights that “coming to terms with traumatic loss involves making meaning of the trauma experience, putting it in perspective, and weaving the experience of loss and recovery into the fabric of individual and collective identity and life passage” (210). Landau and Saul, have found that community resilience involves building community and enhancing social connectedness by strengthening the system of social support, coalition building and information and resource sharing, collective storytelling, and re-establishing the rhythms and routines of life (qtd. in Walsh 219). Bracken et al. suggest that one of the fundamental principles in recovery over time is intrinsically linked to reconstruction of social networks (15). This is not expecting resolution in some complete ‘once and for all’ getting over it, getting closure of something, or simply recovering and moving on, but tapping into a collective recovery approach, being a gradual process over time. Conclusion A focus on biomedical intervention using a biomedical understanding of distress may be limiting as a helping modality for refugees. Such an approach can undermine peoples’ agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress. Drawing on sociology and cultural studies, utilising a more emic approach, brings new insights to understanding resilience and how people respond to trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways for positive personal growth while navigating the experience. This includes considering social settings and person-environment transactions in gaining an understanding of resilience. Although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. Social networks and capabilities can act as a protection against adversity and trauma, assisting people to turn what would otherwise be negative experiences into productive cultural resources (Wilson 13) for improved life opportunities. The promotion of social competence is viewed as a preventative intervention to promote resilient outcomes, as social skill facilitates social integration (Nettles and Mason 363). As Wilson (258) asserts that resilience is not merely an individual trait or a set of intrinsic behaviours that ‘resilient individuals’ display; it is a complex, socio-cultural phenomenon that is situated in interpersonal relations within a community setting. References Ahmed, Sara, and Anne-Marie Fortier. “Re-Imagining Communities.” International of Cultural Studies 6.3 (2003): 251-59. Bracken, Patrick. J., Joan E. Giller, and Derek Summerfield. Psychological Response to War and Atrocity: The Limitations of Current Concepts. Elsevier Science, 1995. 8 Aug, 2013 ‹http://www.freedomfromtorture.org/sites/default/files/documents/Summerfield-PsychologicalResponses.pdf>. Brune, Michael, Christian Haasen, Michael Krausz, Oktay Yagdiran, Enrique Bustos and David Eisenman. “Belief Systems as Coping Factors for Traumatized Refugees: A Pilot Study.” Eur Psychiatry 17 (2002): 451-58. Canavan, John. “Resilience: Cautiously Welcoming a Contested Concept.” Child Care in Practice 14.1 (2008): 1-7. Chung, Juna. Refugee and Immigrant Survivors of Trauma: A Curriculum for Social Workers. Master’s Thesis for California State University. Long Beach, 2010. 1-29. Eastmond, Maria. “Stories of Lived Experience: Narratives in Forced Migration Research.” Journal of Refugee Studies 20.2 (2007): 248-64. Eyber, Carola “Cultural and Anthropological Studies.” In Forced Migration Online, 2002. 8 Aug, 2013. ‹http://www.forcedmigration.org/research-resources/expert-guides/psychosocial- issues/cultural-and-anthropological-studies>. Graybeal, Clay. “Strengths-Based Social Work Assessment: Transforming the Dominant Paradigm.” Families in Society 82.3 (2001): 233-42. Kleinman, Arthur. “Triumph or Pyrrhic Victory? The Inclusion of Culture in DSM-IV.” Harvard Rev Psychiatry 4 (1997): 343-44. Mares, Sarah, and Louise Newman, eds. Acting from the Heart- Australian Advocates for Asylum Seekers Tell Their Stories. Sydney: Finch Publishing, 2007. Mays, Vicki M. “Identity Development of Black Americans: The Role of History and the Importance of Ethnicity.” American Journal of Psychotherapy 40.4 (1986): 582-93. Nettles, Saundra Murray, and Michael J. Mason. “Zones of Narrative Safety: Promoting Psychosocial Resilience in Young People.” The Journal of Primary Prevention 25.3 (2004): 359-73. Orosa, Francisco J.E., Michael Brune, Katrin Julia Fischer-Ortman, and Christian Haasen. “Belief Systems as Coping Factors in Traumatized Refugees: A Prospective Study.” Traumatology 17.1 (2011); 1-7. Peres, Julio F.P., Alexander Moreira-Almeida, Antonia, G. Nasello, and Harold, G. Koenig. “Spirituality and Resilience in Trauma Victims.” J Relig Health (2006): 1-8. Saleebey, Dennis. “The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice: Extensions and Cautions.” Social Work 41.3 (1996): 296-305. Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. “A Talent for Life: Reflections on Human Vulnerability and Resilience.” Ethnos 73.1 (2008): 25-56. Seahorn, Janet, J. and Anthony E. Seahorn. Tears of a Warrior. Ft Collins, USA: Team Pursuits, 2008. Sonn, Christopher, and Adrian Fisher. “Sense of Community: Community Resilient Responses to Oppression and Change.” Unpublished article. Curtin University of Technology & Victoria University of Technology: undated. Summerfield, Derek. “Childhood, War, Refugeedom and ‘Trauma’: Three Core Questions for Medical Health Professionals.” Transcultural Psychiatry 37.3 (2000): 417-433. Tofighian, Omid. “Prolonged Liminality and Comparative Examples of Rioting Down Under”. Fear and Hope: The Art of Asylum Seekers in Australian Detention Centres Literature and Aesthetics (Special Edition) 21 (2011): 97-103. Ungar, Michael. “A Constructionist Discourse on Resilience: Multiple Contexts, Multiple Realities Among at-Risk Children and Youth.” Youth Society 35.3 (2004): 341-365. Ungar, Michael. “A Thicker Description of Resilience.” The International Journal of Narrative Therapy and Community Work 3 & 4 (2005): 85-96. Walsh, Froma. “Traumatic Loss and Major Disasters: Strengthening Family and Community Resilience.” Family Process 46.2 (2007): 207-227. Weiss, Daniel. S., Charles R. Marmar, William. E. Schlenger, John. A. Fairbank, Kathleen Jordon, Richard L. Hough, and Richard A. Kulka. “The Prevalence of Lifetime and Partial Post- Traumatic Stress Disorder in Vietnam Theater Veterans.” Journal of Traumatic Stress 5.3 (1992):365-76. Westoby, Peter, and Ann Ingamells. “A Critically Informed Perspective of Working with Resettling Refugee Groups in Australia.” British Journal of Social Work 40 (2010): 1759-76. Wilson, Michael. “Accumulating Resilience: An Investigation of the Migration and Resettlement Experiences of Young Sudanese People in the Western Sydney Area.” PHD Thesis. University of Western Sydney ( 2012): 1-297. Wu, K. M. “Hope and World Survival.” Philosophy Forum 12.1-2 (1972): 131-48.

