Articles de revues sur le sujet « Luther sage »

Following the publication of Luther’s theses on 31 October 1517, the Diet of Worms was the next fundamental step in the reform movement of the 16th-century European Christianity. In the “Holy Roman Empire,” the way was opened for further religious and new institutional development in the previously unified church, culminating in the Peace of Augsburg in 1555, which granted individual rulers of political units in the country, princes, prince-bishops etc. the right to decide on the religion of their Catholic and Lutheran subjects. The immediate cause of “Worms 1521” and the consequent “Edict of Worms” were two papal bulls addressed to Luther. The first, Exsurge Domine from 1520, threatened him with excommunication unless he recanted almost one half of the theses published in 1517. Luther responded by proclaiming the pope the Antichrist, although he had until then somewhat avoided criticising him, and publicly burned the bull in December of the same year. Exsurge Domine was followed in January 1521 by the bull Decet Romanum Pontificem excommunicating Luther, which also meant death sentence and exile from the state. According to the established doctrine and practice the execution of the sentence would follow automatically. This doctrine was rejected by Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, who was not convinced by the arguments about Luther’s “heresy” and demanded judgement by domestic experts and authorities. He had his University of Wittenberg in mind, which firmly defended Luther’s views. Frederick the Wise reached the agreement with Emperor Charles that “the case of Luther” would be discussed at the Diet, and that Luther was guaranteed safe arrival in Worms and return to Wittenberg. Luther appeared before the Diet on April 17 and 18. The party representing Luther’s conviction gave him only the option of renouncing the convicted theses, which is why he requested more time for reconsideration and was granted the emperor’s personal permission. The next day, on April 18, Luther performed brilliantly, to which the emperor personally responded on April 19. Thus, Emperor Charles and the monk Luther literally stood opposite each other at the Diet, in front of the highest representatives of the state, which was previously completely unimaginable. Both presented their religious perceptions and understandings, referring to their own conscience. They were in a very unequal position not only as emperor and monk; it was a much more sensitive matter, since the emperor was religiously “free” while Luther was a validly convicted and excommunicated “heretic”. The case of Luther at the Diet was far from solely religious in nature, but rather a reflection of the broader socio-religious situation at the turning point in history. The conflict culminated in the contradictions between “cultural” Rome and barbaric “Germanism”, as perfectly illustrated by the correspondence of the papal nuncio, Girolamo Aleandro the elder. The great understanding for Luther’s resistance to Rome was supported at the Diet by decades-old German complaints (gravamina) debated at Diets, which were not taken seriously in Rome. The most notable figures in the case of Luther (causa Lutheri) at the Diet were: Martin Luther, Emperor Charles V, Elector of Saxony Frederick the Wise, and the papal nuncio Girolamo Aleandro the elder. Although at the end of the Diet each of them was “victorious” in one way or another, the actual winner was Martin Luther, who achieved unprecedented success only by appearing before the Diet, not renouncing the convicted theses and being able to return to Wittenberg under the emperor’s protection. It is true that he published his fundamental reform writings as early as 1520, but the door for the Reformation has only now opened. After Luther was “abducted” on his way back, he undertook the translation of the Bible into German, which became the only recognized religious basis, and he incorporated his theology into the translation. He used his native, German language to communicate the faith. This was already demonstrated at the Diet, where he spoke first in German and only then in Latin for those who did not understand German, e.g. the emperor and the papal nuncio Aleandro. Pamphlets (Flugschriften) handed out in the streets also reported about the events at the Diet in German. At first glance, the conclusion of the Diet was not favorable for Luther. The Edict of Worms, dated May 8 and signed by the emperor on May 26, as an act of the emperor and not as a resolution of the Diet, legitimized Luther’s conviction. The edict was drafted by the nuncio Aleandro, and partly also by Peter Bonomo, later Trubar’s teacher. However, the edict did not have fatal consequences for Luther, because the emperor did not send it to the province of Saxony; consequently Frederick, Elector of Saxony, did not have to declare it, so the edict did not apply where the “heretic” lived. This, in turn, enabled Luther to continue working as both a religious reformer and a university professor at the University of Wittenberg, which became a central institution for the education of Lutheran reformers.

Leo x’s brief Cum nuper, which authorised Cardinal Cajetan to put Luther on trial but did not restrict debate between them, was sent not on 11 September 1518, as has been generally believed, but on 2 November. It referred to a lost brief countermanding the order of 23 August for Luther's arrest: this brief instead offered a safe conduct to Rome. However, Luther's abrupt departure from Augsburg prevented this offer from being made. Exsurge Domine (1520), which convicted Luther without trial on inflated charges of heresy, made the false claim that he had rejected an invitation to Rome.

Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt (1486–1541), one of the most prolific authors of the Reformation, is one of the most difficult for historians to classify. He produced about ninety published writings, which were printed in about 213 editions. “Among evangelical authors during the years 1518–1525, Karlstadt, after Martin Luther (1483–1546), published the largest number of works in German; and, after Luther's, his works had the second-largest number of editions.” Indeed, on these grounds “it is a safe assumption that Karlstadt's activities as a publicist had a major impact.” Yet during several years of his career, his writings had to be printed and read secretly. He even gave up his academic responsibilities for a time. However, his battles against images and, later, against Luther's doctrine of the Lord's Supper, both influenced the whole course of the Reformation in Germany and beyond.

“Unless I am convinced by Sacred Scripture or by evident reason, I will not recant. My conscience is held captive by the Word of God and to act against conscience is neither right nor safe.” Kata-kata ini diucapkan oleh Martin Luther pada 18 April 1521 ketika ia diajukan pada sidang kekaisaran di kota Worms di hadapan kaisar Charles V yang menjadi penguasa Jerman (dan beberapa bagian Eropa lainnya) pada saat itu, serta di hadapan para pemimpin gerejawi. Luther dipanggil ke kota ini dengan tujuan supaya ia menarik kembali perkataan dan pengajarannya. Ia diminta mengaku salah di depan publik untuk apa yang ia tuliskan dan ajarkan tentang injil, keselamatan melalui iman, dan hakikat gereja. Tetapi ia tidak bersedia melakukannya. Mengapa Luther tidak bersedia? Sebab hati nuraninya dikuasai sepenuhnya oleh firman Tuhan. Ia yakin sepenuhnya bahwa Alkitab dengan jelas mengajarkan kebenaran tentang manusia, jalan keselamatan, dan kehidupan Kristen. Ia melihat bahwa kebenaran-kebenaran yang penting ini sudah dikaburkan dan diselewengkan oleh gereja-gereja pada saat itu, yang seharusnya justru menjadi pembela yang setia. Di mata Luther, dasar penyelewengan gereja pada saat itu adalah pengajaran yang tidak sesuai dengan Alkitab. Ia tidak dapat tahan lagi melihat kerusakan gereja yang telah melawan Alkitab, yang juga sudah mencemari aspek-aspek kehidupan gereja lainnya. Di sinilah kita melihat sikap Reformasi terhadap Alkitab. Prinsip penting yang ditegakkan dalam gerakan Reformasi adalah Sola Scriptura (hanya percaya kepada apa yang dikatakan oleh Alkitab yang adalah firman Tuhan, karena hanya Alkitab yang memiliki otoritas tertinggi). Kita mengetahui dua ungkapan yang mewakili gerakan Reformasi yaitu Sola Fide dan Sola Scriptura. Sering dikatakan bahwa Sola Fide adalah prinsip material dari pengajaran Reformasi, sedangkan Sola Scriptura adalah prinsip formalnya. Kalau ditelusuri lebih dalam lagi maka jelaslah bahwa prinsip Sola Scriptura ada di balik semua perdebatan mengenai pembenaran melalui iman, karena Luther yakin sekali bahwa kebenaran ini diajarkan di dalam Alkitab.

Ce témoignage de pratique décrit la genèse d’un projet d’espace physiologique en CHU conformément au souhait de couples de plus en plus nombreux. Un groupe de réflexion sur deux ans rassemblant toutes les catégories professionnelles a précédé l’ouverture en 2013 dans une dynamique de service. L’objectif était de lutter contre la banalisation d’une médicalisation non justifiée pour toutes les naissances. Les conditions de préparation et de surveillance des accouchements sont décrites. Sur six ans, en moyenne 250 couples par an sur 3 700 naissances, soit 8 %, ont bénéficié du cadre proposé. Les effets sur l’état d’esprit global des salles de naissance sont positifs : respect de la physiologie, qualité de l’accompagnement qui à son tour permet de repérer d’éventuelles fragilités. Le témoignage d’une sage-femme exerçant dans le secteur de grossesse à risque et dans l’espace physiologique met en lumière la formation conséquente et les outils de la rigueur nécessaire.

Abstract Black men across the lifespan are overburdened by poor health and underrepresented as participants in health research. The Flint Healthier Black Elders program seeks to engage more older Black men in research that could contribute to health discoveries by developing and testing strategies to recruit Black men into a community participant research pool (PRP). The PRP recruitment strategies account for the influence of gender role norms, mistrust derived from current and historical research and medical abuses, and other factors that affect older Black men’s willingness to participate in safe and ethical research. This initiative also focuses on building trust in research engagement by foregrounding the voices of local older men as community stakeholders and research gatekeepers, and tailoring multimedia recruitment materials to represent older Black men more fully and positively. Videos and print materials developed as recruitment tools specifically tailored to older Black men were pilot tested for messaging and impact, and the results of this community-driven process can serve as an innovative model for equitable and trustworthy research recruitment in Black communities. We would like to acknowledge the contributions of the Flint Healthier Black Elders Community Advisory Board: Yaushica Aubert, Rev. Dr. Sarah Bailey, E. Hill DeLoney, Luther Evans, Ella Greene-Moton, Cynthia Howell, Bishop Bernadel Jefferson, Beverly Lewis, Geraldine Redmond, Sharon Saddler, Arlene Sparks, Erica Thrash-Sall.

O objetivo do presente artigo é examinar em que medida, para Hegel, a reforma luterana foi capaz de reestabelecer o vínculo entre indivíduo e divino. Como se sabe, o catolicismo fundou a figura do santo e do sacerdote como mediadores, privando o sujeito da liberdade de se dirigir a Deus a partir de sua própria interioridade. Nesse sentido, o ensinamento de Lutero se pauta pela simplicidade: ele recusa as relações exteriores tradicionais da igreja e procura conservar apenas o essencial do cristianismo, quer dizer, o acesso subjetivo ao supramundano. Buscou-se também fugir das interpretações biográficas, que vêem na obra e nas cartas de Hegel uma tentativa de superação da reforma, entendo-se que não está em jogo uma perspectiva de correção ou melhoria do cristianismo instituído, qualquer que seja a sua forma, mas sim uma tentativa de compreensão das manifestações históricas de sua doutrina.

Introduction The purpose of this study was to evaluate the management of patients with breast cancer in pregnancy treated at the Advocate Health Care, to determine whether these patients were treated according to guidelines for pregnant patients, which aim to maximize both fetal and maternal outcomes. Methods A retrospective chart review was performed at the Advocate Lutheran General Hospital, Christ Medical Center, and Illinois Masonic Medical Center from 2002 to 2012 on patients diagnosed with breast cancer during pregnancy using ICD-9 (International Classification of Diseases - 9th version) codes. Results Eleven patients between 12 and 37 weeks' gestation matched the search criteria. One patient terminated the pregnancy. Patients in our study were treated appropriately according to guidelines with the following exceptions. Trastuzumab was used in one patient during pregnancy which likely caused the oligohydramnios resulting in an induction of labor at 33 weeks. Three patients were delivered preterm between 34 and 36 weeks without an obstetric indication. Two patients underwent sentinel node biopsy. Conclusion The diagnosis of breast cancer in pregnancy is an infrequent but devastating diagnosis that is likely to increase. Although sentinel lymph node biopsy is not generally recommended in pregnancy, this may be an outdated guideline as using a low-dose lymphoscintigraphic technique appears to be safe in pregnancy.

Grundtvigianisme og danskere i AmerikaAf Thorvald HansenArtiklen beskæftiger sig med to forbundne emner: den »Grundtvigianerskræk«, der i sidste århundrede fandtes inden for protestantiske kredse i USA, samt den kirkelige splittelse blandt de danske immigranter. Da det danske udvalg for kirkeligt arbejde blandt udvandrere i 1867 sendte repræsentanter til USA, konstateredes en udtalt biblicisme blandt immigranterne, kombineret med en voldsom afstandtagen fra grundtvigianismen, den nævnte »Grundtvigianer-skræk«. Dette var resultatet af en længere udvikling, hvor Grundtvigs kirkelige synspunkter oprindelig var blevet vel modtaget blandt norske immigranter og lagt til grund for det første forsøg på en norsk-dansk synodedannelse, i hvilken også den danskfødte præst Claus L. Clausen medvirkede. I 1850-erne skiftede det teologiske miljø i Norge imidlertid den oprindelig positive holdning til Grundtvig ud med en afvisning, immigranterne fulgte moderkirken og op gennem 1860-erne voksede den amerikanske modstand mod Grundtvig. Da den danske kirke som et resultat af det førnævnte udvalgs arbejde i 1871 indledte sin virksomhed, havde den derfor særdeles vanskelige vilkår.En konkret sag forværrede den i forvejen spændte situation. Den danske præst Adam Dan, - der ikke var grundtvigianer, men heller ikke i opposition til Grundtvig, - var blevet præst inden for den norsk-danske kirkedannelse.Han kætterdømtes under medvirken af den tyske Missouri Synodes lærestol. Sagen medvirkede til at umuliggøre et samarbejde mellem den norsk-danske synode og den danske kirke. Da de danskere, der hørte til den norsk-danske kirke, i 1884 i fuld forståelse med nordmændene gjorde sig selvstændige, tilsluttede de sig ikke den danske kirke, men dannede en ny gruppe the Danish Evangelical Lutheran Association, der skabte et præsteseminarium i Blair, Nebraska.Til disse den første danske kirkedannelses vanskeligheder føjedes den almindelige amerikanske puritanisme og tendensen til uniformitet inden for de protestantiske immigrantkirker. Den danske kirke prægedes af en liberal holdning og rummede både pietistiske kredse, grundtvigske miljøer og grupper uden retningspræg og havde det derfor ikke nemt, hverken udadtil eller indadtil.I 1892 førte spændinger mellem de pietistiske og ikke-pietistiske grupper til nedlæggelsen af kirkens præsteseminarium i Luck, Wisconcin. Seminariet havde været ledet af grundtvigianeren Thorvald Helveg i samarbejde med den indremissionske Peder Sørensen Vig. Nedlæggelsen af seminariet grundede sig på disses uenighed om bibelsyn og luthersk konfessionalisme, og indtil oprettelsen af Grand View College i Des Moines, Iowa, i 1897 havde kirken da ingen præsteskole, men måtte klare sig med de præster, der uddannedes på Askov Folkehøjskole i Danmark.Andre stridsemner inden for kirken var spørgsmålet om holdningen til hemmelige selskaber, eksempelvis the Danish Brotherhood, idet Grundtvigs søn, Frederik Lange Grundtvig, præst i Clinton, Iowa, markerede sig som modstander af disse; endvidere diskussionen om, hvorvidt det hørte til kirkens arbejdsområde at oprette danske kolonier, samt striden om det af F.L.Grundtvig stiftede Dansk Folkesamfund. En række præster og lægfolk følte, at Dansk Folkesamfund fremstod som et konkurrenceforetagende i forhold til kirken.I 1890-erne markerede en pietistisk orienteret gruppe sig med tidsskriftet Danskeren, og efter en lang og opslidende debat splittedes kirken i to i 1894. En tid var der således tre danske kirker i USA, men i 1896 forenede den pietistiske udbryderkirke sig med den danske kirke, der drev præsteseminariet i Blair, Nebraska. Et vist samarbejde fandt i årenes løb sted mellem kirkerne, bl.a. om udgivelsen af en salmebog. Først i 1960-erne og senere i 1980-erne er de to kirker igen forenet i den samme kirke, men da som resultat af foreningen af to større lutherske kirker i USA, hvortil de to danske kirker tidligere havde sluttet sig, og ikke som en følge af de to danske kirkers selvstændige bestræbelser.