Introduction I am a transmigrant who has moved back and forth between the West and the Rest. I was born and raised in a Muslim family in a predominantly Muslim country, Bangladesh, but I spent several years of my childhood in Pakistan. After my marriage, I lived in the United States for a year and a half, the Middle East for 5 years, Australia for three years, back to the Middle East for another 5 years, then, finally, in Australia for the last 12 years. I speak Bengali (my mother tongue), Urdu (which I learnt in Pakistan), a bit of Arabic (learnt in the Middle East); but English has always been my medium of instruction. So where is home? Is it my place of origin, the Muslim umma, or my land of settlement? Or is it my ‘root’ or my ‘route’ (Blunt and Dowling)? Blunt and Dowling (199) observe that the lives of transmigrants are often interpreted in terms of their ‘roots’ and ‘routes’, which are two frameworks for thinking about home, homeland and diaspora. Whereas ‘roots’ might imply an original homeland from which people have scattered, and to which they might seek to return, ‘routes’ focuses on mobile, multiple and transcultural geographies of home. However, both ‘roots’ and ‘routes’ are attached to emotion and identity, and both invoke a sense of place, belonging or alienation that is intrinsically tied to a sense of self (Blunt and Dowling 196-219). In this paper, I equate home with my root (place of birth) and route (transnational homing) within the context of the ‘diaspora and belonging’. First I define the diaspora and possible criteria of belonging. Next I describe my transnational homing within the framework of diaspora and belonging. Finally, I consider how Australia can be a ‘home’ for me and other Muslim Australians. The Diaspora and Belonging Blunt and Dowling (199) define diaspora as “scattering of people over space and transnational connections between people and the places”. Cohen emphasised the ethno-cultural aspects of the diaspora setting; that is, how migrants identify and position themselves in other nations in terms of their (different) ethnic and cultural orientation. Hall argues that the diasporic subjects form a cultural identity through transformation and difference. Speaking of the Hindu diaspora in the UK and Caribbean, Vertovec (21-23) contends that the migrants’ contact with their original ‘home’ or diaspora depends on four factors: migration processes and factors of settlement, cultural composition, structural and political power, and community development. With regard to the first factor, migration processes and factors of settlement, Vertovec explains that if the migrants are political or economic refugees, or on a temporary visa, they are likely to live in a ‘myth of return’. In the cultural composition context, Vertovec argues that religion, language, region of origin, caste, and degree of cultural homogenisation are factors in which migrants are bound to their homeland. Concerning the social structure and political power issue, Vertovec suggests that the extent and nature of racial and ethnic pluralism or social stigma, class composition, degree of institutionalised racism, involvement in party politics (or active citizenship) determine migrants’ connection to their new or old home. Finally, community development, including membership in organisations (political, union, religious, cultural, leisure), leadership qualities, and ethnic convergence or conflict (trends towards intra-communal or inter-ethnic/inter-religious co-operation) would also affect the migrants’ sense of belonging. Using these scholarly ideas as triggers, I will examine my home and belonging over the last few decades. My Home In an initial stage of my transmigrant history, my home was my root (place of birth, Dhaka, Bangladesh). Subsequently, my routes (settlement in different countries) reshaped my homes. In all respects, the ethno-cultural factors have played a big part in my definition of ‘home’. But on some occasions my ethnic identification has been overridden by my religious identification and vice versa. By ethnic identity, I mean my language (mother tongue) and my connection to my people (Bangladeshi). By my religious identity, I mean my Muslim religion, and my spiritual connection to the umma, a Muslim nation transcending all boundaries. Umma refers to the Muslim identity and unity within a larger Muslim group across national boundaries. The only thing the members of the umma have in common is their Islamic belief (Spencer and Wollman 169-170). In my childhood my father, a banker, was relocated to Karachi, Pakistan (then West Pakistan). Although I lived in Pakistan for much of my childhood, I have never considered it to be my home, even though it is predominantly a Muslim country. In this case, my home was my root (Bangladesh) where my grandparents and extended family lived. Every year I used to visit my grandparents who resided in a small town in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan). Thus my connection with my home was sustained through my extended family, ethnic traditions, language (Bengali/Bangla), and the occasional visits to the landscape of Bangladesh. Smith (9-11) notes that people build their connection or identity to their homeland through their historic land, common historical memories, myths, symbols and traditions. Though Pakistan and Bangladesh had common histories, their traditions of language, dress and ethnic culture were very different. For example, the celebration of the Bengali New Year (Pohela Baishakh), folk dance, folk music and folk tales, drama, poetry, lyrics of poets Rabindranath Tagore (Rabindra Sangeet) and Nazrul Islam (Nazrul Geeti) are distinct in the cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Special musical instruments such as the banshi (a bamboo flute), dhol (drums), ektara (a single-stringed instrument) and dotara (a four-stringed instrument) are unique to Bangladeshi culture. The Bangladeshi cuisine (rice and freshwater fish) is also different from Pakistan where people mainly eat flat round bread (roti) and meat (gosh). However, my bonding factor to Bangladesh was my relatives, particularly my grandparents as they made me feel one of ‘us’. Their affection for me was irreplaceable. The train journey from Dhaka (capital city) to their town, Noakhali, was captivating. The hustle and bustle at the train station and the lush green paddy fields along the train journey reminded me that this was my ‘home’. Though I spoke the official language (Urdu) in Pakistan and had a few Pakistani friends in Karachi, they could never replace my feelings for my friends, extended relatives and cousins who lived in Bangladesh. I could not relate to the landscape or dry weather of Pakistan. More importantly, some Pakistani women (our neighbours) were critical of my mother’s traditional dress (saree), and described it as revealing because it showed a bit of her back. They took pride in their traditional dress (shalwar, kameez, dopatta), which they considered to be more covered and ‘Islamic’. So, because of our traditional dress (saree) and perhaps other differences, we were regarded as the ‘Other’. In 1970 my father was relocated back to Dhaka, Bangladesh, and I was glad to go home. It should be noted that both Pakistan and Bangladesh were separated from India in 1947 – first as one nation; then, in 1971, Bangladesh became independent from Pakistan. The conflict between Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) and Pakistan (then West Pakistan) originated for economic and political reasons. At this time I was a high school student and witnessed acts of genocide committed by the Pakistani regime against the Bangladeshis (March-December 1971). My memories of these acts are vivid and still very painful. After my marriage, I moved from Bangladesh to the United States. In this instance, my new route (Austin, Texas, USA), as it happened, did not become my home. Here the ethno-cultural and Islamic cultural factors took precedence. I spoke the English language, made some American friends, and studied history at the University of Texas. I appreciated the warm friendship extended to me in the US, but experienced a degree of culture shock. I did not appreciate the pub life, alcohol consumption, and what I perceived to be the lack of family bonds (children moving out at the age of 18, families only meeting occasionally on birthdays and Christmas). Furthermore, I could not relate to de facto relationships and acceptance of sex before marriage. However, to me ‘home’ meant a family orientation and living in close contact with family. Besides the cultural divide, my husband and I were living in the US on student visas and, as Vertovec (21-23) noted, temporary visa status can deter people from their sense of belonging to the host country. In retrospect I can see that we lived in the ‘myth of return’. However, our next move for a better life was not to our root (Bangladesh), but another route to the Muslim world of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. My husband moved to Dhahran not because it was a Muslim world but because it gave him better economic opportunities. However, I thought this new destination would become my home – the home that was coined by Anderson as the imagined nation, or my Muslim umma. Anderson argues that the imagined communities are “to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined” (6; Wood 61). Hall (122) asserts: identity is actually formed through unconscious processes over time, rather than being innate in consciousness at birth. There is always something ‘imaginary’ or fantasized about its unity. It always remains incomplete, is always ‘in process’, always ‘being formed’. As discussed above, when I had returned home to Bangladesh from Pakistan – both Muslim countries – my primary connection to my home country was my ethnic identity, language and traditions. My ethnic identity overshadowed the religious identity. But when I moved to Saudi Arabia, where my ethnic identity differed from that of the mainstream Arabs and Bedouin/nomadic Arabs, my connection to this new land was through my Islamic cultural and religious identity. Admittedly, this connection to the umma was more psychological than physical, but I was now in close proximity to Mecca, and to my home of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Mecca is an important city in Saudi Arabia for Muslims because it is the holy city of Islam, the home to the Ka’aba (the religious centre of Islam), and the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad [Peace Be Upon Him]. It is also the destination of the Hajj, one of the five pillars of Islamic faith. Therefore, Mecca is home to significant events in Islamic history, as well as being an important present day centre for the Islamic faith. We lived in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia for 5 years. Though it was a 2.5 hours flight away, I treasured Mecca’s proximity and regarded Dhahran as my second and spiritual home. Saudi Arabia had a restricted lifestyle for women, but I liked it because it was a Muslim country that gave me the opportunity to perform umrah Hajj (pilgrimage). However, Saudi Arabia did not allow citizenship to expatriates. Saudi Arabia’s government was keen to protect the status quo and did not want to compromise its cultural values or standard of living by allowing foreigners to become a permanent part of society. In exceptional circumstances only, the King granted citizenship to a foreigner for outstanding service to the state over a number of years. Children of foreigners born in Saudi Arabia did not have rights of local citizenship; they automatically assumed the nationality of their parents. If it was available, Saudi citizenship would assure expatriates a secure and permanent living in Saudi Arabia; as it was, there was a fear among the non-Saudis that they would have to leave the country once their job contract expired. Under the circumstances, though my spiritual connection to Mecca was strong, my husband was convinced that Saudi Arabia did not provide any job security. So, in 1987 when Australia offered migration to highly skilled people, my husband decided to migrate to Australia for a better and more secure economic life. I agreed to his decision, but quite reluctantly because we were again moving to a non-Muslim part of the world, which would be culturally different and far away from my original homeland (Bangladesh). In Australia, we lived first in Brisbane, then Adelaide, and after three years we took our Australian citizenship. At that stage I loved the Barossa Valley and Victor Harbour in South Australia, and the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast in Queensland, but did not feel at home in Australia. We bought a house in Adelaide and I was a full time home-maker but was always apprehensive that my children (two boys) would lose their culture in this non-Muslim world. In 1990 we once again moved back to the Muslim world, this time to Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. My connection to this route was again spiritual. I valued the fact that we would live in a Muslim country and our children would be brought up in a Muslim environment. But my husband’s move was purely financial as he got a lucrative job offer in Muscat. We had another son in Oman. We enjoyed the luxurious lifestyle provided by my husband’s workplace and the service provided by the housemaid. I loved the beaches and freedom to drive my car, and I appreciated the friendly Omani people. I also enjoyed our frequent trips (4 hours flight) to my root, Dhaka, Bangladesh. So our children were raised within our ethnic