Dette fjerde nummer af tidsskriftets 81. årgang indeholder tre artik-ler, der har et bibeleksegetisk tema, men samtidig demonstrerer hvor-dan, man kan gå til bibelske tekster fra meget forskellige perspektiver. Den fjerde artikel belyser et stykke nyere nordisk kirkehistorie. I nummerets første artikel leverer Louise Heldgaard Bylund en un-dersøgelse af, hvordan perikopen om Jesu fristelse i ørkenen (Matt 4,1-11; Luk 4,1-13) bliver genfortalt i syv danske børnebibler fra de seneste 15 år. Bylund benytter i artiklen den narratologiske analyse som sit greb til at afdække fælles tendenser i den tolkning af periko-pen, som børnebiblerne formidler. Det viser sig, at gengivelserne af fristelsesberetningen her primært tolker den som en moralsk eksem-pelfortælling. Det sker ikke så meget gennem direkte belærende ud-sagn. Derimod lægger børnebiblernes gengivelser op til en høj grad af identifikation med teksten. Kristologien i børnebiblernes fortælling har ikke først og fremmest (som hos evangelisterne) vægt på lydighed og troskab mod traditionen men snarere på Jesus som en stærk per-son, der træffer det rette personlige valg. De næste to artikler beskæftiger sig begge fra hver sin vinkel med en central nytestamentlig tekst, 1 Kor 15. Thomas Lederballe Pedersen udlægger Paulus’ udsagn 1 Kor 15,49 om at “bære det himmelske menneskes billede” i lyset af, hvad visualitetsstudier kan fortælle om samtidens romerske billedkultur. Her spiller forvandlingsmotivet en vigtig rolle, som det ses i Ovids Metamorfoser, og som det udmøn-ter sig ikke mindst i udformningen af Augustus-fremstillinger, hvor Augustus’ ophøjelse til en guddommelig figur legemliggøres i statuer, der på en gang har portrætlighed og fremstår stærkt idealiserende. I disse fremstillinger får den guddommeliggjorte Augustus-figur et udødeligt himmelsk legeme; og Pedersen argumenterer for, at kend-skabet til denne form for legemlig forvandling fra den visuelle kultur har været en del af forståelseshorisonten hos Paulus’ læsere. Temaet for Daniel Mikkelsens artikel er ligeledes 1 Kor 15. Han diskuterer de to syn på hvad Paulus forstår ved opstandelseslegeme, “kødforståelsen” og “åndsforståelsen”. Ifølge det første syn bevarer mennesket efter opstandelsen et legeme af kød, men i forherliget og udødelig kvalitet. Ifølge det andet syn bliver mennesket ved opstan-delsen befriet fra kødet og får et legeme af et nyt uforgængeligt pneu-matisk stof. Mikkelsen argumenterer indgående for den første opfattelse og påpeger bl.a., at med forståelsen af opstandelseslegement som kød bliver den forvandling, der finder sted, i højere grad kronologisk (fra fortabelse til frelse) end materiel (fra sarks til pneuma). I nummerets sidste bidrag tager Finn Aa. Rønne en lidt underbelyst side af nyere nordisk kirkehistorie op. “Nyevangelismen” er en strøm-ning, som især er kendt fra svenske vækkelsesmiljøer siden 1800-tal-let, og som i Danmark har præget Luthersk Mission og Evangelisk Luthersk Missionsforening. Som inspirator for nyevangelismen næv-nes Carl Oluf Rosenius (1816-1868). Artiklen påviser, hvordan man hos Rosenius finder påvirkning fra såvel den klassiske pietisme som herrnhutismen, og hvordan man kan se en fortsat spænding imellem disse to retninger ned gennem nyevangelismens historie.

Aims This study established blood group analysis methods using whole-genome sequencing (WGS) data and conducted blood group analyses to determine the domestic allele frequency using public data from the Korean whole sequence analysis of the Korean Reference Genome Project conducted by the Korea Disease Control and Prevention Agency (KDCA). Materials and methods We analyzed the differences between the human reference sequences (hg19) and the conventional reference cDNA sequences of blood group genes using the Clustal Omega website, and established blood group analysis methods using WGS data for 41 genes, including 39 blood group genes involved in 36 blood group antigens, as well as the GATA1 and KLF1 genes, which are erythrocyte-specific transcription factor genes. Using CLC genomics Workbench 11.0 (Qiagen, Aarhus, Denmark), variant analysis was performed on these 41 genes in 250 Korean WGS data sets, and each blood group’s genotype was predicted. The frequencies for major alleles were also investigated and compared with data from the Korean rare blood program (KRBP) and the Erythrogene database (East Asian and all races). Results Among the 41 blood group-related genes, hg19 showed variants in the following genes compared to the conventional reference cDNA: GYPA, RHD, RHCE, FUT3, ACKR1, SLC14A1, ART4, CR1, and GCNT2. Among 250 WGS data sets from the Korean Reference Genome Project, 70.6 variants were analyzed in 205 samples; 45 data samples were excluded due to having no variants. In particular, the FUT3, GNCT2, B3GALNT1, CR1, and ACHE genes contained numerous variants, with averages of 21.1, 13.9, 13.4, 9.6, and 7.0, respectively. Except for some blood groups, such as ABO and Lewis, for which it was difficult to predict the alleles using only WGS data, most alleles were successfully predicted in most blood groups. A comparison of allele frequencies showed no significant differences compared to the KRBP data, but there were differences compared to the Erythrogene data for the Lutheran, Kell, Duffy, Yt, Scianna, Landsteiner-Wiener, and Cromer blood group systems. Numerous minor blood group systems that were not available in the KRBP data were also included in this study. Conclusions We successfully established and performed blood group analysis using Korean public WGS data. It is expected that blood group analysis using WGS data will be performed more frequently in the future and will contribute to domestic data on blood group allele frequency and eventually the supply of safe blood products.

Introduction: Venous thromboembolism (VTE) is a common cause of morbidity and mortality among patients with multiple myeloma (MM). Thromboprophylaxis is a safe and effective way to decrease VTE in other high-risk populations. Recently, a clinical prediction model was developed to identify patients with newly diagnosed MM starting chemotherapy at highest risk of VTE. The model, IMPEDE VTE, found the following clinical risk factors for VTE: immunomodulatory drugs, body mass index, recent pathologic fracture of the femur or hip, erythropoietin stimulating drugs, dexamethasone, doxorubicin, Asian ethnicity/race, history of VTE, tunneled line or central venous catheter, and existing use of aspirin or anticoagulation. External validation of the model has yielded a c-statistic for VTE risk prediction of 0.64 to 0.65. Laboratory parameters can predict VTE in some patients with cancer. Accordingly so, the addition of laboratory parameters to IMPEDE VTE has the ability to improve model performance. Thus, we sought to determine the association between soluble P-selectin and D-dimer with the development of VTE in patients with newly diagnosed MM starting chemotherapy. Methods: We identified 545 patients from the Washington University in St. Louis MM banking protocol, with available plasma from time of diagnosis (2007-2019). Thirty-eight cases of VTE were identified within 6 months following treatment initiation. An additional 137 patients were randomly selected as controls. D-dimer and soluble P-selectin ELISA assays were performed on the banked plasma by Eve Technologies, who was blinded to case vs. control status. Both assays were performed in duplicate and results averaged. All additional variables were collected through manual chart abstraction. IMPEDE VTE scores were calculated as we previously described (Sanfilippo et al.). The association of D-dimer and soluble P-selectin with VTE risk was assessed using Cox regression, adjusting for IMPEDE VTE score. Results: The median age of all 545 patients was 65 (range 32-79), 54% were male, and 85% were white. All patients received novel chemotherapy agents for first-line MM therapy and 66% underwent autologous stem cell transplant. Of the 38 cases with VTE, 20 patients had deep vein thrombosis, 17 had pulmonary emboli, and 1 patient had concurrent events. The median time from chemotherapy initiation to VTE was 51 days (range 4-193). The median IMPEDE VTE score was 5 (range -1 to 12). Each unit increase in IMPEDE VTE score was associated with a 21% increase in risk for VTE (HR 1.21; 95% CI 1.04-1.40; p = 0.01). Median D-dimer was 11,795 ng/mL (range 280-144,832). Each 1000 ng/mL unit increase in D-dimer was associated with a 2% increase risk for VTE after controlling for IMPEDE VTE score (aHR 1.02; 95% CI 1.01-1.04; p < 0.001). Patients in the highest quartile of D-dimer levels, above the 75th percentile, had a 2-fold increase in risk of VTE after adjusting for IMPEDE VTE score (aHR 2.04; 95% CI 1.03-4.02; p = 0.04). Median soluble P-selectin was 189 ng/ml (range 23-638). There was no association between soluble P-selectin level and VTE risk in patients with MM. Conclusions and Relevance: D-dimer is predictive of VTE in patients with MM starting chemotherapy. The combination of D-dimer and the IMPEDE VTE score can improve identification of patients at high risk of VTE and therefore allow for selection of primary thromboprophylaxis among patients with MM. Disclosures Sanfilippo: Bayer HealthCare Pharamceuticals: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; AstraZeneca: Other: Travel Support for Investigator Meeting; Pfizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Covington & Burling LLP: Consultancy; Luther & Associates: Consultancy; Health Services Advisory Group: Consultancy; Amgen: Other: Trasfer of Value (food) during discussion of research.

Introduction: Up to 30% of patients (pts) aged ≥75 years do not receive standard chemoimmunotherapy (CIT) as first-line (1L) treatment for diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) due to concerns about frailty and comorbidities. Poor outcomes are commonly reported for elderly/unfit pts with 1L DLBCL who receive no treatment, reduced-dose R-CHOP or other therapies such as R-CVP and R-bendamustine (Morrison, et al. J Geriatr Oncol 2020); less toxic, efficacious alternatives to full-dose CIT are needed. Mosunetuzumab (Mosun) is a full-length, fully humanized IgG1 CD20/CD3 bispecific antibody that redirects T cells to engage and eliminate malignant B cells. Single-agent Mosun has shown promising efficacy (including durable complete responses [CRs]) and tolerable safety in relapsed/refractory DLBCL pts in an ongoing Phase I study (GO29781; NCT02500407; Bartlett, et al. ASCO 2019, Schuster, et al. ASH 2019). Here we present early clinical data with Mosun as 1L therapy for elderly/unfit pts with DLBCL. Methods: GO40554 (NCT03677154) is a Phase I/II, open-label, multicenter study. We report data from Cohort B, designed to evaluate the safety, pharmacokinetics (PK) and preliminary efficacy of Mosun in pts with 1L DLBCL who are unable to tolerate full-dose CIT. Two safety evaluation cohorts were planned to receive Mosun at 13.5mg and 30mg, followed by an expansion phase. No safety concerns emerged following evaluation of the two safety cohorts. Eligible pts were aged ≥80 years or 60-79 years with impairment in ≥1 activity of daily living (ADL) or instrumental ADL, or with impairment in cardiac, renal or liver function precluding the use of full-dose CIT. After optional pre-phase treatment with prednisone with or without vincristine, pts received Mosun intravenously with step-up dosing on Day (D) 1, 8 and 15 of Cycle (C) 1, followed by a fixed dose on D1 of each subsequent 21-day cycle. Interim response assessment (IRA) occurred after C4 and primary response assessment (PRA) occurred after C8, with an option to continue up to maximum 17 cycles in case of partial remission (PR) following PRA. Results: As of May 27, 2020, 19 pts in Cohort B had received Mosun (1mg [C1 D1]/2mg [C1 D8]/13.5mg [C1 D15 onwards], n=8; 1/2/30mg, n=11). Eight pts were enrolled in the 13.5mg safety evaluation cohort and 11 enrolled in the 30mg safety cohort and expansion (7+4 respectively). Median age was 84 (range: 67-100) years, 14 (74%) pts were women, 10 (53%) had Ann Arbor stage III-IV and 17 (90%) had an IPI score ≥2. Median Mosun cycles received was 6 (range: 2-9; one pt in PR continued treatment). Among 19 pts, 16 (84%) had ≥1 adverse event (AE), 13 (68%) had ≥1 AE related to Mosun and 7 (37%) experienced a Grade (Gr) 3-4 AE, of which 4 were related to Mosun. No fatal AEs were observed. The most common (>10%) treatment-emergent AEs were cytokine release syndrome (CRS; n=9, 47%), rash (n=4, 21%), neutropenia, nausea, decreased appetite, dry mouth, fatigue, pain and muscle spasms (all n=2, 11%). All CRS events were Gr 1 by ASTCT consensus criteria (Lee, et al. Biol Blood Marrow Transplant 2019); no pts experienced hypotension, hypoxia or required tocilizumab or steroid treatment. No severe (Gr ≥3) neurologic AEs were observed. Gr 2 (ICAN) neurotoxicity was observed in one (5%) pt on C1D2 with symptoms of inability to answer questions, drowsiness, weakness and somnolence, combined with Gr 1 CRS (fever and tachycardia). The event resolved after 2 days and was considered related to Mosun. Eight (42%) pts discontinued Mosun early due to progressive disease (PD) between C2-C6. No pts discontinued Mosun due to an AE. Among all treated pts, the overall response rate was 58% (11/19) and CR rate was 42% (8/19). At Mosun dose 13.5mg, 3/8 pts (38%) achieved a CR, 2 (25%) had a PR and 3 (38%) had PD at the PRA. At Mosun dose 30mg, response was available at IRA: 5/11 pts (45.5%) achieved a CR, 1 (9%) had a PR and 5 (45.5%) had PD. Of the 8 pts with PD (from both dosing cohorts), 5 have received salvage therapy post progression. Figure 1 shows a durable response of almost a year for the first responder. Correlative studies of T-cell response by flow cytometry and cytokine expression, and PK analyses are ongoing and will be provided. Conclusions: Early clinical data indicate that single-agent Mosun confers notable efficacy and remarkable tolerability for previously untreated elderly/unfit DLBCL pts. Mosun is a promising chemotherapy-free regimen for patients who otherwise have limited options. Disclosures Olszewski: Spectrum Pharmaceuticals: Research Funding; TG Therapeutics: Research Funding; Adaptive Biotechnologies: Research Funding; Genentech, Inc.: Research Funding. Avigdor:Takeda, Gilead, Pfizer: Consultancy, Honoraria; Janssen, BMS: Research Funding. Babu:Amgen: Research Funding; Bristol-Myers Squibb: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: TRAVEL, ACCOMMODATIONS, EXPENSES (paid by any for-profit health care company), Research Funding; Fort Wayne Medical Oncology & Hematology: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company; Lilly: Honoraria, Other: TRAVEL, ACCOMMODATIONS, EXPENSES (paid by any for-profit health care company), Research Funding; Sanofi: Research Funding; Janssen Oncology: Research Funding; Lutheran Hospital: Other; Bayer: Honoraria; AstraZeneca: Consultancy, Honoraria; AstraZeneca/MedImmune: Research Funding; Boehringer Ingelheim: Consultancy; Alexion Pharmaceuticals: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: TRAVEL, ACCOMMODATIONS, EXPENSES (paid by any for-profit health care company), Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Argenx: Consultancy, Research Funding; Novartis: Research Funding; Genentech, Inc./ F. Hoffmann-La Roche: Research Funding; Syndax: Research Funding; Nektar: Research Funding; Merck: Research Funding; AbbVie: Research Funding; TG Therapeutics: Research Funding. Levi:Abbvie Inc: Consultancy, Research Funding. Abadi:Abbvie Inc: Research Funding; Roche, Gilead, Abbvie: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Speakers Bureau. Holmes:Texas Oncology PA: Current Employment; Gilead/Kite, Celgene/Juno, Rigel, Karyopharm, Janssen, Dova: Consultancy; Gilead/Kite, Novartis, Autolus, Celgene/Juno/bluebird, Genentech, Inc., Rigel, Janssen, Unum, ADC Therapeutics, Seattle Genetics, Incyte, Verastem: Research Funding; Kite, Karyopharm, Seattle Genetics, Rigel, Dova: Speakers Bureau. McKinney:UNUM, Molecular Templates, Incyte, Beigene, Denovo Biopharma, Pharmacyclics, Nordic Nanovector, BMS, Genentech, Inc., Celgene: Research Funding; Kite/Gilead: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Kite/Gilead, Seattle Genetics, Molecular Templates, BTG, Pharmacyclics, Verastem, Genentech, Inc., Celgene: Consultancy. McCord:F. Hoffmann-La Roche: Current equity holder in publicly-traded company; Genentech, Inc.: Current Employment. Xie:F. Hoffmann-La Roche: Current Employment. Chen:Janssen Pharmaceuticals: Current equity holder in publicly-traded company; Bristol-Myer Squibb: Current equity holder in publicly-traded company, Ended employment in the past 24 months; Genentech, Inc.: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Sarouei:Genentech, Inc.: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Qayum:F. Hoffmann-La Roche: Current Employment. O'Hear:Genentech, Inc.: Current Employment; F. Hoffmann-La Roche: Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Sellam:F. Hoffmann-La Roche: Current Employment. Eradat:UCLA Medical Center, David Geffen school of Medicine at UCLA: Current Employment; Genentech, Inc.: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; F. Hoffmann-La Roche: Consultancy, Research Funding; Abbvie: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Astrazeneca, Atara, Kite, Juno, Acerta, BeiGene, Celgene: Research Funding. OffLabel Disclosure: Mosunetuzumab (RG7828; CD20-TDB) is a full-length, fully humanized immunoglobulin G1 (IgG1) bispecific antibody targeting both CD3 (on the surface of T cells) and CD20 (on the surface of B cells). Mosunetuzumab redirects T cells to engage and eliminate malignant B cells. Mosunetuzumab is an investigational agent.