and Islamic culture, remained close to my root (family in Dhaka), though they attended a British school in Muscat. But by the time I started considering Oman to be my second home, we had to leave once again for a place that could provide us with a more secure future. Oman was like Saudi Arabia; it employed expatriates only on a contract basis, and did not give them citizenship (not even fellow Muslims). So after 5 years it was time to move back to Australia. It was with great reluctance that I moved with my husband to Brisbane in 1995 because once again we were to face a different cultural context. As mentioned earlier, we lived in Brisbane in the late 1980s; I liked the weather, the landscape, but did not consider it home for cultural reasons. Our boys started attending expensive private schools and we bought a house in a prestigious Western suburb in Brisbane. Soon after arriving I started my tertiary education at the University of Queensland, and finished an MA in Historical Studies in Indian History in 1998. Still Australia was not my home. I kept thinking that we would return to my previous routes or the ‘imagined’ homeland somewhere in the Middle East, in close proximity to my root (Bangladesh), where we could remain economically secure in a Muslim country. But gradually I began to feel that Australia was becoming my ‘home’. I had gradually become involved in professional and community activities (with university colleagues, the Bangladeshi community and Muslim women’s organisations), and in retrospect I could see that this was an early stage of my ‘self-actualisation’ (Maslow). Through my involvement with diverse people, I felt emotionally connected with the concerns, hopes and dreams of my Muslim-Australian friends. Subsequently, I also felt connected with my mainstream Australian friends whose emotions and fears (9/11 incident, Bali bombing and 7/7 tragedy) were similar to mine. In late 1998 I started my PhD studies on the immigration history of Australia, with a particular focus on the historical settlement of Muslims in Australia. This entailed retrieving archival files and interviewing people, mostly Muslims and some mainstream Australians, and enquiring into relevant migration issues. I also became more active in community issues, and was not constrained by my circumstances. By circumstances, I mean that even though I belonged to a patriarchally structured Muslim family, where my husband was the main breadwinner, main decision-maker, my independence and research activities (entailing frequent interstate trips for data collection, and public speaking) were not frowned upon or forbidden (Khan 14-15); fortunately, my husband appreciated my passion for research and gave me his trust and support. This, along with the Muslim community’s support (interviews), and the wider community’s recognition (for example, the publication of my letters in Australian newspapers, interviews on radio and television) enabled me to develop my self-esteem and built up my bicultural identity as a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country and as a Bangladeshi-Australian. In 2005, for the sake of a better job opportunity, my husband moved to the UK, but this time I asserted that I would not move again. I felt that here in Australia (now in Perth) I had a job, an identity and a home. This time my husband was able to secure a good job back in Australia and was only away for a year. I no longer dream of finding a home in the Middle East. Through my bicultural identity here in Australia I feel connected to the wider community and to the Muslim umma. However, my attachment to the umma has become ambivalent. I feel proud of my Australian-Muslim identity but I am concerned about the jihadi ideology of militant Muslims. By jihadi ideology, I mean the extremist ideology of the al-Qaeda terrorist group (Farrar 2007). The Muslim umma now incorporates both moderate and radical Muslims. The radical Muslims (though only a tiny minority of 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide) pose a threat to their moderate counterparts as well as to non-Muslims. In the UK, some second- and third-generation Muslims identify themselves with the umma rather than their parents’ homelands or their country of birth (Husain). It should not be a matter of concern if these young Muslims adopt a ‘pure’ Muslim identity, providing at the same time they are loyal to their country of residence. But when they resort to terrorism with their ‘pure’ Muslim identity (e.g., the 7/7 London bombers) they defame my religion Islam, and undermine my spiritual connection to the umma. As a 1st generation immigrant, the defining criteria of my ‘homeliness’ in Australia are my ethno-cultural and religious identity (which includes my family), my active citizenship, and my community development/contribution through my research work – all of which allow me a sense of efficacy in my life. My ethnic and religious identities generally co-exist equally, but when I see some Muslims kill my fellow Australians (such as the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005) my Australian identity takes precedence. I feel for the victims and condemn the perpetrators. On the other hand, when I see politics play a role over the human rights issues (e.g., the Tampa incident), my religious identity begs me to comment on it (see Kabir, Muslims in Australia 295-305). Problematising ‘Home’ for Muslim Australians In the European context, Grillo (863) and Werbner (904), and in the Australian context, Kabir (Muslims in Australia) and Poynting and Mason, have identified the diversity within Islam (national, ethnic, religious etc). Werbner (904) notes that in spite of the “wishful talk of the emergence of a ‘British Islam’, even today there are Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Arab mosques, as well as Turkish and Shia’a mosques”; thus British Muslims retain their separate identities. Similarly, in Australia, the existence of separate mosques for the Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Arab and Shia’a peoples indicates that Australian Muslims have also kept their ethnic identities discrete (Saeed 64-77). However, in times of crisis, such as the Salman Rushdie affair in 1989, and the 1990-1991 Gulf crises, both British and Australian Muslims were quick to unite and express their Islamic identity by way of resistance (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 160-162; Poynting and Mason 68-70). In both British and Australian contexts, I argue that a peaceful rally or resistance is indicative of active citizenship of Muslims as it reveals their sense of belonging (also Werbner 905). So when a transmigrant Muslim wants to make a peaceful demonstration, the Western world should be encouraged, not threatened – as long as the transmigrant’s allegiances lie also with the host country. In the European context, Grillo (868) writes: when I asked Mehmet if he was planning to stay in Germany he answered without hesitation: ‘Yes, of course’. And then, after a little break, he added ‘as long as we can live here as Muslims’. In this context, I support Mehmet’s desire to live as a Muslim in a non-Muslim world as long as this is peaceful. Paradoxically, living a Muslim life through ijtihad can be either socially progressive or destructive. The Canadian Muslim feminist Irshad Manji relies on ijtihad, but so does Osama bin Laden! Manji emphasises that ijtihad can be, on the one hand, the adaptation of Islam using independent reasoning, hybridity and the contesting of ‘traditional’ family values (c.f. Doogue and Kirkwood 275-276, 314); and, on the other, ijtihad can take the form of conservative, patriarchal and militant Islamic values. The al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden espouses the jihadi ideology of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), an Egyptian who early in his career might have been described as a Muslim modernist who believed that Islam and Western secular ideals could be reconciled. But he discarded that idea after going to the US in 1948-50; there he was treated as ‘different’ and that treatment turned him against the West. He came back to Egypt and embraced a much more rigid and militaristic form of Islam (Esposito 136). Other scholars, such as Cesari, have identified a third orientation – a ‘secularised Islam’, which stresses general beliefs in the values of Islam and an Islamic identity, without too much concern for practices. Grillo (871) observed Islam in the West emphasised diversity. He stressed that, “some [Muslims were] more quietest, some more secular, some more clamorous, some more negotiatory”, while some were exclusively characterised by Islamic identity, such as wearing the burqa (elaborate veils), hijabs (headscarves), beards by men and total abstinence from drinking alcohol. So Mehmet, cited above, could be living a Muslim life within the spectrum of these possibilities, ranging from an integrating mode to a strict, militant Muslim manner. In the UK context, Zubaida (96) contends that marginalised, culturally-impoverished youth are the people for whom radical, militant Islamism may have an appeal, though it must be noted that the 7/7 bombers belonged to affluent families (O’Sullivan 14; Husain). In Australia, Muslim Australians are facing three challenges. First, the Muslim unemployment rate: it was three times higher than the national total in 1996 and 2001 (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 266-278; Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 63). Second, some spiritual leaders have used extreme rhetoric to appeal to marginalised youth; in January 2007, the Australian-born imam of Lebanese background, Sheikh Feiz Mohammad, was alleged to have employed a DVD format to urge children to kill the enemies of Islam and to have praised martyrs with a violent interpretation of jihad (Chulov 2). Third, the proposed citizenship test has the potential to make new migrants’ – particularly Muslims’ – settlement in Australia stressful (Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79); in May 2007, fuelled by perceptions that some migrants – especially Muslims – were not integrating quickly enough, the Howard government introduced a citizenship test bill that proposes to test applicants on their English language skills and knowledge of Australian history and ‘values’. I contend that being able to demonstrate knowledge of history and having English language skills is no guarantee that a migrant will be a good citizen. Through my transmigrant history, I have learnt that developing a bond with a new place takes time, acceptance and a gradual change of identity, which are less likely to happen when facing assimilationist constraints. I spoke English and studied history in the United States, but I did not consider it my home. I did not speak the Arabic language, and did not study Middle Eastern history while I was in the Middle East, but I felt connected to it for cultural and religious reasons. Through my knowledge of history and English language proficiency I did not make Australia my home when I first migrated to Australia. Australia became my home when I started interacting with other Australians, which was made possible by having the time at my disposal and by fortunate circumstances, which included a fairly high level of efficacy and affluence. If I had been rejected because of my lack of knowledge of ‘Australian values’, or had encountered discrimination in the job market, I would have been much less willing to embrace my host country and call it home. I believe a stringent citizenship test is more likely to alienate would-be citizens than to induce their adoption of values and loyalty to their new home. Conclusion Blunt (5) observes that current studies of home often investigate mobile geographies of dwelling and how it shapes one’s identity and belonging. Such geographies of home negotiate from the domestic to the global context, thus mobilising the home beyond a fixed, bounded and confining location. Similarly, in this paper I have discussed how my mobile geography, from the domestic (root) to global (route), has shaped my identity. Though I received a degree of culture shock in the United States, loved the Middle East, and was at first quite resistant to the idea of making Australia my second home, the confidence I acquired in residing in these ‘several homes’ were cumulative and eventually enabled me to regard Australia as my ‘home’. I loved the Middle East, but I did not pursue an active involvement with the Arab community because I was a busy mother. Also I lacked the communication skill (fluency in Arabic) with the local residents who lived outside the expatriates’ campus. I am no longer a cultural freak. I am no longer the same Bangladeshi woman who saw her ethnic and Islamic culture as superior to all other cultures. I have learnt to appreciate Australian values, such as tolerance, ‘a fair go’ and multiculturalism (see Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79). My bicultural identity is my strength. With my ethnic and religious identity, I can relate to the concerns of the Muslim community and other Australian ethnic and religious minorities. And with my Australian identity I have developed ‘a voice’ to pursue active citizenship. Thus my biculturalism has enabled me to retain and merge my former home with my present and permanent home of Australia. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, New York: Verso, 1983. Australian Bureau of Statistics: Census of Housing and Population, 1996 and 2001. Blunt, Alison. Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial Politics of Home. 