La cuestión de la filosofía cristiana, planteada por la Aeterni Patris, es abordada por el Prof. Verneaux en diálogo con la célebre objeción de Heidegger en la lección 1.ª de su Introducción a la Metafísica. Para Heidegger fe y filosofía son términos antitéticos, para la fe la filosofía es una locura. La pregunta filosófica originaria (¿por qué se da el ser más bien que la nada?) no tiene sentido auténtico para el creyente, que ya por la fe conoce la respuesta. Verneaux va a demostrar lo infundado de la objeción en seis respuestas: 1.ª) La incompatibilidad señalada por Heidegger no proviene de que su filosofía sea fenomenológica, sino de su óptica particular que relega la fe y toda vida religiosa a una zona irracional, más allá del pensamiento humano. 2.ª) La interpretación heideggeriana de la filosofía como locura para un creyente no se apoya en realidad en S. Pablo, sino en Lutero, y hace de Heidegger un émulo de K. Barth. Implícito en ese planteamiento es el sentido trágico de la fe y no la fe como un conocimiento que plenifica. 3.ª) La incompatibilidad entre fe y filosofía proviene en Heidegger, por otra parte, del objeto señalado a la filosofía: la cuestión de por qué el ser y no la nada. La fórmula procede de Leibnitz y en Heidegger se autoreduce voluntariamente al ámbito de lo finito. Un filósofo cristiano, en cuanto filósofo, puede y debe rechazar este planteamiento sin descalificarse como filósofo. 4.ª) Para Heidegger, filosofar es cuestionar, de ahí el abismo entre fe y filosofía. En realidad el abismo sólo existe en la identificación heideggeriana del filosofar con el cuestionar permanente sin respuesta. El pensamiento de Heidegger lleva un componente de escepticismo que sí es incompatible con la fe. 5.ª) Verneaux, depués de señalar los equívocos en el concepto heideggeriano de filosofía, pasa ahora a examinar la visión que Heidegger tiene de la fe. Si la fe es "el mundo en cuanto se tiene de él una experiencia cristiana", la incompatibilidad fe-filosofía se justifica. Pero eso no es la fe. Reducir la fe a una experiencia del mundo es sencillamente negarla. La fe, sin duda, fundamenta esa experiencia, pero no se identifica con ella. Un filósofo cristiano debe rechazar una filosofía que no puede concebir la fe sino como experiencia mundana. 6.ª) Finalmente, Verneaux cree poder descalificar la última parte de la objeción de Heidegger: el creyente "ya sabe" la respuesta. Cierto que cuando Tomás de Aquino se plantea la cuestión utrum Deus sit conoce por la fe la respuesta afirmativa. Pero eso no resta autenticidad filosófica a la cuestión y a la búsqueda racional que ella supone. La fe cristiana tiene confianza en la capacidad filosófica de la razón del hombre.

La qualité des denrées alimentaires est devenue une préoccupation majeure pour les consommateurs des nombreux pays. En effet, ces dernières décennies, le monde a connu des cas d’encéphalopathie spongiforme bovine (ESB) au Royaume-Uni et d’autres problèmes alimentaires plus communs associés à la Salmonella, à l’Escherichia Coli enterohaemorrhagique, de tremblante du mouton, du poulet à la dioxine, de Listériose . Cette situation a amené les consommateurs avertis à exiger que les aliments qui leurs sont vendus, soient sans danger. Les surgelés comptent parmi les aliments les plus consommés dans les grandes villes de la RD Congo. Cependant, une bonne partie de ces produits subit une rupture de la chaîne de froid telle qu’elle se détériore et devient nuisible à la santé des consommateurs. Nous savons que le poisson est une denrée très périssable et nécessite le maintien en continu de la chaîne de froid. Or, les coupures de fournitures d’énergies sont récurrentes dans notre capitale. Et cela devient un dilemme pour les consommateurs kinois. Quel est l’impact de la rupture de la chaîne de froid sur la qualité de ces surgelés vendus sur les marchés de Kinshasa? Comment le consommateur kinois est-il protégé contre les dangers alimentaires de la fourche à la fourchette? L’objectif de la présente recherche basée sur les techniques d’isolements, d’identification et de dénombrement et conformément aux normes ISO spécifiques à chaque germe, est de faire une analyse microbiologique du poulet emballé, déballé et découpé, du poisson chinchard sorti du carton, exposé sur les étals et du poisson salé local, importé et poisson du fleuve Congo vendus sur quelques marchés de Kinshasa, étudier les enjeux de la sécurité sanitaire par la méthode ISO-22000 :2005 - HACCP et proposer à l’autorité publique l’application de ces principes d’assainissement, de les vulgariser et renforcer les mesures d’hygiène alimentaire dans les grandes agglomérations du pays au profit de la santé publique (accumulation de déchets dans les rues et congestion des égouts) et lutter contre les toxi-infections alimentaires collectives (TIAC). Il ressort de notre analyse que la fréquence de contamination de micro-organismes, les Proteus arrivent en tête avec 63%, suivis des Klebsiella 41 %, les Escherichia coli 21%, les Citrobacters et Enterobacters 20 % et Salmonella spp.et Shigella 8%. ABSTRACT Food quality has become a major concern for consumers in many countries. Indeed, in recent decades, the world has experienced cases of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) in the United Kingdom and other more common nutritional problems associated with Salmonella, enterohaemorrhagic Escherichia coli, scrapie, chicken with dioxin, listeriosis. This situation has led savvy consumers to demand that the food sold to them be safe. Frozen foods are among the most consumed foods in the big cities of DR Congo. However, a good part of these products undergo a break in the cold chain as it deteriorates and becomes harmful to the health of consumers. We know that fish is a very perishable commodity and requires the continuous maintenance of the cold chain. However, cuts in energy supplies are recurrent in our capital. And this becomes a dilemma for Kinshasa consumers. What is the impact of the break in the cold chain on the quality of these frozen foods sold in the Kinshasa markets? The objective of this research, based on isolation, identification and enumeration techniques and in accordance with the ISO standards specific to each germ, is to perform a microbiological analysis of the packaged, unpacked and cut chicken of the horse mackerel cardboard, exposed on stalls and local salted fish, imported and Congo River fish sold on some markets of Kinshasa, study the stakes of the safety by the method ISO-22000: 2005 - HACCP and propose to the public authority the application of these principles of sanitation, to popularize them and to reinforce food hygiene measures in the large agglomerations of the country for the benefit of public health (accumulation of waste on the streets and sewer congestion) and to combat the toxicities Collective food infections (TIAC). This study analysis shows that the frequency of contamination of micro-organisms, Proteus, top with 63%, followed by Klebsiella 41%, Escherichia coli 21%, Citrobacters and Enterobacters 20% and Salmonella spp. And Shigella 8%.

AbstractIn forensic science, signatures are identified by means of comparative handwriting analysis - not to be confused with graphological examination. To the authors' knowledge, no systematic investigation has hitherto taken place as to the effectiveness of subjecting signatures on old master paintings to such comparative analysis. Even when judgment is passed on signatures in art-historical publications, it is seldom based on an investigation which could stand up to the critical standards of handwriting experts. Partly due to insufficient knowledge of the relevant criteria, signature assessment therefore tends to be influenced in both a positive and a negative sense by opinions about the painting. (I.b.) This article describes the results of examinations of Rembrandt signatures on paintings from the period 1632-1642, conducted by a team of two forensic handwriting experts headed by the controller of the experiment. The Rembrandt Research Project team supplied a total of 123 photographs of signatures, 88 of which were deemed suitable for evaluation, 73 of them belonged to the 'Rembrandt' type, and 15 to the 'RHL van Rijn' type. Only aftcr our examination wcrc we able to confirm, on the basis of Vol umcs 11 and 111 of the Corpus, which of these signatures occur on paintings accepted by the RRP team as authentic Rembrandts, and which on de-attributed paintings. The monograms discussed in Volume I of the Corpus proved to be unsuitable for our investigation, due to the insufficient number of characteristics they yield. (I.d. and I.e.) In the examination of handwriting, the characteristics of a series of incontestably genuine signatures arc compared with the characteristics encountered in a series of signatures whose identity is to be established. This procedure was unfeasible for the examination in question, for, regardless of whether the usual methods of comparison can be applied to signatures rendered with a brush, the question arises as to which of the signatures on a paining are indisputably authentic. Reconnaissance of the signature problem shows that the art historian is unable, for various reasons, to quarantee that a painting established without a shadow of doubt as a Rembrandt actually bears the master's own signature. (I.c.) We therefore opted for a different procedure, but not until exploratory experiments had led us to expect that the usual methods of comparing handwriting would be feasible. (III.a.) Entirely ignorant of art-historical assessments of the paintings in question and their signatures, the hand writing experts analysed the available material on the basis of characteristics used in the comparison of normal signatures and handwriting (11.a.) The team's experiment-controller liaised with the art historians and evaluated the results statistically. (I.d.) The exploratory and statistical character of our investigation was one of the reasons for dispensing with a systematic enumeration of all the individual signature assessments. Working in this fashion, we selected a group of i 'Rembrandt'type signatures from the available material, signatures which formed a homogeneous group because of their shared characteristics. We called them the reference signatures. The homogeneous character of the reference group reflects, in our opinion, the recognizable and reproducible characteristics of Rembrandt's signature. The reference signatures are therefore assumed to have been executed by Rembrandt himself. With the aid of the group of reference signatures, the other material was further evaluated. The outcome was a list in which the signatures are graded as to their probable authenticity. In forensic handwriting comparison, probability gradations stem from the statistical character of the comparison process. (II.b.) They permit nuances to be made in the assessment of a signature. The extent to which identification criteria are satisfied, the consequences of restorations and other doubtful elements which are hard to assess, especially in the case of negative judgment (V.b.), are reflected in the individual probability gradations. Figures 1, 2 and 3 show three signatures from the reference group, accompanied by a number of shared characteristics occurring in the reference group. (IV.a) Figures 4 and 5 show signatures which have been assigned a lower probability gradation; one (figure 4) graded authentic, the other (figure 5) as not. (IV.b.) Only the first four letters of the signature in figure 7 are regarded as authentic; it is one of the seven examined signatures containing only a 't'. (V.b.) This procedure skirts the problem of non-guaranteed comparative signatures. Statistical evaluation of the results can also provide an insight into the question of whether the usual techniques for examining handwriting can be successfully applied to signatures on paintings. If the assessments thus obtained prove to be reliable, they may generate further valuable art-historical information. The results of the examination of the 73 'Rembrandt'-type signa tures are summarized in a table in which the signature assessments are related to the qualifications of the paintings as recorded in Volumes 11 and 111 of the Corpus. This table does not give the probability gradations, which arc however for the sake of convenience simply grouped into 'authentic' and 'non-authentic'. (V.a. and Table I) The table contains the most pertinent statistical data. In order to test thc reliability of the handwriting experts' assessment statistically, we employed a ratio based on signatures occurring on non-authentic paintings. Reliability proved to be almost 90%. Unfortunately, authentic paintings arc not suitable subjects for this kind of test. Evaluation of the results leads us to conclude that, under conditions to be described in greater detail, handwriting examination techniques arc in fact applicable to the assessment of signatures on paintings. The procedure described here only yields results when a large number of signatures with suflicient information content are available. The 73 'Rembrandt'-type signatures permitted the formation of a reference group, but the 15 'RHL van Rijn' specimens were not enough. (V.b.) On the assumption that the handwriting experts' judgment was reliable, only about 40% of the paintings established by the RRP team as authentic were actually signed by Rembrandt himself. It transpired that one of the reference signatures came from a pupil's work (figure 6), as did two others regarded as authentic, albeit with a lower probability gradation. The handwriting experts' results thus supply independent corroboration of the art-historical opinion that Rembrandt signed studio work. (V.b. and Table I) Comparison of the results of our investigation with corresponding assessments of 'Rembrandt'-type signatures by the RRP team yielded 11 controversial opinions: 8 among the 47 authentic paintings and 3 among the 26 unauthentic ones. (V.C.I.) Apart from the experience of the handwriting experts, controversies stem from the fundamentally different approaches of the two disciplines in forming their judgment by means of selecting reference signatures and evaluating characteristics. The fact that the handwriting experts reject more signatures on authentic paintings and accept more in the case of unauthentic ones than the art historians is due to the two disciplines' different kinds of knowledge about the relationship between signature and painting. (V.c.2.) Statistical evaluation of the collaboration of the two fields leads to the general conclusion that the intervention of the handwriting experts results in significantly more rejections of signatures on authentic paintings than has been previously established by the art historians. Moreover, on the basis of results obtained by the two disciplines in the case of the 47 authentic paintings, the statistical expectation is that of all the signed authentic paintings by Rembrandt, roughly half do not (any longer) bear his own signature. (V.c.3) It is to be expected that distinct photographic enlargements, in combination with in situ scientific examination of the material condition of the signature and its direct surroundings, will improve the reliability of signature assessment. Keith Moxey, Peasants, Warriors, and Wives. Popular Imagery in the Keformation, (The University of Chicago Press. Chicago and London, 1989). 165 Seiten mit 57 Schwarz-welß-Abbildungen. In den USA ist in den letzten Jahren eine zunehmende Aufmerksamkeit für die deutsche Kunst der Dürerzeit und speziell der Reichsstadt Nürnberg zu verzeichnen. Die bedeutenden Ausstellungen 'Gothic and Renaissance Art in Nuremberg 1300-1550' (1986) und 'The World in Miniature. Engravings by the German Little Masters' (1988/89) sowie eine Reihe von Dissertationen manifestieren dieses Interesse, dem auch das vorliegende Buch zu verdanken ist. Der Autor hat sich seit seiner Dissertation über Pieter Aertsen und Joachim Beuckelaer (1977) der Erforschung der profanen und populären Bildwclt des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland und den Niederlanden gewidmet und dabei die Frage nach den gesellschaftlichen Funktionen und Intentionen solcher Darstellungen im Medium der Druckgraphik in den Mittelpunkt gerückt. Der vorliegende Band präsentiert drei Studien zu thematischen Schwerpunkten des Nürnberger Einblattholzschnitts im Zeitalter der Reformation, verbunden durch weitere Kapitel über die historische Situation Nürnbergs und über die medialen Charakteristika von Holzschnitt und Einblattdruck. Der wissenschaftliche Apparat belegt, daß Moxey die reiche deutschsprachige Literatur zur Nürnberger Kunst- und Lokalgeschichte gründlich studiert hat. Seine Übersetzungen der Texte der Einblattdrucke (in den Anmerkungen nach den Originalen transkribiert und zitiert) sind akzeptabel. Das Buch wird mit einer hermeneutischen Standorthestimmung eingeleitet, was angesichts des gegenwärtigen Pluralismus der Kunstbegriffe und Methodenansätze zunehmend zum Erfordernis wissenschaftlichen Verantwortungsbewußtseins wird. Der Versuch, Bedeutung und Funktion populärer Bildmedien der Vergangenheit und ihrer Darstellungen zu ermitteln, darf sich weder auf einen ästhetisch definierten Kunstbegriff verpflichten, noch sich auf Methoden verlassen, die an diesem Kunstbegriff ausgerichtet sind. Während zum Beispiel die Ikonologie Bilder als Dokumente weltanschaulicher Einstellungen betrachtet und ihre Bedeutung an die gcistesgeschichtliche Stellung ihrer inhaltlichen Aussagen bindet, stellt sich bei den populären Bildmedien der Reformationszeit die Frage nach ihrer nicht nur reflektierenden, sondern aktiv gestaltenden Rolle als Kommunikationsmittel bei der Artikulierung gesellschaftlicher Interessen und politischer Absichten. Damit gewinnen für den Kunsthistoriker Fragestellungen der Soziologie und der Semiotik vorrangige Bedeutung. Es ergibt sich aber das Problem, daß moderne Begriffe wie 'Klasse' oder 'Ideologie' die Rekonstruktion historischer Vcrständnishorizonte behindern können. Moxey sicht dieses Problem, neigt aber dazu, ihm in Richtung auf cincn meines Erachtens oberflächlichen Pragmatismus auszuweichen, wenn er mit Hayden White postuliert, der Historiker könne nur die Fragen stellen, die ihm seine eigene Zeit aufgibt. Es wird sich zeigen, daß diese Einstellung problematische Konsequenzen hat. Der Überblick über die historische Situation Nürnbergs (Kapitel i) hebt folgende Faktoren hervor: die oligarchische Herrschaft des Handelspatriziats mit rigider Kontrolle über alle Aktivitäten der unteren Bevölkerungsschichten; die Propagierung einer vom Patriziat definierten kulturellen Identität des Nürnberger Bürgertums durch öffentliche Darbietungen (Schembartlauf, Fastnachtsspiele), bei denen die Abgrenzung von unbürgerlichen Lebensformen, personifiziert durch Narren und Bauern, eine wesentliche Rolle spielt; die Verbundenheit des herrschenden Patriziats mit der kaiserlichen Sache trotz Religonskriegen und konfessionellen Gegensätzen; der Beitrag der nationalistischen Ideen der Nürnberger Humanisten zum rcichsstädtischcn Selbstverständnis ; die Lösung des Konflilzts zwischen protestantischem Bekenntnis und Kaisertreue mit Hilfe von Luthers Lehre der 'zwei Welten'. Kapitel 2 ('The Media: Woodcuts and Broadsheets') behandelt die Aufgaben des Holzschnitts, die Bedingungen seiner Herstellung und Verbreitung im Zusammenhang mit dem rasanten Auf-stieg des Buch- und Flugblattdrucks und einer auf Aktualität zielenden Publizistik, sowie die Stellung der Künstler als Vorlagenzeichner, die von den Druckern und Verlegern weitgehend abhängig waren. Bisherige Versuche, Holzschnitte und Illustrationen als Ausdruck persönlicher Überzeugungen der Vorlagen zeichner zu deuten, mußten daher in die Irre führen, wie Moxey am Beispiel der Brüder Beham belegt. Zu den Rahmenbedingungen der medialen Funktion Nürnberger Holzschnitte gehört aber noch ein weiterer Faktor, den Moxey nicht berücksichtigt: der deutliche Gegensatz zwischen Holzschnitt und Kupferstich im Hinblick auf Verbreitung, Themenwahl, Darstellungsweise, Verhältnis Bild-Text und Rezeptionsweise, der unter anderem dazu führt, daß an übereinstimmende Themen bei gleichen Künstlern unterschiedliche formale und inhaltliche Anforderungen gestellt werden, und daß sogar Motive bei der Übernahme aus einem Medium in das andere ihre Bedeutung ändern können. Dieser Gegensatz ist charakteristisch für die Nürnberger Graphik und ist weder in der Augsburger noch in der niederländischen Graphik dieser Zeit annähernd vergleichbar deutlich ausgeprägt. Kapitel 3 ('Festive Peasants and Social Order') ist die überarbeitete Fassung eines Aufsatzes, der in 'Simiolus' 12, 1981/2 unter dem Titel 'Sebald Beham's Church Anniversary Holidays: Festive Peasants as Instruments of Repressive Humour' erschienen ist. In die damals aktuelle, von Hessel Miedema und Svetlana Alpers ausgelöste Debatte über die Deutung von Bauernfest-Darstellungen und die Funktion des Komischen in Kunst und Dichtung des 16. Jahrhunderts hatte dieser Aufsatz wegweisende Argumente eingeführt, die mir bei meinen eigenen Forschungen über die 'Bauernsatiren' sehr nützlich und klärend waren. Abgesehen von einem knappen Hinweis Konrad Rengers (Sitzungsberichte der Kunstgeschichtlichen Gesellschaft zu Berlin, neue Folge, 20, 1971/72, 9-16) hatte Moxey als erster auf den Zusammenhang der Bauernfest-Holzschnitte mit der literarischen Tradition der Bauernsatire aufmerksam gemacht, welche durch die Behams in der Verbindung von Bild und Text und der Nähe zu Dichtungen des Hans Sachs für Nürnberg aktualisicrt wurde. Diese 'Bauernfeste' sind folglich keine Zeugnisse eines folkloristischen Realismus, sondern komplexe Übertragungen literarischer Stereotype in Bilder. Die Bauern und ihre Kirmessen und Hochzeiten sind weniger Gegenstände und Ziele dieser Darstellungen, sondern fungieren als Mittel der Stände- und Moralsatire. Lediglich in einem Punkt haben mich Moxey's Argumente nicht überzeugt: für ihn scheinen die feiernden Bauern der Behams tatsächlich die Dorf-bewohner des Nürnberger Umlandes aus der ideologischen Sicht der Patrizier darzustellen. Dies deutet er an, wenn er die Holzschnitte als 'visual vehicle for the expression of class ridicule' betrachtet und im - neu formulierten - Schluß des Kapitels bei Betrachtern aus dem Nürnberger Handwerkerstand sentimentale Erinnerungen an das 'freiere' Leben ihrer bäuerlichen Vorfahren vermutet. Zu Beginn des Kapitels setzt er sich mit zwei Richtungen der traditionellen Interpretation auseinander, welche diese Holzschnitte als unmittelbare oder mittelbare, d.h. ideologische Reflexe gesellschaftlicher Wirklichkeit betrachteten. Aber auch er löst sich nicht ganz von dieser Prämisse, wie der neuformuliertc Titel 'Festive Peasants and Social Order' bekräftigt. Dagegen habe ich einzuwenden, daß die literarische Tradition der Bauern-und Bauernfestsatire in keinem unmittelbaren Zusammenhang mit der Ständelehre steht, welche die Rechte und Pflichten des Bauernstandes festlegt. Deren Gegenstand ist vielmehr der Bauer als Ernährer der Gesellschaft, der arbeitet und Abgaben leistet oder sich dieser ihm von Gott zugewiesenen Rolle verweigert. Darauf nehmen die Bauernfest-Holzschnitte nur insofern Bezug, als Ausschweifungen, Luxus und bewaffneter Streit die Einhaltung dieser bäuerlichen Pflichten gefährden. Im Vordergrund steht aber die Funktion dieser Holzschnitte als satirischer Spiegel 'bäurischer' Unsitten, so daß der Titel besser lauten sollte 'Festive Peasants and Social Behaviour'. Hier rächt es sich, daß Moxey den modernen soziologischen Bcgriff 'Klasse' anstelle des historisch angemessenen Begriffs 'Stand' verwendet. 'Stand' impliziert eine Reihe theologischer und moralischer Wertsetzungen, die dem politisch-ökonomisch definierten Begriff 'Klasse' fehlen. Aber gerade mit diesen 'argumentieren' die Holzschnitte und die ihnen entsprechenden Texte, und auf dieser Ebene des Arguments nehmen sie auch Stellung zur politischen und konfessionellen Aktualität. Eine andere Frage ist, welche Aspekte der Bedeutung der zeitgenössische Betrachter wahrnahm: politische, moralische, konfessionelle, literarische, brauchtumsmäßige usw. Dies dürfte von seiner eigenen jeweiligen Position als Bürger von Nürnberg oder einer anderen Stadt, Humanist, Lutheraner, Grundbesitzer mitbestimmt worden sein. Die 'Multifunhtionalität' der Baucrnsatire, auf die vor mir schon Hessel Miedema und Paul Vandenbroeck hingewiesen haben,2 d.h. die gesellschaftliche Differenziertheit der Rezeptionsweise, der die Holzschnitte sichtlich Rechnung tragen, darf nicht außer Betracht bleiben. In Kapitel 4 legt Moxey die erste kunsthistorische Untersuchung der zahlreichen Darstellungen von Landsknechten im Nürnberger Holzschnitt vor. Ausgangspunkt ist Erhard Schöns großformatiger 'Zug der Landsknechte' (um 1532, Geisberg 1226-1234), den Moxey als Heroisierung der kaiserlichen Militärmacht und damit als Nümberger Propaganda für die kaiserliche Politik deutet. Aktueller Anlaß ist die Türkengefahr mit der Belagerung Wiens 1532. Dies ist eine begründete, aber nicht in jeder Hinsicht überzeugende Hypothese. In den Serien einzelner Landsknechts-Figurcn van Schön (Geisberg 1981ff) und Hans Sebald Beham (Geisberg 273ff) weisen beigegebene Texte wiederholt darauf hin, daß es sich um Teilnehmer an kaiserlichen Feldzügen handelt. Im 'Zug der Landsknechte' wird zwar eine burgundischhabsburgische Fahne entrollt, aber der Text von Hans Sachs läßt den Hauptmann an der Spitze des Zuges ausdrücklich sagen: 'Die Landsknecht ich byn nemcn an/Eynem Herren hie ungemelt', was angesichts der von Moxey vermuteten pro-kaiserlichen Propaganda zumindest erklärungsbedürftig ist. Den werbenden und heroisierenden Drucken stellt Moxey eine größere Zahl von Holzschnitten gegenüber, die nicht von den Leistungen, Ansprüchen und Verdiensten der Söldner, sondern von den negativen Aspekten des Landsknechtslebens und -charakters handeln. Todesbedrohung, Sittenlosigkeit, Aggressivität und Abkehr von ehrlichem Erwerb aus Gier nach schnellem Geld werden teils anklagend teils satirisch thematisiert. Diese Gespaltenheit des Bildes vom Landsknecht in verschiedenen Drucken derselben Verleger nach Vorlagen derselben Zeichner wird mit einer widersprüchlichen Einstellung zum Krieg und mit Luthers eschatologischer Deutung der Türkengefahr als 'Gottesgeißel' in Verbindung gebracht. Der Landsknecht erscheint einerseits als 'Mittel der Bekräftigung kaiserlicher Macht angesichts einer nationalen Bedrohung', anderseits als 'Mittel der Ermahnung, daß die Türkeninvasion eher eine moralische als eine militärische Notlage darstellt, und daß physische Gewalt das ungeeignete und unangemessene Mittel der Auseinandersetzung mit einer Züchtigung Gottes ist.' Den entscheidenden Beleg für diese Deutung findet Moxey in Erhard Schöns 'Landsknechtstroß vom Tod begleitet'. Die Hure am Arm des Fähnrichs und der Hahn auf dem Trainwagen bezeichnen die sexuelle Zügellosigkeit der Landsknechte, gefangene Türken und straffällige Söldner marschieren gefesselt hintereinander. Der neben dem Trainwagen reitende Tod mit erhobenem Stundenglas wird von zwei Skeletten begleitet, von denen eines als Landsknecht, das andere als Türke gekleidet ist. Moxey: 'Durch das Auslöschen der Unterschiede zwischen Türkc und Landsknecht leugnet der Tod die heroischen Eigenschaften, die dem Söldner in Werken wie 'Der Zug der Landshnechte' zugeschrieben werden. In diesem Zusammenhang erscheint die kaiserliche Sache nicht wertvoller als die der Feinde.' Einer Verallgemeinerung dieser Deutung und ihrer Übertragung auf die anderen negativen Landsknechtsdarstellungen ist cntgegenzuhalten, daß es in diesen keinerlei Anspielungen auf die Türken gibt. Das gilt insbesondere für einen 'Troß'-Holzschnitt des Hans Sebald Beham (Geisberg 269-272), der um 1530, d.h. vor Schöns 'Troß vom Tod begleitet' entstanden sein dürfte und mit diesem das Vorbild von Albrecht Altdorfers 'Troß' aus dem 'Triumphzug Kaiser Maximilians I.' teilt. Behams 'Troß' steht unter dem Kommando eines 'Hurnbawel' (Hurenwaibel), der den von einem Boten überbrachten Befehl zum Halten angesichts einer kommenden Schlacht weitergibt. Der Troß aus Karren und Weibern, begleitet von unheroischen, degeneriert aussehenden Landsknechten oder Troßbuben, führt vor allem Fässer, Flaschen und Geflügel mit. Die Fahne wird von einem Hahn als dem bedeutungsträchtigen Feldzeichen dieses zuchtlosen und lächerlichem Haufens überragt. Moxey hat diesen Holzschnitt nicht berücksichtigt. Mein Eindruck ist, daß eine religiös oder ethisch motivierte ambivalente Einstellung zur Kriegführung im Allgemeinen oder zum Türkenkrieg im Besonderen nicht die Gegensätzlichkeit des Landsknechtsbildes erklären kann. Ich sehe vielmehr eine Parallele zu dem ähnlich gespaltenen Bild vom Bauern in positive Ständevertreter und satirische Vertreter 'grober' bäurischer Sitten. Bei den Landsknechtsdarstellungen kann man zwischen werbenden und propagandistischen Bildern heroischer Streiter für die kaiserliche Sache und kritisch-satirischen Darstellungen der sittlichen Verkommenheit der Soldateska und der sozial schädlichen Attraktivität des Söldnerwesens für arme Handwerker unterscheiden. Kapitel 5 ('The Battle of the Sexes and the World Upside Down') behandelt eine Reihe von Drucken, welche die Herrschaft des Mannes über die Frau und die Pflicht des Mannes, diese Herrschaft durchzusetzen, zum Gegenstand haben. Die Fülle solcher Drucke im Nürnberg der Reformationszeit und die Brutalität, die den Männern empfohlen wird, erlauben es nicht, hier bloß eine Fortsetzung mittelalterlicher Traditionen frauenfeindlicher Satire zu sehen. Moxey erkennt die Ursachen für die besondere Aktualität und Schärfe dieser Bilder in den demographischen und sozialen Verhältnissen Nürnbergs (Verdrängung der Frauen aus dem Erwerbsleben im Zuge verschärfter Konkurrenzbedingungen) und im Einfluß der lutherischen Ehelehre. Die Familie wird als Keimzelle des Staates aufgefaßt, die Sicherung familiärer Herrschaftsstrukturen gilt als Voraussetzung für das Funktionieren staatlicher Autorität und ist daher Christenpflicht. Dieser Beitrag ist eine wertvolle Ergänzung der Untersuchungen zur Ikonologie des bürgerlichen Familienlebens in reformierten Ländern des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, die sich bisher auf die Niederlande konzentriert hatten.3 Die abschließenden 'Conclusions' versuchen, aus diesen Ergebnissen eine präzisere Charakterisierung der medialen Qualitäten Nürnberger Holzschnitte zu gewinnen. Ihr 'schlichter Stil' oder 'Modus' folgt aus einer bewußten Reduzierung der formalen Mittel der Graphik und ermöglicht eine Unterordnung des Bildes unter den Text. Einblattdrucke und Flugblätter stehen den Inkunabelillustrationen nahe, bei denen die 'Lesbarkeit' des Bildes die dominierende Form von Anschaulichkeit ist. Mit Norman Bryson spricht Moxey von 'diskursiven' Bildern, die keinen Anspruch auf künstlerischen Eigenwert machen und deren Informationsgehalt einseitig auf den Text bezogen ist. Die Reduktionen der formalen Mittel, d.h. die Verkürzung der Information verlangt von Betrachter die Auffüllung mit Bedeutungen, die dem Text oder - in dessen Abwesenheit - 'Zeichensvstemen anderer Ordnung', z.B. Fastnachtspielen zu entnehmen sind. Eine charakteristische Sonderform ist die Rcihung von einzelnen, relativ gleichförmigen Bildern zu Serien, zu einer friesartigen Gesamtkomposition. Moxey erklärt dieses Prinzip mit der Vorbildhaftigkeit der Riesenholzschnitte für Kaiser Maxmilian I., in denen Redundanz als Mittel propagandistischer Wirkungssteigerung fungiert. Dies scheint mir zu kurz gegriffen, den gcrade in Nürnberg dürfte die literarische und dramatische Form des 'Reihenspiels' (die einzelnen Darsteller treten wie in einer Rev ue nacheinander vor und sprechen ihren Text) ein noch wiehtigerer Ausgangspunkt gewesen sein, zumal diese literarische Form auch in den Texten vieler Einblattdrucke angewendet wird, vor allem von Hans Sachs. Der 'schlichte Stil' oder Modus läßt viel mehr Abstufungen und Variationen zu, als Moxey's 'Conclusions' zu erkennen geben. In Holzschnitten wie Hans Sebald Behams 'Großes Bauernfest' liegt eine komplexe Darstellungsweise vor, die die Bezeichnung 'schlicht' kaum mehr verdient. Moxey's Unterscheidung in einen lesbaren Vordergrund und einen 'malerischen' Hintergrund ist unangemessen. Ich gebe zu bedenken, daß durch das Wirken Dürers dem Nürnberger Holzschnitt auch spezifisch künstlerische Maßstäbe eröffnet worden sind. Dürer schreibt in seiner 'seltzame red' ausdrücklich, 'das manicher etwas mit der federn in eine tag auff ein halben bogen papirs reyst oder mit seim eyrsellein etwas in ein klein hoeltzlein versticht, daz wuert kuenstlicher und besser dann eins ändern grosses werck.'4 Unter Dürers Einfluß hat der Nürnberger Holzschnitt sich die Möglichkeiten des perspektivisch organisierten Bildraumes erschlossen. Das bedeutet, daß neben das herkömmliche Anschaulichkeitprinzip der 'Lesbarkeit' von Motiven, die auf einer Bildebene aufgereiht sind, das neue Anschaulichkeitprinzip der Perspektivität tritt, die nach den Begriffen der humanistischen Kunstlehre dem rhetorischen Ideal der 'perspicuitas' entspricht. Auch wenn die Einblattholzschnitte nur zu einem Teil und sichtlich unentschieden von dieser neuen Bildform Gebrauch machen, so steht doch fest: der 'schlichte Stil' läßt Veränderungen und Entwicklungen zu, in denen Raum für spezifisch künstlerische Faktoren ist. Moxey's Verzicht auf spezifisch kunsthistorische Fragestellungen enthält die Gefahr einer Verengung des Blickwinkels. Auch seine Einschätzung der bloß dienenden Rolle des Bildes gegenüber dem Text erscheint differenzierungsbedürftig. Indem die knappen und reduzierten Angaben des Bildes den Betrachter dazu veranlassen, sie mit Textinformationen aufzufüllen und zu ergänzen, wächst dem Bild eine aktive Rolle zu: es organisiert und strukturiert die Lektüre des Texts. Im Einblattdruck 'Zwölf Eigenschaften eines boshaften und verruchten Weibes' (Moxey Abb.5.16) zählt der Text von Hans Sachs auf: Vernachlässigung von Haushalt und Kindern, Naschhaftigkeit, Verlogenheit, Putz-sucht, Stolz, Streitsucht, Ungehorsam, Gewalt gegen den Ehe-mann, Verweigerung der ehelichen Pflicht, Ehebruch und schließlich Verleumdung des Ehemannes bei Gericht. Erhard Schöns Holzschnitt zeigt in der Öffnung der beiden Häuser die Punkte I und 12 der Anklage, unordentlichen Haushalt und Verleumdung vor Gericht. Im Vordergrund ist der gewalttätige Streit dargestellt, der das Zerbrechen der ehelichen Gemeinschaft und der familiären Ordnung offenbar eindeutiger zeigt als etwa der Ehebruch. Das Bild illustriert folglich nicht nur, es interpretiert und akzentuiert. Diese aktive Rolle des Bildes gegenüber dem Text ist eine bedeutende Funktionserweiterung des illustrativen Holzschnitts, als deren Erfinder wohl Sebastian Brant zu gelten hat.5 Nach Moxey's Überzeugung 'artilculiert' das in den Nürnberger Holzschnitten entwichelte 'kulturelle Zeichensystem' Vorstellungcn von gesellschaftlichen Beziehungen und Wertmaßstäben, die zutiefst von Luthers Soziallehre geprägt sind und als Maßgaben eines göttlichen Gebotes unverrückbar festgeschrieben und verteidigt werden. Es war im Interesse des Patriziats, diese Stabilität bei allen Bevölkerungsschichten durchzusetzen, und dabei spielten die Einblattdrucke und Holzschnitte eine aktive, gestaltende Rolle. Trotz mancher Einwände im Einzelnen glaube ich, daß diese Deutung grundsätzliche Zustimmung verdient.