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Grillo, Ralph. “Islam and Transnationalism.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (Sep. 2004): 861-878. Hall, Stuart. Polity Reader in Cultural Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994. Huntington, Samuel, P. The Clash of Civilisation and the Remaking of World Order. London: Touchstone, 1998. Husain, Ed. The Islamist: Why I Joined Radical Islam in Britain, What I Saw inside and Why I Left. London: Penguin, 2007. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. ———. “What Does It Mean to Be Un-Australian: Views of Australian Muslim Students in 2006.” People and Place 15.1 (2007): 62-79. Khan, Shahnaz. Aversion and Desire: Negotiating Muslim Female Identity in the Diaspora. Toronto: Women’s Press, 2002. Manji, Irshad. The Trouble with Islam Today. Canada:Vintage, 2005. Maslow, Abraham. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper, 1954. O’Sullivan, J. “The Real British Disease.” Quadrant (Jan.-Feb. 2006): 14-20. Poynting, Scott, and Victoria Mason. “The Resistible Rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001.” Journal of Sociology 43.1 (2007): 61-86. Saeed, Abdallah. Islam in Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2003. Smith, Anthony D. National Identity. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991. Spencer, Philip, and Howard Wollman. Nationalism: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage, 2002. Vertovec, Stevens. The Hindu Diaspora: Comparative Patterns. London: Routledge. 2000. Werbner, Pnina, “Theorising Complex Diasporas: Purity and Hybridity in the South Asian Public Sphere in Britain.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (2004): 895-911. Wood, Dennis. “The Diaspora, Community and the Vagrant Space.” In Cynthia Vanden Driesen and Ralph Crane, eds., Diaspora: The Australasian Experience. New Delhi: Prestige, 2005. 59-64. Zubaida, Sami. “Islam in Europe: Unity or Diversity.” Critical Quarterly 45.1-2 (2003): 88-98. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Aug. 2007) "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>.

IntroductionIn 2011, Four Corners — the flagship current affairs program of the Australian national broadcaster, ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) — aired an investigative report on the conditions in Indonesian slaughterhouses. Central to the report was a focus on how Australian cows were being killed for human consumption. Moral outrage ensued. The Federal Government responded with a temporary ban on the live export of cattle to Indonesia. In 2010 the Australian Government initiated legal action in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) opposing Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean, following a sustained period of public opposition. This article pays close attention to expressions of public opposition to the killing of what have come to be referred to as our cows and our whales, and the response of the Federal Government.Australia’s recent history with the live export of farmed animals and its transformation into an anti-whaling nation provides us with a foundation to analyse these contemporary disputes. In contrast to a focus on “Australian cow making” (Fozdar and Spittles 76) during the live export controversy, this article investigates the processes through which the bodies of cows and whales became sites for the mapping of Australian identity and nationhood – in other words, a relational construction of Australianness that we can identify as a form of animal nationalism (Dalziell and Wadiwel). What is at stake are claims about desired national self-image. In what we might consider as part of a history of cows and whales is in many ways a ‘history of people with animals in it” (Davis 551). In other words, these disputes are not really about cows and whales.The Live Export IndustryAustralia is the largest exporter of live farmed animals, primarily sheep and cows, to the Middle East and Southeast Asia respectively (Phillips and Santurtun 309). The live export industry is promoted and supported by the Federal Government, with an explicit emphasis on the conditions experienced by these farmed animals. According to the Government, “Australia leads the world in animal welfare practices … [and] does not tolerate cruelty towards animals and will not compromise on animal welfare standards” (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources). These are strong and specific claims about Australia’s moral compass. What is being asserted is the level of care and concern about how Australia’s farmed animals are raised, transported and killed.There is an implicit relationality here. To be a ‘world leader’ or to claim world’s best practice, there must be some form of moral or ethical measure to judge these practices against. We can locate these more clearly and directly in the follow-up sentence on the above claim: “Our ongoing involvement in the livestock export trade provides an opportunity to influence animal welfare conditions in importing countries” (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources). The enthusiasm expressed in this statement manifests in explicitly seeking to position Australia as an exporter of moral progress (see Caulfield 76). These are cultural claims about us.In its current form the Australian live export industry dates back to the early 1960s, with concerns about the material conditions of farmed animals in destination countries raised from the outset (Caulfield 72; Villanueva Pain 100). In the early 1980s animal activists formed the Australian Federation of Animal Societies to put forward a national unified voice. Protests and political lobbying lead to the formation of a Senate Select Committee on Animal Welfare, reflecting what Gonzalo Villanueva has referred to as a social and political landscape that “appeared increasingly favourable to discussing animal welfare” (Transnational 89-91).The Select Committee’s first report focussed on live export and explicitly mentioned the treatment of Australian farmed animals in the abattoirs of destination countries. The conditions in these facilities were described as being of a lower “standard of animal welfare” to those in Australia (Senate Select Committee on Animal Welfare xiii). These findings directly mirror the expressions of concern in the wake of the 2011 controversy.