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Paternal Smoking is Associated with Increased Risk of Child Malnutrition Among Poor Urban Families in Indonesia. Public Health Nutrition, 10(1), 7–15. https://doi.org/10.1017/S136898000722292X Semba, R. D., Moench-Pfanner, R., Sun, K., De Pee, S., Akhter, N., Rah, J. H., Campbell, A. A., Badham, J., Bloem, M. W., & Kraemer, K. (2011). Consumption of Micronutrient-fortified Milk and Noodles is Associated with Lower Risk of Stunting in Preschool-Aged Children in Indonesia. Food and Nutrition Bulletin, 32(4), 347–353. https://doi.org/10.1177/156482651103200406 Shieh, S. J., Chen, H. L., Liu, F. C., Liou, C. C., Lin, Y. in H., Tseng, H. I., & Wang, R. H. (2010). The Effectiveness of Structured Discharge Education on Maternal Confidence, Caring Knowledge, and Growth of Premature Newborns. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 19(23–24), 3307–3313. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2702.2010.03382.x Stewart, C. P., Iannotti, L., Dewey, K. G., Michaelsen, K. F., & Onyango, A. W. (2013). 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Duas concepções opostas, acerca do ensino-aprendizagem de luteria e acústica, apareciam nos discursos de cinco professores, entrevistados durante estudo de campo realizado em duas instituições de ensino de luteria. Dispostas em extremos opostos, alinhadas ao empirismo e ao racionalismo, permanecia faltante identificar desequilíbrios que as concepções geravam para origem do conhecimento entre acústica e luteria durante a formação de luthiers. Numa atitude conciliatória, questiona-se a possibilidade de equilibrar as duas concepções. A discussão é apoiada epistemologicamente por Hessen (2000) e, acerca da interação entre professor e estudante, por Bachelard (2008) e Brousseau (1996; 2008). Das entrevistas, compreendidas através da redução fenomenológica, identifica-se que a experiência primeira, quando recai em relativismo e subjetivismo, mantendo-se implícita, e o pensamento, quando fechado em unidade e totalidade, bem como suas formas prontas para reprodução, estão aquém da mobilidade requerida para origem do conhecimento autônomo da acústica e luteria. A mobilidade do conhecimento, se intencionada, depende da postura do professor durante a interação didática, não mais como mestre que sabe e fornece as respostas, mas atuando na manutenção de desequilíbrios para a experiência e razão.

Abstract Background Access to health care facilities is a key requirement to enhance safety for mothers and newborns during labour and delivery. Haydom Lutheran Hospital (HLH) is a regional hospital in rural Tanzania with a catchment area of about two million inhabitants. Up to June 2013 ambulance transport and delivery at HLH were free of charge, while a user fee for both services was introduced from January 2014. We aimed to explore the impact of introducing user fees on the population of women giving birth at HLH in order to document potentially unwanted consequences in the period after introduction of fees. Methods Retrospective analysis of data from a prospective observational study. Data was compared between the period before introduction of fees from February 2010 through June 2013 and the period after from January 2014 through January 2017. Logistic regression modelling was used to construct risk-adjusted variable-life adjusted display (VLAD) and cumulative sum (CUSUM) plots to monitor changes. Results A total of 28,601 births were observed. The monthly number of births was reduced by 17.3% during the post-introduction period. Spontaneous vaginal deliveries were registered less frequently with a decrease of about 17/1000 births in non-cephalic presentations. Labour complications and caesarean sections increased with about 80/1000 births. There was a reduction in newborns with birth weight less than 2500 g. The observed changes were stable over time. For most variables, a significant change could be detected after a few weeks. Conclusion After the introduction of ambulance and delivery fees, an increase in labour complications and caesarean sections and a decrease in newborns with low birthweight were observed. This might indicate that women delay the decision to seek skilled birth attendance or do not seek help at all, possibly due to financial reasons. Lower rates of births in a safe health care facility like HLH is of great concern, as access to skilled birth attendance is a key requirement in order to further reduce perinatal mortality. Therefore, free delivery care should be a high priority.

The snow and freezing temperatures will hopefully have passed by the time this edition reaches you; the sight of daffodils may be asignal that the relief of spring is not far off. Winter frequently stretches AMU resources to the limit – in recent years we have had epidemics of seasonal and swine f lu, but this year Norovirus seems to have been the bigger challenge. Ward closures from diarrhoea outbreaks have traditionally been more of a ‘downstream’ problem (no pun intended), but the impact of closure of the AMU would be substantial.At the time of writing this has still, thankfully, been avoided in my own hospital; however it remains a circumstance for which we have to be prepared. This edition’s ‘Viewpoint’ article describes how temporary closure of the AMU was managed in a London hospital. The use of an empty ‘winter pressures ward’ eased the burden in this case, enabling the AMU service to be maintained. Even with the luxury of this spare capacity, there was clearly significant disruption, requiring close collaboration between a variety of departments, which is well described by the authors. Many hospitals have become highly dependent on a functioning AMU to provide timely, safe and effective care for medical emergencies. Major incident plans are in place to deal with mass casualty incidents; we need to consider similar contingencies to deal with AMU closure if patient safety is going to be maintained. This article is a timely reminder of the need for forward planning. Maintaining patient safety is a mantra which will be familiar to acute physicians, particularly those who attended any of the recent SAM meetings, where this theme has been well rehearsed. An acute medical unit can provide significant safety benefits by concentrating resources in a single area. However, for the 60% who cannot go directly home from the AMU, this model creates the need for care to be transferred at some point. It is well recognised that transfer is a time at which patient safety can become compromised; so if safety is our mantra, acute physicians and nurses have a responsibility to manage this process effectively. The article by David Hindmash and Liz Lees provides an important addition to the limited literature in this area. Structured checklists are becoming an increasing part of medical practice; this paper highlights how a checklist can be used to improve the quality of handover from AMU. The authors emphasise the need to keep the form simple, and the importance of regular reinforcement to ensure that it is used. What skills and attributes does an acute physician require? With interview season approaching it’s a question that many prospective trainees will be contemplating – remaining calm under pressure, communication skills and teamworking are some of the standard responses; but what about a good sense of smell? Most of us recognise the characteristic odour of melaena , or the whiff of infected urine. But the absence of body odour might be equally revealing. Luther and Yap noted their patient to be ‘remarkably clean’ – unusual, perhaps, for a young male patient on the AMU; along with his persistent demands to use the showering facilities, this was a clue to the final diagnosis of Cannabis Hyperemesis Syndrome.It’s a case worth reading and highlights the importance of lateral thinking, particularly when patients repeatedly attend – as well as having a ‘good nose’ to sniff out something unusual!

The film opens in an unidentified wax museum. The camera pans from right to left, zooming in on key Black historical figures who have been memorialized in wax. W.E.B. Du Bois, Marian Anderson, Booker T. Washington, Frederick Douglass, and Duke Ellington stand out. The final wax figure, a Black man, sits with an empty card box in his right hand and a lit cigarette in his left. The film’s narrator appears: a slim, afroed Black man. He sits to the right of the figure. The only living person in a room full of bodies, he reaches over to grab the cigarette. To his inanimate companion he nonchalantly says “Oh. Thank you very much. Needed that” and ashes the cigarette.The afroed, cigarette-ashing narrator is poet, novelist, and musician Gil Scott-Heron. The film is Black Wax (1982), directed by Robert Mugge. Black Wax is equal parts concert film, social documentary, and political statement by the poet. Set in Washington, D.C. and released in the midst of singer Stevie Wonder’s long campaign to make Martin Luther King Jr.’s birthday a national holiday, Scott-Heron’s film feels, in part, like an extension of Wonder’s wider effort. The year prior, Wonder held a massive rally in the city to demonstrate national support for the creation of the holiday. Reportedly, over 100,000 people attended. Wonder, building on mounting support of the proposed holiday made his song in honor of MLK Jr.—“Happy Birthday”—an integral part of his upcoming tour with Bob Marley. When Marley fell ill, Scott-Heron stepped in to lend his talents to Wonder’s cause. He would then participate in the Washington, D.C. rally that featured speeches from Diana Ross and Jesse Jackson (Cuepoint).Between live performances of various songs from his catalogue, Scott-Heron stages walking interludes wherein his wiry frame ambles through the city. Most are sonically accompanied by verses from his song “Washington, D.C.” He also folds in excerpts from his poems, personal reflections, and critiques of President Ronald Reagan’s administration. Scott-Heron ambulates a historically sedimented reality; namely that Washington, D.C. is a segregated city and that America, more broadly, is a divided nation. Against the backdrop of national monuments, his stroll stages critiques of the country’s racist past. In Black Wax, song becomes walk becomes interlude becomes critique.Throughout the 1970s, Scott-Heron used his politically conscious poetry and music to mount strident critiques of social relations. Songs like “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised”, “Winter in America”, and “Home Is Where the Hatred Is” reflect the artist’s larger concern with the stories Americans tell ourselves about who we are. This carried over into the 1980s. In his 1981 song “B-Movie”, Scott-Heron examines the ascent of Ronald Reagan, from actor to president. For the poet, the distinction is false, since Reagan “acted” his way into office. As an “actor in chief” Reagan represent a politically conservative regime that began before his entry into the White House. Reagan’s conservative politics were present when he was Governor of California and clashing with the Black Panther Party. Scott-Heron seized upon this history in Black Wax, tracing it all the way to the nation’s capital.A tour is “a journey for business, pleasure, or education often involving a series of stops and ending at the starting point” (“Tour”). Tours can offer closed-loop narratives that creates for participants a “safe” distance from the historical conditions which makes the location they are visiting possible. Scott-Heron undermines the certainly of that formulation with this wandering. In song and stride, he fashions himself a tour guide. This is not in the sense of taking the viewer into the “hood” to evidence urban decay. Rather, the poet’s critical amble undermines a national memory project that removes race from histories of the nation’s capital.Scott-Heron, self-styled Bluesologist, traveler, wanders through the world with a marrow-deep knowledge about the historical dynamics animating Black life. Walking richly informs how he relates to space. For Michel de Certeau, “the act of walking is to the urban system what the speech act is to language or to the statements uttered [...] it is a process of appropriation of the topographical system on the part of the pedestrian […] a spatial acting-out of the place […] and it implies relations among differentiated positions” (97-98). For Scott-Heron, the “relations among differentiated positions” is informed by his identity as a Black American. His relationship to race imbues him with what Black geographer Katherine McKittrick calls a “black sense of place.” According to McKittrick,a black sense of place can be understood as the process of materially and imaginatively situating historical and contemporary struggles against practices of domination and the difficult entanglements of racial encounter […][it] is not a steady, focused, and homogenous way of seeing and being in place, but rather a set of changing and differentiated perspectives that are illustrative of, and therefore remark upon, legacies of normalized racial violence that calcify, but do not guarantee, the denigration of black geographies and their inhabitants. (949-950)Scott-Heron elaborates on McKittrick’s concept through a series of walking interludes wherein he refuses a national narrative of harmonious racial progress. He dismisses an American fantasy of race, and it is not new. In “What America Would Be Like without Blacks” writer Ralph Ellison dissects the ways that Americans have historically tried to “get shut” of Black people, all while actively thriving on Black America’s cultural contributions. Scott-Heron’s black sense of place is articulated through a series of ambulant interventions that (subtly) acknowledge national violences while highlighting the often unspoken presence of Black people thriving in the nation’s capital.Visually, the poet sequesters national monuments to the background. Reducing their scale and stripping them of their dwarfing capacity while also actively not naming them. He miniaturizes them. This allows him to centre his critique of national history and politics. For Scott-Heron, the Capital Building and the White House are not sites to be revered. They are symbols of an ongoing betrayal perpetrated by the Reagan administration.The scenes I examine here are not representative. That isn’t my project. I am much more interested in the film as a wandering text, one that pushes at tensions in order to untether the viewer from a constricting narrative about who they might be. According to Sarah Jane Cervenak, “wandering aligns with the free at precisely those moments when it bends away from forces that attempt to translate or read” (15). In this regard, I offer this reading as a suggestion. It does not work towards a particular end other than opening the process(es) through which we make meaning of Scott-Heron’s filmic performance. In effect, don’t worry about where you are doing. Just be in the scene. Invite yourself to view the film and elaborate on descriptions offered here. Wander with him. Wander with me.———In his first walking interlude, the poet strolls along the Potomac River with a boombox hoisted upon his left shoulder. He plays a tape of his song “Washington, D.C.”, and as the opening instrumental creeps into audibility he offers his own introductory monologue:yeah, I forget what Washington did on the Potomac. This is the Potomac. Black folks would sometimes refer to that as the Po-to-mac [...] This here is the Potomac. Saw a duck floating out there a little while ago. Yeah, somebody said now that Reagan is in charge we’re all ducks. Dead ducks. You dig it?Walking along the Potomac, his slow gait is the focus. He stares directly at the camera and speaks to the viewer, to us. His (willful) forgetting of what George Washington “did on the Potomac” suggests that major figures in American history do not hold equal significance for all Americans. In fact, for Scott-Heron, the viewer/we might also do well to forget. His monologue smoothly transitions into the first verse of “Washington, D.C.”:Symbols of democracy, are pinned against the coastOuthouse of bureaucracy, surrounded by a moatCitizens of poverty are barely out of sightOverlords escape near evening, the brother’s on at nightMorning comes and brings the tourists, straining rubber necksPerhaps a glimpse of the cowboy making the world a nervous wreckIt’s a mass of irony for all the world to seeIt’s the nation’s capital, it’s Washington D.C. It’s the nation’s capitalIt’s the nation’s capitalIt’s the nation’s capital, it’s Washington D.C.(mmmm-hmmm)He feigns no allegiance to Washington, D.C. or the city’s touristic artifice. As the lyrics indicate, poverty stricken Americans’ proximity to physical symbols of national wealth belie the idea that democracy is successful. For him, poverty is as symbolic as monuments. Yet Scott-Heron does not visually exploit Americans living in poverty. This isn’t that kind of tour. Instead, he casts his gaze on the “symbol[s] of democracy” that celebrate the “outhouse of bureaucracy” that is Washington, D.C.As the poet continues his stroll along the Potomac, the Jefferson Memorial appears in the background. He has no interest in it. He does not name it, nor does he gesture to it in any way. Instead, he focuses his attention on the camera, the viewer, us. While the camera lags slightly behind him, rather than turn his attention to the river that he walks along, he looks over his right shoulder to re-establish eye contact with the camera. His indifference is reinforced by the nonchalant stride that never breaks. The Jefferson Memorial nor the Potomac River are objects to marvel at. They hold no amount of significance that would require the poet or viewer/us to stop and ponder them or their alleged importance. With eyes and feet, he keeps them where he wants them ... in the background.———In another interlude Scott-Heron, still holding the boombox atop his shoulder, appears in the courtyard area of an apartment complex. The repetition of his outfit, boombox location, and music give continuity to the scene by the Potomac and the unidentified neighborhood. His outfit is the same one he wears when walking by the Potomac and the boombox remains on his shoulder. Reciting the next verse of “Washington, D.C.”, it seems like he’s walking through a tableau.May not have the glitter or the glamour of L.A.It may not have the history or intrigue of PompeiiBut when it comes to making music, and sure enough making newsOr people who just don’t make sense, and people making doSeems a massive contradiction, pulling different waysBetween the folks who come and go, and one’s who’ve got to stayIt’s a mass of irony for all the world to seeIt’s the nation’s capital, it’s Washington, D.C. He strolls along the sidewalk, the camera zooming in on his face. Over his right shoulder two Black kids pose on their bikes as men stand around them. The camera rotates clockwise, giving a slight panoramic view of the apartment building in the background. Residents crowd the doorway, a combination of what appears to be overlapping greetings and farewells. The ambiguous actions of the people in the background smoothly contrasts with the poet’s lean frame while his focus on the camera/viewer enlarges his presence.The scene also includes various people sitting on park benches. We do not know if they are residents or visitors. In many ways, the distinction does not matter. What we see is comfort in the faces and bodies of the Black people immediately behind Scott-Heron. On one bench we see two people. The first is a Black man who hoists his right leg up, resting his foot on the bench. As the boombox plays and the poet raps, the man taps his knee and snaps his fingers. Similarly, a Black woman in a red dress sitting on the same bench responds to Scott-Heron’s presence and his music with a committed head bob and toe tap. On another bench, three young Black men nod coolly as they watch the poet recite the remainder of his verse.It’s the nation’s capitalIt’s the nation’s capitalIt’s the nation’s capital, it’s Washington D.C.He walks us through the partially-animated tableau wherein the folks sitting behind him subtly reinforce the message he directly communicates to the viewer/us.———In another interlude, three scenes are cut into one. In the first, the Capital Building looms in the distance as Scott-Heron enters the frame. He gestures toward the building and notes the ways that tours distract visitors from the real Washington:Let me tell you, those tours are all the same. They bring you around to places like this [gestures toward the Capital Building]. They might even tell you who the jackass is on the horse or the guy on top of the building, but they never show you the real Washington.Should’ve been around the 15th of January. That’s when Stevie Wonder was holding this rally. It was about 50,000 gathered there. They were trying to demonstrate and make Dr. King’s birthday a national holiday. But it’s always the same. The Capital. The Hoover Building. Maybe sometimes they’d even show you the Washington Monument [gestures towards the monument in the distance]. But that’s not a look at the real Washington. The one I’d like to show you is something special. You wanna see what’s happening in the nation’s capital? Come with me… (Black Wax)Since the standard D.C. tour leaves out the real Washington, the poet primes the viewer for the real thing. His mention of Stevie Wonder allows the poet to connect the viewer to that real Washington, Black Washington. This is the Washington that boasts Ben’s Chili Bowl, Howard University, and Scurlock Studios as cultural institutions. This is the Washington that would welcome the creation of a holiday in honor of Martin Luther King Jr. The scene quickly transitions to Scott-Heron walking down the streets of a presumably Black neighborhood. This neighborhood is outside the purview of tour mobile routes. There is nothing remarkable about the neighborhood. Nothing monumental. The street is lined with row houses. In the background, Black pedestrians passively observe or go about their day. One young Black man smokes a cigarette as Scott-Heron casually walks past him. For Scott-Heron, these folks are the “life-blood of the city” yet he does not speak with them, perhaps because his point is not to put these people on display but to formally acknowledge who gets left out of official narratives. The segment concludes with a return to Heron’s stroll along the Potomac, where he picks up another verse to “Washington, D.C.”:Seems to me, it’s still in light time people knifed up on 14th streetMakes me feel it’s always the right time for them people showing up and coming cleanDid make the one seem kind of numbIt’s the nation’s capitalIt’s the nation’s capitalIt’s the nation’s capital, it’s Washington D.C. ConclusionI’ll end with this. In a final scene, the poet walks in along the front gates of the White House. He holds a little Black girl’s hand and smokes a cigarette. Together they stroll along the gates of the White House. Their movement, from right to left, suggest a return. A going back to. However, this return is not nostalgic. It is accusatory. It is a reckoning with the unrealised promises that America doles out to its citizens. He notes:the protests that are launched in this country are not launched necessarily against the government. They are launched in terms of the fact that this country has rarely lived up to its advanced publicity. This is supposed to be the land of justice, liberty, and equality and that’s what everybody over here is looking for. (Black Wax)Perhaps, then, Gil Scott-Heron leaves his viewer/us not with a push to March. No. Walking against the miasma of national nostalgia perpetuated through tourism is one way to maintain a black sense of place.ReferencesBaram, Marcus. “How Stevie Wonder Helped Create Martin Luther King Day.” Cuepoint, 18 Jan. 2015. 15 Jul. 2018 <https://medium.com/cuepoint/how-stevie-wonder-helped-create-martin-luther-king-day-807451a78664>.Cervenak, Sarah Jane. Wandering: Philosophical Performances of Racial and Sexual Freedom. Durham: Duke UP, 2014.De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Los Angeles: U of California P, 1984.Gil Scott-Heron: Black Wax. Dir. Robert Mugge, performances by Gil Scott-Heron and the Midnight Band. WinStar Home Entertainment, 1982.McKittrick, Katherine. “On Plantations, Prisons, and a Black Sense of Place.” Social and Cultural Geography 12.8 (2011): 947-963. Scott-Heron, Gil. The Last Holiday: A Memoir. New York: Grove Press, 2012.“Tour.” Merriam-Webster. 15 Jul. 2018.<https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/tour>.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui Peran Mediasi Komitmen Organisasional pada Pengaruh Big Five Personality dan Persepsi Dukungan Organisasi Terhadap Organizational Citizenship Behavior. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah menggunakan metode deskriptif kuantitatif. Sampel yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yakni perawat dan bidan pada RSUD Sultan Syarif Mohamad Alkadrie. Data diperoleh dari kuesioner yang kemudian diolah dan dianalisis dengan menggunakan analiais jalur melalui Doftware SPSS 17.00.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Big FivePersonality dan Persepsi Dukungan Organisasi berpengaruh signifikan terhadap Komitmen Organisasional. Sementara itu Big Five Personality dan Persepsi Dukungan Organisasi juga berpengaruh langsung terhadap Organizational Citizenship Behavior. Sementara itu, Komitmen Organisasional berpengaruh terhadap Organizational Citizenship Behavior. Dari hasil analisis jalur diketahui bahwa variabel Komitmen Organisasional merupakan variabel mediasi antara Big FivePersonality dan Persepsi Dukungan Organisasi terhadap Organizational Citizenship Behavior. Kata Kunci : Komitmen Organisasional, Big Five Personality, Persepsi Dukungan Organisasi dan Organizational Citizenship BehaviorDAFTAR PUSTAKA Abdullah, I., Omar, R. & Rashid, Y. (2013). Effect of personality on organizational commitment and employees' performance: Empirical evidence from banking sector of Pakistan. World Applied Sciences Journal. 27. 140-147. Ali H. Muhammad, A. H., (2014). Perceived Organizational Support and Organizational Citizenship Behavior: The Case of Kuwait. International Journal of Business Administration, 5(3), 59-72. Ali, F.H., Rizavi, S. S., Ahmed, I., Rasheed, M. (2018). Effects of perceived organizational support on organizational citizenship behavior-Sequential mediation by well-being and work engagement. 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This article analyses the public persona of Jeremy Gilley, a documentary filmmaker, peace campaigner, and the founder of the organisation Peace One Day (POD). It begins by outlining how Gilley’s persona is presented in a manner which resonates with established archetypes of social campaigners, and how this creates POD’s legitimacy among grassroots organisations. I then describe a distinct, but not inconsistent, facet of Gilley’s persona which speaks specifically to entrepreneurs. The article outlines how Gilley’s individuality works to simultaneously address these overlapping audiences and argues that his persona can be read as an articulation of social entrepreneurship. Gilley represents an example of a public personality working to “crystallise issues and to normativise debates” (Marshall “Personifying” 370) concerning corporate involvement with non-profit organisations and the marketisation of the non-profit sector. Peace One Day (POD) is a UK-based non-profit organisation established in 1999 by actor-turned-documentary-filmmaker Jeremy Gilley. In the 1990s, while filming a documentary about global conflict, Gilley realised there was no internationally recognised day of ceasefire and non-violence. He created POD to found such a day and began lobbying the United Nations. In 2001, the 111th plenary meeting of the General Assembly passed a resolution which marked 21 September as the annual International Day of Peace (United Nations). Since 2001, POD has worked to create global awareness of Peace Day. By 2006, other NGOs began using the day to negotiate 24-hour ceasefires in various conflict zones, allowing them to carry out work in areas normally too dangerous to enter. For example, in 2007, the inoculation of 1.3 million Afghan children against polio was possible due to an agreement from the Taliban to allow safe passage to agencies working in the country during the day. This was repeated in subsequent years and, by 2009, 4.5 million children had been immunised (POD Part Three). While neither POD nor Gilley played a direct part in the polio vaccination programmes or specific ceasefires, his organisation acted as a catalyst for such endeavours and these initiatives would not have occurred without POD’s efforts.Gilley is not only the founder of POD, he is also the majority shareholder, key decision-maker, and predominant public spokesperson in this private, non-charitable, non-profit organisation (Frances 73). While POD’s celebrity supporters participate in press conferences, it is Gilley who does most to raise awareness. His public persona is inextricably linked with POD and is created through a range of presentational media with which he is engaged. These include social media content, regular blogposts on POD’s website, as well as appearances at a series of speaking events. Most significantly, Gilley establishes his public persona through a number of documentary films (Peace One Day; Day After; POD Part Three), which are shot largely from his perspective and narrated by his voiceover, and which depict POD’s key struggles and successes.The Peace Campaigner as an Activist and Entrepreneur In common with other non-profit organisations, POD relies on celebrities from the entertainment industries. It works with them in two key ways: raising the public profile of the organisation, and shaping the public persona of its founder by inviting comparisons of their perceived exceptionalness with his ostensible ordinariness. For example, Gilley’s documentaries depict various press conferences held by POD over a number of years. Those organised prior to POD recruiting celebrity spokespeople were “completely ignored by the media” whereas those held after celebrity backing from Jude Law and Angelina Jolie had been secured attracted considerable interest (Day After). Gilley explains his early difficulties in publicising his message by suggesting that he “was a nobody” (POD Part Three). This representation as a “nobody” or, more diplomatically, as “ordinary,” is a central component of Gilley’s persona. “Ordinariness” here means situating Gilley outside the political and entertainment elites and aligning him with more everyday suburban settings. This is done through a combination of the aesthetic qualities of his public presentation and his publically narrated back-story.Aesthetically speaking, Gilley presents his ordinariness through his casual attire and long hair. His appearance is similar to the campaigners, youth groups and school children he addresses, suggesting he is a representative of that demographic but also distancing him from political elites. The diplomats Gilley meets, such as those at the UN, wear the appropriate attire for their elite political setting: suits. In one key scene in the documentary Peace One Day, Gilley makes his first trip to the UN to meet Kofi Annan, UN General Secretary at the time, and appears at their doors clean cut and suitably dressed. He declares that his new appearance was designed to aid his credibility with the UN. Yet, at the same time, he makes explicit that he borrowed the suit from a friend and the tie from his grandfather and, prior to the meeting, it was decided, “the pony tail had to go.” Thus Gilley seeks the approval of both political elites and the ordinary public, and constructs a persona that speaks to both, though he aligns himself with the latter.Gilley’s back-story permeates his films and works to present his ordinariness. For example, POD has humble beginnings as an almost grassroots, family-run organisation, and Gilley depicts a campaign run on a shoestring from his mother’s spare bedroom in an ordinary suburban home. Although British Airways provided free flights from the organisation’s outset, Gilley shows his friends volunteering their time by organising fundraising events. POD’s modest beginnings are reflected in its founder, who confides about both his lack of formal education and lack of success as an actor (Day After). This “ordinariness” is constructed in opposition to the exceptional qualities of POD’s A-list celebrity backers—such as Angelina Jolie, who does enjoy success as an actor. This contrast is emphasised by inviting Jolie into Gilley’s everyday domestic setting and highlighting the icons of success she brings with her. For example, at his first meeting with Jolie, Gilley waits patiently for her and remarks about the expensive car which eventually arrives outside his house, denoting Jolie’s arrival. He notes in the voiceover to his The Day after Peace documentary, “this was unbelievable, Angelina Jolie sat on my sofa asking me what she could do, I couldn’t stop talking. I was so nervous.”Gilley promotes his ordinariness by using aesthetics and personal narrative. Evidence of how he struggled to realise his goals and the financial burdens he carried (Peace One Day) suggest that there is something authentic about Gilley’s vision for Peace Day. This also helps Gilley to align his public persona with common understandings of the political activist as a prophetic social visionary. POD is able to tap into the idea of the power of the individual as a force for change with references to Martin Luther King and Gandhi. Although Gilley makes no direct comparison between himself and these figures, blog entries such as “ten years ago, I had an idea; I dared to dream that I could galvanise the countries of the world to recognise an official day of ceasefire and nonviolence. Mad? Ambitious? Idealistic? All of the above” (Gilley “Dream”), invite comparisons with King’s “I Have a Dream” speech. This is further augmented by references to Gilley as an outsider to political establishments, such as the UN, which he is sure have “become cynical about the opportunity” they have to unite the world (BBC Interview).Interestingly, Gilley’s presentation as a pragmatic “change-maker” whose “passion is contagious” (Ahmad Fawzi, in POD Concert) also aligns him with a second figure: the entrepreneur. Where Gilley’s performances at school and community groups present his persona as an activist, his entrepreneur persona is presented through his performances at a series of business seminars. These seminars, entitled “Unleash Your Power of Influence,” are targeted towards young entrepreneurs and business-people very much consistent with the “creative class” demographic (Florida). The speakers, including Gilley, have all been successful in business (POD is a private company) and they offer to their audiences motivational presentations, and business advice. Although a semi-regular occurrence, it is the first two events held in July 2010 (Unleash 1) and November 2010 (Unleash 2) that are discussed here. Held in a luxury five-star London hotel, the events demonstrate a starkly different aspect of POD than that presented to community groups and schools, and the amateur grassroots ethic presented in Gilley’s documentary films—for example, tickets for Unleash 2 started at £69 and offered ‘goody bags’ for £95 (author’s observation of the event)—yet consistencies remain.Aesthetically speaking, Gilley’s appearance signifies a connection with these innovative, stereotypically young, founders of start-up companies and where Gilley is an outsider to political organisations; they are outsiders to business establishments. Further, many of these companies typically started, like POD, in a spare bedroom. The speakers at the Unleash events provide insights into their background which frequently demonstrate a rise from humble beginnings to business success, in the face of adversity, and as a result of innovation and perseverance. Gilley is not out of place in this environment and the modest beginnings of POD are relayed to his audience in a manner which bears a striking similarity to his for-profit counterparts.An analysis of Gilley’s presentations at these events demonstrates clear links between the dual aspects of Gilley’s public persona, the political economy of POD, and the underlying philosophy of the organisation—social entrepreneurship. The next section sets out some of the principals of social entrepreneurship and how the aspects of Gilley’s persona, outlined above, reinforce these.Personifying Social EnterpriseGenerally speaking, the business literature greatly emphasises entrepreneurs as “resourceful, value-creating change agents” who are “never satisfied with the status quo [... and are] a forceful engine of growth in our economy” (Dees and Economy 3-4). More recently, the focus of discussion has included social entrepreneurs. These individuals work within “an organisation that attacks [social and environmental] problems through a business format, even if it is not legally structured as a profit-seeking entity” (Bornstein and Davis xv) and advocate commercially oriented non-profit organisations that establish “win-win” relationships between non-profits and business.This coming together of the for- and non-profit sectors has range of precedents, most notably in “philanthrocapitalism” (Bishop and Green) and the types of partnerships established between corporations and environmentalists, such as Greenpeace Australia (Beder). However, philanthrocapitalism often encompasses the application of business methods to social problems by those who have amassed fortunes in purely commercial ventures (such as Bill Gates), and Beder’s work describes established for- and non-profit institutions working together. While social entrepreneurship overlaps with these, social entrepreneurs seek to do well by doing good by making a profit while simultaneously realising social goals (Bornstein and Davis 25).Read as an articulation of the coming together of the activist and the entrepreneur, Gilley’s individuality encapsulates the social enterprise movement. His persona draws from the commonalities between the archetypes of the traditional grassroots activist and start-up entrepreneur, as pioneering visionary and outsider to the establishment. While his films establish his authenticity among politically attuned members of the public, his appearances at the Unleash events work to signify the legitimacy of his organisation to those who identify with social entrepreneurialism and take the position that business should play a positive role in social causes. As an activist, Gilley’s creates his persona through his aesthetic qualities and a performance that draws on historical precedents of social prophets. As an entrepreneur, Gilley draws on the same aesthetic qualities and, through his performance, mitigates the types of disjuncture evident in the 1980s between environmental activists, politicians and business leaders, when environmentalist’s narratives “were perceived as flaky and failed to transform” (Robèrt 7). To do this, Gilley reconstitutes social and environmental problems (such as conflict) within a market metric, and presents the market as a viable and efficient solution. Consequently, Gilley asserts that “we live in a culture of war because war makes money, we need to live in a culture of peace,” and this depends on “if we can make it economical, if we can make the numbers add up” (Unleash).Social enterprises often eschew formal charity and Gilley is consistent with this when he states that “for me, I think it has to be about business. [...] I think if it’s about charity it’s not going to work for me.” Gilley asserts that partnerships with corporations are essential as “our world is going to change, when the corporate sector becomes engaged.” He, therefore, “want[s] to work with large corporations” in order to “empower individuals to be involved in the process of [creating] a more peaceful and sustainable world” (Unleash). One example of POD’s success in this regard is a co-venture with Coca-Cola.To coincide with Peace Day in 2007, POD and Coca-Cola entered into a co-branding exercise which culminated in a sponsorship deal with the POD logo printed on Coca-Cola packaging. Prior to this, Gilley faced a desperate financial situation and conceded that the only alternative to a co-venture with Coca-Cola was shutting down POD (Day After). While Coca-Cola offered financial support and the potential to spread Gilley’s message through the medium of the Coke can, POD presumably offered good publicity to a corporation persistently the target of allegations of unethical practice (for example, Levenson-Estrada; Gill; Thomas). Gilley was aware of the potential image problems caused by a venture with Coke but accepted the partnership on pragmatic grounds, and with the proviso that Coke’s sponsorship not accompany any attempt to influence POD. Gilley, in effect, was using Coca-Cola, displaying the political independence of the social visionary and the pragmatism of the entrepreneur. By the same token, Coca-Cola was using POD to garner positive publicity, demonstrating the nature of this “win-win” relationship.In his film, Gilley consults Ray C. Anderson, social enterprise proponent, about his ethical concerns. Anderson explains the merits of working with Coke. In his Unleash addresses, such ethical considerations do not feature. Instead, it is relayed that Coca-Cola executives were looking to become involved with a social campaign, consistent with the famous 1970s hilltop advertisement of “teaching the world to sing in harmony.” From a meeting at Coca-Cola’s headquarters in Atlanta, Gilley reveals, a correlation emerged between Gilley’s emphasis on Peace Day as a moment of global unity—encapsulated by his belief that “the thing about corporations [...] the wonderful thing about everybody […] is that everybody’s just like us” (Unleash)—and the image of worldwide harmony that Coca-Cola wanted to portray. It is my contention that Gilley’s public persona underpinned the manner in which this co-branding campaign emerged. This is because his persona neatly tied the profit motive of the corporation to the socially spirited nature of the campaign, and spoke to Coca-Cola in a manner relatable to the market. At the same time, it promoted a social campaign premised on an inclusiveness that recast the corporation as a concerned global citizen, and the social campaigner as a free-market agent.Persona in the Competitive Non-Profit SectorThrough a series of works P. David Marshall charts the increasing centrality of individuality as “one of the ideological mainstays of consumer capitalism [...and] equally one of the ideological mainstays of how democracy is conceived” (Marshall “New Media-New Self” 635). Celebrity, accordingly, can be thought of as a powerful discourse that works “to make the cultural centrality of individuality concretely real” (Marshall “New Media-New Self” 635). Beyond celebrity, Marshall offers a wider framework that maps how “personalisation, individuality, and the move from the private to the public are now part of the wider populace rather than just at play in the representational field of celebrity” (Marshall, “Persona” 158). This framework includes fundamental changes to the global, specifically Western, labour market that, while not a fait accompli, point to a more competitive environment in which “greater portions of the culture are engaged in regular—probably frequent—selling of themselves” and where self-promotion becomes a key tool (Marshall, “Persona” 158). Therefore, while consumerism comprises a backdrop to the proliferation of celebrity culture, competition within market capitalism contributes to the wider expansion of personalisation and individualism.The non-profit sector is also a competitive environment. UK studies have found an increase in the number of International NGOs of 46.6% from 1995/6-2005/6 (Anheier, Kaldor, and Glasius. 310). At the same time, the number of large charities (with an income greater than £10 million) rose, between 1999-2013, from 307 to 1,005 and their annual income rose from approximately £10bn to £36bn (Charity Commission). These quantitative changes in the sector have occurred alongside qualitative changes in terms of the orientation of individual organisations. For example, Epstein and Gang describe a non-profit sector in which NGOs compete against each other for funds from aid donors (state and private). It is unclear whether “aid will be allocated properly, say to the poorest or to maximize the social welfare” or to the “efficient aid-seekers” (294)—that is, NGOs with the greatest competitive capabilities. A market for public awareness has also emerged and, in an increasingly crowded non-profit sector, it is clearly important for organisations to establish a public profile that can gain attention.It is in this competitive environment that the public personae of activists become assets for NGOs, and Gilley constitutes a successful example of this. His persona demonstrates an organisation’s response to the competitive nature of the non-profit sector, by appealing to both traditional activist circles and the business sector, and articulating the social enterprise movement. Gilley effectively embodies social entrepreneurship—in his appearance, his performance and his back-story—bridging a gap between the for- and non-profit sectors. His persona helps legitimate efforts to recast the activist as an entrepreneur (and conversely, entrepreneurs as activists) by incorporating activist ideals (in this instance, peace) within a market framework. This, to return to Marshall’s argument, crystallises the issue of peace within market metrics such and normativises debates about the role of corporate actors as global citizens, presenting it as pragmatism and therefore “common sense.” This is not to undermine Gilley’s achievements but, instead, to point out how reading his public persona enables an understanding of efforts to marketise the non-profit sector and align peace activism with corporate power.References Anheier, Helmut K., Mary Kaldor, and Marlies Glasius. Global Civil Society 2006/7. London: Sage, 2007.BBC Storyville. Director Interview: Jeremy Gilley. BBC. 2004. 7 Feb. 2010.Beder, Sharon. Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism. Totnes, UK: Green Books, 2002.Bishop, Matthew, and Michael Green. Philanthrocapitalism. London: A&C Black, 2008.Bornstein, David, and Susan Davis. Social Entrepreneurship: What Everyone Needs to Know. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.Charity Commission for England and Wales. “Sector Facts and Figures.” N.d. 5 Apr 2014.Day after Peace, The. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2008.Dees, J. Gregory, and Peter Economy. "Social Entrepreneurship." Enterprising Nonprofits: A Toolkit for Social Entrepreneurs. Eds. J. Gregory Dees, Jed Emerson, and Peter Economy. New York: Wiley, 2001. 1-18.Epstein, Gil S., and Ira N. Gang. “Contests, NGOs, and Decentralizing Aid.” Review of Development Economics 10. 2 (2006): 285-296.Florida, Richard. The Flight of the Creative Class: The New Global Competition for Talent. New York: Harper Business, 2006.Frances, Nic. The End of Charity: Time for Social Enterprise. New South Wales: Allen & Unwin, 2008.Fraser, Nick. “Can One Man Persuade the World, via the UN, to Sanction a Global Ceasefire Day?” BBC. 2005. 7 Feb. 2010.Gill, Leslie. “Labor and Human Rights: The ‘Real Thing’ in Colombia.” Transforming Anthropology 13.2 (2005): 110-115.Gilley, Jeremy. “Dream One Day.” Peace One Day. 2009. 23 Jun 2010.Levenson-Estrada, Deborah. Trade Unionists against Terror: Guatemala City, 1954-1985. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1994.Marshall, P. David. Celebrity and Power. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001.Marshall, P. David. “Intimately Intertwined in the Most Public Way: Celebrity and Journalism.” The Celebrity Culture Reader. Ed. P. David Marshall. Oxon: Routledge, 2006. 316-323.Marshall, P. David. “New Media – New Self: The Changing Power of Celebrity.” The Celebrity Culture Reader. Ed. P. David. Marshall. Oxon: Routledge, 2006. 634-644.Marshall, P. David. “Personifying Agency: The Public–Persona–Place–Issue Continuum.” Celebrity Studies 4.3 (2013): 369-371.Marshall, P. David. “Persona Studies: Mapping the Proliferation of the Public Self.” Journalism 15.2 (2014): 153-170.Newsnight. BBC 2. 20 Sep. 2010. 22.30-23.00.Peace One Day. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2004.Peace One Day Concert: Live at the Royal Albert Hall Gilley. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2008.Peace One Day Part Three. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2010.Robèrt, Karl-Henrik. The Natural Step: Seeding a Quiet Revolution. Gabriola Island, British Columbia: New Society Publishers, 2002.Thomas, Mark. Belching Out the Devil: Global Adventure with Coca-Cola. London: Ebury Press, 2008.United Nations General Assembly. “International Day of Peace. A/RES/55/282" 111th Plenary Meeting. 2001. 10 June 2014 ‹http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/55/282&Lang=E›.Unleash Your Power of Influence. Triumphant Events and Peace One Day. 2010.