“A Bloody Business”On 30 May 2011, Four Corners aired a report entitled ‘A Bloody Business’ on the conditions in Indonesian slaughterhouses. The investigation followed-up on footage provided by Animals Australia and Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA Australia). Members from these groups had travelled to Indonesia in order to document conditions in slaughterhouses and prepare briefing notes which were later shared with the ABC. Their aim was to increase public awareness of the conditions Australian farmed cattle faced in Indonesia, provide a broader indictment of the live export industry, and call for an end the practice. The nationwide broadcast which included graphic footage of our cows being killed, enabled broader Australia to participate from the comfort of their own homes (see Della Porta and Diani 177-8).The program generated significant media coverage and public moral outrage (Dalziell and Wadiwel 72). Dr Bidda Jones, Chief Scientist of RSPCA Australia, referred to “28,000 radio stories, 13,000 TV mentions and 3,000 press stories” making it one of the top five national issues in the media for five weeks. An online petition created by the activist organisation GetUp! collected more than 260,000 signatures over a period of three days and $300,000 was raised for campaign advertising (Jones 102). Together, these media reports and protest actions influenced the Federal Government to suspend live exports to Indonesia. A front-page story in The Age described the Federal Government as having “caved in to public and internal party pressure” (Willingham and Allard). In her first public statement about the controversy, Prime Minister Julia Gillard outlined the Government’s intent: “We will be working closely with Indonesia, and with the industry, to make sure we can bring about major change to the way cattle are handled in these slaughter houses” (Willingham and Allard).The Prime Minister’s statement directly echoed the claims made on the Department of Agriculture and Water Resources website introduced above. Implicit is these statements is a perceived ability to bring about “major change” and an assumption that we kill better. Both directly align with claims of leading the world in animal welfare practices and the findings of the 1985 Select Committee report. Further, the controversy itself was positioned as providing an “opportunity to influence animal welfare conditions in importing countries” (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources).Four Corners provided a nationwide platform to influence decision-makers (see Della Porta and Diani 168-9). White, Director of Strategy for Animals Australia, expressed this concisely:We should be killing the animals here under Australian conditions, under our control, and then they should only be shipped as meat products, not live animals. (Ferguson, Doyle, and Worthington)Jones provided more context, describing the suffering experienced by “Australian cattle” in Indonesia as “too much,” especially when “a clear, demonstrated and successful alternative to the live export of animals” was already available (“Broader”; Jones 188). Implicit in these calls for farmed cows to be killed in Australia was an inference to technical and moral progress, evoking Australia’s “national self-image” as “a modern, principled culture” (Dalziell and Wadiwel 84). The clean, efficient and modern processes undertaken in Australia were relationally positioned against the bloody practices conducted in the Indonesian facilities. In other words, we kill cows in a nicer, more humane and better way.Australia and WhalingAustralia has a long and dynamic history with whaling (Salter). A “fervently” pro-whaling nation, the “rapidly growing” local industry went through a modernisation process in the 1950s (Day 19; Kato 484). Operations became "clean and smooth,” and death became "instant, swift and painless”. As with the live export controversy, an inference of a nicer, more humane and better way of killing was central the Australian whaling industry (Kato 484-85). Enthusiastic support for an Australian whaling industry was superseded within three decades by what Charlotte Epstein describes as “a dramatic historical turnabout” (Power 150). In June 1977, the International Whaling Commission (IWC) came to Canberra, and protests were organised across Australia to coincide with the meeting.The IWJ meeting was seen as a political opportunity. An IWC meeting being held in the last English-as-first-language nation with a commercial whaling operation provided an ideal target for the growing anti-whaling movement (Epstein, Power 149). In parallel, the opportunity to make whaling an electoral issue was seen as a priority for locally based activists and organisations (Pash 31). The collective actions of those campaigning against the backdrop of the IWC meeting comprised an array of performances (Tarrow 29). Alongside lobbying delegates, protests were held outside the venue, including the first use of a full-sized replica inflatable sperm whale by anti-whaling activists. See Image 1. The symbol of the whale became a signifier synonymous for the environment movement for decades to follow (see Epstein, Power 110-11). The number of environmental organisations attending exceeded those of any prior IWC meeting, setting in place a practice that would continue for decades to follow (M’Gonigle 150; Pash 27-8).Image 1: Protest at Australia’s last whaling station August 28, 1977. Photo credit: Jonny Lewis Collection.Following the IWC meeting in Canberra, activists packed up their equipment and prepared for the long drive to Albany in Western Australia. Disruption was added to their repertoire (Tarrow 99). The target was the last commercial whaling operation in Australia. Two months later, on August 28, demonstrations were held at the gates of the Cheynes Beach Whaling Company. Two inflatable Zodiac boats were launched, with the aim of positioning themselves between the whales being hunted and the company’s harpoon vessels. Greenpeace was painted on the side — the first protest action in Australia under the organisation’s banner (Pash 93-94).In 1978, Prime Minister Fraser formally announced an Inquiry into the future of whaling in Australia, seeking to position Australia as being on the right side of history, “taking a decisive step forward in the human consciousness” (Epstein, World 313). Underpinning announcement was a (re)purposing of whales bodies as a site for the mapping of relational constructions of Australian identity and nationhood:Many thousands of Australians — and men, women and children throughout the world — have long felt deep concern about the activities of whalers… I abhor any such activity — particularly when it is directed against a species as special and intelligent as the whale.(Qtd. in Frost vii)The actions of those protesting against whaling and the language used by Fraser in announcing the Inquiry signalled Australia’s becoming as the first nation in which “ethical arguments about the intrinsic value of the whale” displaced “scientific considerations of levels of endangerment” (Epstein, Power 150). The idea of taking action for whales had become about more than just saving their lives, it was an ethical imperative for us.Standing Up for (Our) WhalesThe Inquiry into “whales and whaling” provided specific recommendations, which were adopted in full by Prime Minister Fraser:The Inquiry’s central conclusion is that Australian whaling should end, and that, internationally, Australia should pursue a policy of opposition whaling. (Frost 206)The inquiry found that the majority of Australians viewed whaling as “morally wrong” and as a nation we should stand up for whales internationally (Frost 183). There is a direct reference here to the moral values of a civilised community, what Arne Kalland describes as a claim to “social maturity” (130). By identifying itself as a nation on the right side of the issue, Australia was pursuing a position of moral leadership on the world stage. The Whale Protection Act (1980) replaced the Whaling Act (1960). Australia’s policy of opposition to whaling was “pursued both domestically and internationally though the IWC and other organizations” (Day 19).Public opposition to whaling increased with the commencement of Japan’s scientific research whaling program in the Southern Ocean, and the dramatic actions of Greenpeace and Sea Shepherd Conservation Society. The Daily Telegraph which ran a series of articles under the banner of “our whales” in June 2005 (see, for example, Hossack; Rehn). The conservative Federal Government embraced the idea, with the Department of the Environment and Heritage website including a “Save Our Whales” page. Six months out from the 2007 federal election, opposition leader Kevin Rudd stated “It's time that Australia got serious when it comes to the slaughter of our whales” (Walters). As a “naturally more compassionate, more properly developed” people, we [Australians] had a duty to protect them (Dalziell and Wadiwel 84).Alongside oft-repeated claims of Australia’s status as a “world leader” and the priority placed on the protection of whales nationally and internationally, saveourwhales.gov.au wristbands were available for order from the government website — at no charge. By wearing one of these wristbands, all Australians could “show [their] support for the protection of whales and dolphins” (Department of the Environment and Heritage). In other words, the wearer could join together with other Australians in making a clear moral and ethical statement about both how much whales mean to us and that we all should stand up for them. The wristbands provided a means to individually and collectively express this is what we do in unobtrusive everyday way.Dramatic actions in the Southern Ocean during the 2008/09 whaling season received a broader audience with the airing of the first season of the reality TV series Whale Wars, which became Animal Planets most viewed program (Robé 94). As with A Bloody Business, Whale Wars provided an opportunity for a manifestly larger number of people to eyewitness the plight of whales (see Epstein, Power 142). Alongside the dramatised representation of the risky and personally sacrificial actions taken by the crew, the attitudes expressed reflected those of Prime Minister Fraser in 1977: protecting special and intelligent whales was the right and civilised thing to do.These sentiments were framed by the footage of activists in the series. For example, in episode four of season two, Lockhart McClean, Captain of the MV Gojira referred to Japanese whalers and their vessels as “evil” and “barbaric”, and their practices outdated. The drama of the series revolved around Sea Shepherd patrolling the Southern Ocean, their attempts to intervene against the Japanese fleet and protect our whales. The clear undercurrent here is a claim of moral progress, situated alongside an enthusiasm to export it. Such sentiments were clearly echoed by Bob Brown, a respected former member of federal parliament and spokesperson for Sea Shepherd: “It’s just a gruesome, bloody, medieval, scene which has no place in this modern world” (Japanese Whaling).On 31 May 2010 the Federal Government initiated proceedings against Japan in the ICJ. Four years later, the Court found in their favour (Nagtzaam, Young and Sullivan).Conclusion, Claims of Moral LeadershipHow the 2011 live export controversy and opposition to Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean have unfolded provide us with an opportunity to explore a number of common themes. As Dalziell and Wadiwell noted with regard to the 2011 live export controversy, our “national self-image” was central (84). Both disputes encompass claims about us about how we want to be perceived. Whereas our cows and whales appear as key players, both disputes are effectively a ‘history of people with animals in it” (Davis 551). In other words, these disputes were not really about the lives of our farmed cows or whales.The Federal Government sought to reposition the 2011 live export controversy as providing (another) opportunity "to influence animal welfare conditions in importing countries,” drawing from our own claimed worlds-best practices (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources). The “solution” put forward by White and Jones solution was for Australian farmed cows to be killed here. Underpinning both was an implicit claim that we kill cows in a nicer, more humane and better way: "Australians are naturally more compassionate, more properly developed; more human” (Dalziell and Wadiwel 84).Similarly, the Federal Government’s pursuit of a position of world-leadership in opposing whaling was rooted in claims of our moral progress as a nation. Having formally recognised the specialness of whales in the 1970s, it was our duty to pursue their protection internationally. We could individually and collectively express national identity on our wrists, through wearing a government-provided saveourwhales.gov.au wristband. Collectively, we would not stand by and let the "gruesome, bloody, medieval” practice of Japanese whaling continue in our waters (“Japanese”). Legal action undertaken in the ICJ was the penultimate pronouncement.In short, expressions of concerns for our cows whales positioned their bodies as sites for the mapping of relational constructions of our identity and nationhood.Author’s NoteFor valuable comments on earlier drafts, I thank Talei Vulatha, Ben Hightower, Scott East and two anonymous referees.References“Broader Ban the Next Step: Animal Group.” Sydney Morning Herald, 8 June 2011. 11 July 2018 <https://www.smh.com.au/environment/conservation/broader-ban-the-next-step-animal-group-20110608-1frsr.html>.Caulfield, Malcolm. Handbook of Australian Animal Cruelty Law. North Melbourne: Animals Australia, 2009.Dalziell, Jacqueline, and Dinesh Joseph Wadiwel. “Live Exports, Animal Advocacy, Race and ‘Animal Nationalism’.” Meat Culture. Ed. Annie Potts. Brill Academic Pub., 2016. 73-89.Day, David. The Whale War. Random House, Inc., 1987.Della Porta, Donatella, and Mario Diani. Social Movements: An Introduction. 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