In this essay we challenge whether current conceptions of optimism, hope, and resilience are complete enough to account for the complexity and nuance of developing and maintaining these in practice. For example, a quick perusal of popular outlets (e.g., Forbes, Harvard Business Review) reveals advice to managers urging them to “be optimistic,” or “be happy” so that these types of emotions or feelings can spread to the workplace. One even finds simple advice and steps to follow on how to foster these types of things in the workplace (McKee; Tjan). We argue that this common perspective focuses narrowly on individuals and does not account for the complexity of resilience. Consequently, it denies the role of context, culture, and interactions as ways people develop shared meaning and reality. To fill this gap in our understanding, we take a social constructionist perspective to understand resilience. In other words, we foreground communication as the primary building block to sharing meaning and creating our worlds. In so doing, we veer away from the traditional focus on the individual and instead emphasise the social and cultural elements that shape how meaning is shared by peoples in various contexts (Fairhurst, Considering Context). Drawing on a communication, discourse-centered perspective we explore hope and optimism as concepts commonly associated with resilience in a work context. At work, leaders play a vital role in communicating ways that foster resilience in the face of organisational issues and events (e.g., environmental crises, downsizing). Following this lead, discursive leadership offers a framework that positions leadership as co-created and as the management of meaning through framing (Fairhurst, Power of Framing). Thus, we propose that a discursive leadership orientation can contribute to the communicative construction of resilience that moves away from individual perspectives to an emphasis on the social. From a discursive perspective, leadership is defined as a process of meaning management; attribution given by followers or observers; process-focused rather than leader-focused; and as shifting and distributed among several organizational members (Fairhurst Power of Framing). By switching from the individual focus and concentrating on social and cultural systems, discursive leadership is able to study concepts related to subjectivity, cultures, and identities as it relates to meaning. Our aim is to offer leaders an alternative perspective on resilience at the individual and group level by explaining how a discursive orientation to leadership can contribute to the communicative construction of resilience. We argue that a social constructionist approach provides a perspective that can unravel the multiple layers that make up hope, optimism, and resilience. We begin with a peek into the social scientific perspective that is so commonplace in media and popular portrayals of these constructs. Then, we explain the social constructionist perspective that grounds our framework, drawing on discursive leadership. Next, we present an alternative model of resilience, one that takes resilience as communicatively constructed and socially created. We believe this more robust perspective can help individuals, groups, and cultures be more resilient in the face of challenges. Social Scientific Perspectives Hope, optimism, and resilience have widely been spoken in the same breath; thus, in what follows we review how each is treated in common portrayals. In addition, we discuss each to point to further implications of our model proposed in this essay. Traditionally taken as cognitive states, each construct is based in an individual or an entity (Youssef and Luthans) and thus minimises the social and cultural. Hope Snyder, Irving, and Anderson define the construct of hope as “a positive motivational state that is based on an interactively derived sense of successful (1) agency (goal-directed energy) and (2) pathways (planning to meet goals)” (287). This cognitive set therefore is composed of the belief in the ability to create strategies toward a goal and the belief that those plans can be realised. Exploring hope can provide insight into how individuals deal with stress and more importantly how they use past experiences to produce effective routes toward goals (Brown Kirschman et al.). Mills-Scofield writing in Harvard Business Review mirrors this two-part hope structure and describes how to integrate hope into business strategy. Above all she emphasises that hope is based in fact, not fiction; the need to learn and apply from failures; and the need to focus on what is working instead of what is broken. These three points contribute to hope by reinforcing the strategies (pathways) and ability (agency) to accomplish a particular goal. This model of hope is widely held across social scientific and popular portrayals. This position, however, does not allow for exploring how forces of social interaction shape either how these pathways are created or how agency is developed in the first place. By contrast, a communication-centered approach like the one we propose foregrounds interaction and the various social forces necessary for hope to be fostered in the workplace. Optimism Optimism centers on how an individual processes the causality of an event (e.g., an organisational crisis). From this perspective, an employee facing significant conflict with his immediate supervisor, for example, may explain this threat as an opportunity to learn the importance of supervisor-subordinate relationships. This definition therefore explores how the individual interprets his/her world (Brown Kirschman et al.). According to Seligman et al. the ways in which one interprets events has its origins in several places: (1) genetics; (2) the environment in the form of modeling optimistic behaviours; (3) environment in forms of criticism; and (4) life experiences that teach personal mastery or helplessness (cited in Brown Kirschman et al.). Environmental sources function as a dialectical tension. On one hand the environment provides productive modeling for optimism behaviours, and on the other the environment, through criticism, produces the opposite. Both extremes illustrate the significance of cultural and societal factors as they contribute to optimism. Additionally, life experiences play a role in either mastery or helplessness. Again, interaction and social influences play a significant part in the development of optimism. Much like hope, due to the attention given to social and interactive forces, the concept of optimism requires a framework rooted in the social and cultural rather than the individual and cognitive. A significant drawback related to optimism (Brown Kirschman et al.) is the danger of unrelenting optimism and the possibility this has on producing unrealistic scenarios. Individuals, rather, should strive to acknowledge the facts (good or bad) of certain circumstances in order to learn how to properly manage automatic negative thoughts (Brown Kirschman et al.). Tony Schwartz writing in Harvard Business Review argues that “realistic optimism” is more than putting on a happy face but instead is more about telling what is the most hopeful and empowering of a given situation (1). Thus, a more interaction-based approach much like the model that we are proposing could help overcome some of optimism’s shortcomings. If the power of optimism is in the telling, then we need a model where the telling is front and center. Later, we propose such a model and method for helping leaders’ foster optimism in the workplace and in their communities. Resilience Resilience research offers several definitions and approaches in attempt to examine the phenomenon. Masten defines resilience as a “class of phenomena characterized by good outcomes in spite of serious threats to adaptation or development” (228). Luthar, Cicchetti, and Becker argue that resilience is “a dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity” (543). Interestingly, resilience and developmental researchers alike have positioned resilience as an individual consistently meeting the expectations of a given society or culture within a particular historical context. Broadly speaking, two central conditions apply toward resilience: (1) the presence of significant threat or adversity; and (2) the achievement of positive adaptation (Luthar, Cicchetti, and Becker. Masten goes on to argue that resilience is however ordinary and naturally occurring. That is, the adaptive systems required during significant threat are already present in individuals and is not solely retained by a select few. Masten et al., argues that resilience does not come “from rare and special qualities, but from the operations of ordinary human systems in the biology and psychology of children, from the relationships in the family and community, and from schools, religions, cultures, and other aspects of societies” (129). Based on this, the emphasis of resilience should be within adaptive processes, such that are found in supportive relationships, emotion regulation, and environment engagement (Masten et al.), rather than on individuals. Of these varied interpretations of resilience, two research designs drive the academic literature— outcome- and process-based perspectives (Kolar). Those following an outcome-focused approach tend to concentrate on functionality and functional behaviour as key indicators of resilience (Kolar). Following this model, cognitive states such as composure, assurance, and confidence are examples of resilience. By contrast, a process-focused approach concentrates on the interplay of protective and risk factors as they influence the adaptive capacity of an individual (Kolar). This approach acknowledges that resilience is contextual and interactive, and is “a shared responsibility between individuals, their families, and the formal social system rather than as an individual burden (Kolar 425). This process-based approach toward resilience allows for greater inclusion of factors across individual, group, and societal levels (Kolar). The rigidity of outcome-based models and related constructs does not allow for such flexibility and therefore prevents exploring full accounts of resilience. A process-based approach allows for the inclusion of context throughout measures of resilience and acknowledges that interplay of risk and protective factors across the individual, social, and community level (Kolar). Bearing this in mind, what is needed are more complex models of resilience that account for a multiplicity of factors. An Alternate Framework: Social Construction of Reality Language is the tool storytellers use to generate interest and convey ideas. From a social constructionist standpoint, language is the primary mechanism in the construction of reality. Berger and Luckmann present language as a system that allows us to categorise subjective ideas, which over time accumulates into our “social stock of knowledge” (41). As our language creates the symbols that we use to make sense of the world around us, we add to our social knowledge thereby creating a shared vision of our own social reality. Because we accumulate varying levels and amounts of social knowledge, what we know of the world constantly changes. For example, in organisations, our discourse and on-going interactions with each other serve to shape what we consider to be real in our day-to-day lives. In this view, subjective experiences of individuals are central to our understanding of various events (e.g., organizational change, crises, conflict) and the ways in which we cope with such occurrences (e.g., through hope, optimism, resilience). Alternative Models of Resilience We take Buzzanell’s framework as inspiration for an alternative model of resilience. Her communication-centric model is based in messages, d/Discourse, and narrative where communication is an emergent process involving the interplay of messages and interaction (Buzzanell). Furthermore, the communicative construction of resilience involves “a collaborative exchange that invites participation of family, workplace, community, and interorganizational network members” (Buzzanell 9). This alternative perspective of resilience explores human communication resilience processes as the focal point rather than examining the person or entity. This is essentially a design change, where the focus shifts from the individual or singular toward the communication processes that enable resilience. Essentially, according to Poole, “in process, we can see resilience as dynamic, integrated, unfolding over time and through events, evolving into patterns, and dependent on contingencies” (qtd. in Buzzanell 2). Buzzanell describes five processes included in the communicative construction of resilience: (1) crafting normalcy; (2) affirming identity anchors; (3) maintaining and using communication networks; (4) legitimising negative feelings while foregrounding productive action; and (5) putting alternative logics to work. Here, we highlight two that most directly relate to the alternative model we propose. First, legitimising negative feelings while foregrounding productive action may sound like repression, but in fact it emphasises that negative feelings (nonproductive emotions) are real and that focusing on positive action enables success while facing significant threat. Furthermore, as a communicative construction, this process includes reframing of a situation both linguistically and metaphorically. This communicative process address a major drawback related to the optimism construct presented by Brown Kirschman and colleagues regarding the potential danger of unrelenting optimism. Similarly, putting alternative logics to work, in its practical application, creates resilient systems through (re)framing. Through (re)framing, individuals, groups, and communities can create their own logics that enable them to reintegrate when facing adverse experiences. That is, (re)framing provides an opportunity to endure unfavorable situations while creating communicatively creating conditions that enable adaptation. This idea can also be seen in popular press such as in the Harvard Business Review blog “Craft a Narrative to Instill Optimism” (Baldoni). According to Baldoni, leaders have a choice in creating the narrative of our world. Thus, leaders serve as the primary meaning managers in the workplace. Leadership and the Management of Meaning Kelly begins our discussion toward an ongoing discursive turn in leadership research. Much like hope, optimism, and resilience, Kelly proposes that leadership has been wrongly categorised and therefore has been inadequately observed. That is, due to focusing on trait-based leadership models espoused by leadership psychology the area of leadership has been left with significant deficits surrounding the very core of leadership. The lessons learned about the reductionist treatment of leadership can be applied to our understanding of resilience. Thus, we draw on discursive leadership because it provides an example for how leaders can foster resilience in various settings. The discursive turn stems from the incongruity seen in these traditional trait or style-based leadership approaches. From a social constructionist perspective, researchers are able to explore the forms in which leadership contributes to the meaning construction process, much in the same way that a communication perspective, outlined above, emphasises resilience as a process. This ontological shift in leadership research not only re-categorises leadership but also changes the ways in which leadership is studied. Kelly’s emphasis on a socially constructed view of leadership combined with alternative methodological approaches contributes to our aim to explore how a discursive leadership orientation can contribute to communicative construction of resilience. Discursive Leadership Discursive leadership views leadership as more of an art rather than a science, one that is contested and inventive (Fairhurst, Discursive Leadership). Where leadership psychology emphasises the individual and cognitive, discursive leadership highlights the cultural and the communicative (Fairhurst, Discursive Leadership). Leadership psychology is analogous to common, social scientific understandings of resilience that typically confines resilience into something easily attainable by individuals. The traditional leadership psychology literature attempts to determine causality among the cognitive, emotional, and behavioural elements of leader actors, whereas, discursive leadership takes discourse as the object of study to view how we think, see, and attribute leadership. Discursive leadership offers an optimal resource to view the communicative practices involved in the management of meaning and communicative construction of reality, including resilient systems and processes. Thus, we draw everything together now, and introduce practical interventions organisations can implement to foster hope, optimism, and resilience. An Alternate Model in Practice Attention to human capabilities and adaptive systems that promote healthy development and functioning have the potential to inform policy and programs that foster competence and human capital and aim to improve the health of communities and nations while also preventing problems (Masten 235). Masten’s words point to the tremendous potential of resilience. Thus, we wish to conclude with the implications of our perspective for individuals, groups, and communities. In what follows we briefly explain framing, and end with two interventions leaders can use to help foster resilience in the workplace. A common and practical example of language creating reality is framing. Fairhurst, in her book The Power of Framing explores framing as a leader’s ability to construct the reality of a subject or situation. A frame is simply defined as a mental picture where framing is the process of communicating this picture to others. Although words or language cannot alter any physical conditions, they may, however, influence our perceptions of them. Fairhurst goes on to “frame” leadership as co-created and not necessarily found in specific concrete acts. That is, leadership emerges when leader actors are deemed to have performed or demonstrated leadership by themselves and/or others. Leadership in this case is determined by attribution. For Fairhurst, leaders are able to shape and co-create meaning and reality by influencing the here and now. From this perspective interventions should be designed around the idea of creating alternative logics (Buzzanell) by emphasizing the elements of framing. For the sake of brevity, we wish to emphasise two fundamental areas surrounding process-oriented and communicative constructed resilience. It is our hope that leaders may use these takeaways and build upon them as they reflect how to position resilience at the individual and organisational level. First, interventions should focus on identifying the supportive adaptive systems at the individual, group, and societal level (e.g., family, work teams, community coalitions). This could be done through a series of dialogue sessions with an aim of challenging participants to not only identify systems but to also reflect upon how these systems contribute toward resilience. These could be duplicated in work settings and community settings (e.g., community forums and the like). Second, to emphasise framing, interventions should involve meaningful dialogue to help identify the particular conditions within a significant threat that will (a) lead to productive action and (b) enable individuals, groups, and communities to endure. Overall, an increased emphasis should be placed on helping participants understand how they are able to metaphorically and linguistically (Buzzanell) create the conditions surrounding adverse events. Our aim in this essay was to present an alternate model of various human processes that help people cope and bounce back from troubling times or events. Toward this end, we argued that media and popular portrayals of constructs such as hope, optimism, and resilience lack the complexity to account for how these can be put into practice. To fill this gap, we hope our communication-based model of resilience, with its emphasis on interaction will provide leaders and community members a method for engaging people in the process of coping and communicating resilience. Honoring the processual nature of these ideas is one step toward bettering individuals, groups, and communities. References Baldoni, John. “Craft a Narrative to Instill Optimism.” Harvard Business Review 17 Dec. 2009: 1. Berger, Peter L., and Thomas Luckmann. The Social Construction of Reality. New York: Anchor Books, 1966. Brown Kirschman, Keri J., Rebecca J. Johnson., Jade A. Bender., and Michael C. Roberts. “Positive Psychology for Children and Adolescents: Development, Prevention, and Promotion.” Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology. Eds. Shane J. Lopez and Charles R. Snyder. New York: Oxford. 2009. 133-148. Buzzanell, Patrice M. “Resilience: Talking, Resisting, and Imagining New Normalcies into Being.” Journal of Communication 60 (2010): 1-14. Fairhurst, Gail T. The Power of Framing. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2011. ———. “Considering Context in Discursive Leadership Research.” Human Relations 62.11 (2009): 1607-1633. ———. Discursive Leadership: In Conversation with Leadership Psychology. Los Angeles: SAGE Publications, 2007. Kelly, Simon. “Leadership: A Categorical Mistake?” Human Relations 61.6 (2008): 763 – 82. Kolar, Katarina. “Resilience: Revisiting the Concept and Its Utility for Social Research.” International Journal of Mental Health Addiction 9 (2011): 421033. Luthar, Suniya S., Dante Cicchetti., and Bronwyn Becker. “The Construct of Resilience: A Critical Evaluation and Guidelines for Future Work.” Child Development 71.3 (2000): 543-562. Masten, Ann S. “Ordinary Magic: Resilience Processes in Development.” American Psychologist 56.3 (2001): 227-238. Masten, Ann S., J.J. Cutuli, Janette E. Herbers, Marie-Gabriel J. Reed. “Resilience in Development.” Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology. Eds. Shane J. Lopez and Charles R. Snyder. New York: Oxford UP, 2009. 117-132. McKee, Annie. “Doing the Hard Work of Hope.” HBR Blog Network Oct. 2008: 1-2. Mills-Scofield, Deborah. “Hope Is a Strategy (Well, Sort Of).” Harvard Business Review 9 Oct. 2012: 1-2. Poole, Marshall S. “On the Study of Process in Communication Research.” Montreal, Quebec, Canada. May 2008. Fellows address at the International Communication Association annual meeting. Postman, Neil. Conscientious Objections: Stirring Up Trouble about Language, Technology, and Education. New York: Vintage Books, 1988. Schwartz, Tony. “Fueling Positive Emotions in a World Gone Mad.” Harvard Business Review 2 Nov. 2010: 1-2 Seligman, Martin E., et al. The Optimist Child. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1995. Snyder, Charles R., et al. “Hope and Health: Measuring the Will and the Ways.” Handbook of Social and Clinical Psychology: The Health Perspective. Eds. Charles R. Snyder and Donelson R. Forsyth. Elmsford: Pergamon, 1991. 285-305. Tjan, Anthony K. “Lead with Optimism.” HBR Blog Network May 2010: 1-2. Youssef, Carolyn M., and Luthans, Fred. “Positive Organizational Behavior in the Workplace: The Impact of Hope, Optimism, and Resilience.” Journal of Management 33.5 (2007): 774-800.

IntroductionThe Internet (especially in the so-called Web 2.0 phase), digital media and file-sharing networks have thrust copyright law under public scrutiny, provoking discourses questioning what is fair in the digital age. Accessible hardware and software has led to prosumerism – creativity blending media consumption with media production to create new works that are freely disseminated online via popular video-sharing Web sites such as YouTube or genre specific music sites like GYBO (“Get Your Bootleg On”) amongst many others. The term “prosumer” is older than the Web, and the conceptual convergence of producer and consumer roles is certainly not new, for “at electric speeds the consumer becomes producer as the public becomes participant role player” (McLuhan 4). Similarly, Toffler’s “Third Wave” challenges “old power relationships” and promises to “heal the historic breach between producer and consumer, giving rise to the ‘prosumer’ economics” (27). Prosumption blurs the traditionally separate consumer and producer creating a new creative era of mass customisation of artefacts culled from the (copyrighted) media landscape (Tapscott 62-3). Simultaneously, corporate interests dependent upon the protections provided by copyright law lobby for augmented rights and actively defend their intellectual property through law suits, takedown notices and technological reinforcement. Despite a lack demonstrable economic harm in many cases, the propertarian approach is winning and frequently leading to absurd results (Collins).The balance between private and public interests in creative works is facilitated by the doctrine of fair use (as codified in the United States Copyright Act 1976, section 107). The majority of copyright laws contain “fair” exceptions to claims of infringement, but fair use is characterised by a flexible, open-ended approach that allows the law to flex with the times. Until recently the defence was unique to the U.S., but on 2 January Israel amended its copyright laws to include a fair use defence. (For an overview of the new Israeli fair use exception, see Efroni.) Despite its flexibility, fair use has been systematically eroded by ever encroaching copyrights. This paper argues that copyright enforcement has spun out of control and the raison d’être of the law has shifted from being “an engine of free expression” (Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enterprises 471 U.S. 539, 558 (1985)) towards a “legal regime for intellectual property that increasingly looks like the law of real property, or more properly an idealized construct of that law, one in which courts seeks out and punish virtually any use of an intellectual property right by another” (Lemley 1032). Although the copyright landscape appears bleak, two recent cases suggest that fair use has not fallen by the wayside and may well recover. This paper situates fair use as an essential legal and cultural mechanism for optimising creative expression.A Brief History of CopyrightThe law of copyright extends back to eighteenth century England when the Statute of Anne (1710) was enacted. Whilst the length of this paper precludes an in depth analysis of the law and its export to the U.S., it is important to stress the goals of copyright. “Copyright in the American tradition was not meant to be a “property right” as the public generally understands property. It was originally a narrow federal policy that granted a limited trade monopoly in exchange for universal use and access” (Vaidhyanathan 11). Copyright was designed as a right limited in scope and duration to ensure that culturally important creative works were not the victims of monopolies and were free (as later mandated in the U.S. Constitution) “to promote the progress.” During the 18th century English copyright discourse Lord Camden warned against propertarian approaches lest “all our learning will be locked up in the hands of the Tonsons and the Lintons of the age, who will set what price upon it their avarice chooses to demand, till the public become as much their slaves, as their own hackney compilers are” (Donaldson v. Becket 17 Cobbett Parliamentary History, col. 1000). Camden’s sentiments found favour in subsequent years with members of the North American judiciary reiterating that copyright was a limited right in the interests of society—the law’s primary beneficiary (see for example, Wheaton v. Peters 33 US 591 [1834]; Fox Film Corporation v. Doyal 286 US 123 [1932]; US v. Paramount Pictures 334 US 131 [1948]; Mazer v. Stein 347 US 201, 219 [1954]; Twentieth Century Music Corp. v. Aitken 422 U.S. 151 [1975]; Aronson v. Quick Point Pencil Co. 440 US 257 [1979]; Dowling v. United States 473 US 207 [1985]; Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enterprises 471 U.S. 539 [1985]; Luther R. Campbell a.k.a. Luke Skyywalker, et al. v. Acuff-Rose Music, Inc. 510 U.S 569 [1994]). Putting the “Fair” in Fair UseIn Folsom v. Marsh 9 F. Cas. 342 (C.C.D. Mass. 1841) (No. 4,901) Justice Storey formulated the modern shape of fair use from a wealth of case law extending back to 1740 and across the Atlantic. Over the course of one hundred years the English judiciary developed a relatively cohesive set of principles governing the use of a first author’s work by a subsequent author without consent. Storey’s synthesis of these principles proved so comprehensive that later English courts would look to his decision for guidance (Scott v. Stanford L.R. 3 Eq. 718, 722 (1867)). Patry explains fair use as integral to the social utility of copyright to “encourage. . . learned men to compose and write useful books” by allowing a second author to use, under certain circumstances, a portion of a prior author’s work, where the second author would himself produce a work promoting the goals of copyright (Patry 4-5).Fair use is a safety valve on copyright law to prevent oppressive monopolies, but some scholars suggest that fair use is less a defence and more a right that subordinates copyrights. Lange and Lange Anderson argue that the doctrine is not fundamentally about copyright or a system of property, but is rather concerned with the recognition of the public domain and its preservation from the ever encroaching advances of copyright (2001). Fair use should not be understood as subordinate to the exclusive rights of copyright owners. Rather, as Lange and Lange Anderson claim, the doctrine should stand in the superior position: the complete spectrum of ownership through copyright can only be determined pursuant to a consideration of what is required by fair use (Lange and Lange Anderson 19). The language of section 107 suggests that fair use is not subordinate to the bundle of rights enjoyed by copyright ownership: “Notwithstanding the provisions of sections 106 and 106A, the fair use of a copyrighted work . . . is not an infringement of copyright” (Copyright Act 1976, s.107). Fair use is not merely about the marketplace for copyright works; it is concerned with what Weinreb refers to as “a community’s established practices and understandings” (1151-2). This argument boldly suggests that judicial application of fair use has consistently erred through subordinating the doctrine to copyright and considering simply the effect of the appropriation on the market place for the original work.The emphasis on economic factors has led courts to sympathise with copyright owners leading to a propertarian or Blackstonian approach to copyright (Collins; Travis) propagating the myth that any use of copyrighted materials must be licensed. Law and media reports alike are potted with examples. For example, in Bridgeport Music, Inc., et al v. Dimension Films et al 383 F. 3d 400 (6th Cir. 2004) a Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals held that the transformative use of a three-note guitar sample infringed copyrights and that musicians must obtain licence from copyright owners for every appropriated audio fragment regardless of duration or recognisability. Similarly, in 2006 Christopher Knight self-produced a one-minute television advertisement to support his campaign to be elected to the board of education for Rockingham County, North Carolina. As a fan of Star Wars, Knight used a makeshift Death Star and lightsaber in his clip, capitalising on the imagery of the Jedi Knight opposing the oppressive regime of the Empire to protect the people. According to an interview in The Register the advertisement was well received by local audiences prompting Knight to upload it to his YouTube channel. Several months later, Knight’s clip appeared on Web Junk 2.0, a cable show broadcast by VH1, a channel owned by media conglomerate Viacom. Although his permission was not sought, Knight was pleased with the exposure, after all “how often does a local school board ad wind up on VH1?” (Metz). Uploading the segment of Web Junk 2.0 featuring the advertisement to YouTube, however, led Viacom to quickly issue a take-down notice citing copyright infringement. Knight expressed his confusion at the apparent unfairness of the situation: “Viacom says that I can’t use my clip showing my commercial, claiming copy infringement? As we say in the South, that’s ass-backwards” (Metz).The current state of copyright law is, as Patry says, “depressing”:We are well past the healthy dose stage and into the serious illness stage ... things are getting worse, not better. Copyright law has abandoned its reason for being: to encourage learning and the creation of new works. Instead, its principal functions now are to preserve existing failed business models, to suppress new business models and technologies, and to obtain, if possible, enormous windfall profits from activity that not only causes no harm, but which is beneficial to copyright owners. Like Humpty-Dumpty, the copyright law we used to know can never be put back together.The erosion of fair use by encroaching private interests represented by copyrights has led to strong critiques leveled at the judiciary and legislators by Lessig, McLeod and Vaidhyanathan. “Free culture” proponents warn that an overly strict copyright regime unbalanced by an equally prevalent fair use doctrine is dangerous to creativity, innovation, culture and democracy. After all, “few, if any, things ... are strictly original throughout. Every book in literature, science and art, borrows, and must necessarily borrow, and use much which was well known and used before. No man creates a new language for himself, at least if he be a wise man, in writing a book. He contents himself with the use of language already known and used and understood by others” (Emerson v. Davis, 8 F. Cas. 615, 619 (No. 4,436) (CCD Mass. 1845), qted in Campbell v. Acuff-Rose, 62 U.S.L.W. at 4171 (1994)). The rise of the Web 2.0 phase with its emphasis on end-user created content has led to an unrelenting wave of creativity, and much of it incorporates or “mashes up” copyright material. As Negativland observes, free appropriation is “inevitable when a population bombarded with electronic media meets the hardware [and software] that encourages them to capture it” and creatively express themselves through appropriated media forms (251). The current state of copyright and fair use is bleak, but not beyond recovery. Two recent cases suggest a resurgence of the ideology underpinning the doctrine of fair use and the role played by copyright.Let’s Go CrazyIn “Let’s Go Crazy #1” on YouTube, Holden Lenz (then eighteen months old) is caught bopping to a barely recognizable recording of Prince’s “Let’s Go Crazy” in his mother’s Pennsylvanian kitchen. The twenty-nine second long video was viewed a mere twenty-eight times by family and friends before Stephanie Lenz received an email from YouTube informing her of its compliance with a Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) take-down notice issued by Universal, copyright owners of Prince’s recording (McDonald). Lenz has since filed a counterclaim against Universal and YouTube has reinstated the video. Ironically, the media exposure surrounding Lenz’s situation has led to the video being viewed 633,560 times at the time of writing. Comments associated with the video indicate a less than reverential opinion of Prince and Universal and support the fairness of using the song. On 8 Aug. 2008 a Californian District Court denied Universal’s motion to dismiss Lenz’s counterclaim. The question at the centre of the court judgment was whether copyright owners should consider “the fair use doctrine in formulating a good faith belief that use of the material in the manner complained of is not authorized by the copyright owner, its agent, or the law.” The court ultimately found in favour of Lenz and also reaffirmed the position of fair use in relation to copyright. Universal rested its argument on two key points. First, that copyright owners cannot be expected to consider fair use prior to issuing takedown notices because fair use is a defence, invoked after the act rather than a use authorized by the copyright owner or the law. Second, because the DMCA does not mention fair use, then there should be no requirement to consider it, or at the very least, it should not be considered until it is raised in legal defence.In rejecting both arguments the court accepted Lenz’s argument that fair use is an authorised use of copyrighted materials because the doctrine of fair use is embedded into the Copyright Act 1976. The court substantiated the point by emphasising the language of section 107. Although fair use is absent from the DMCA, the court reiterated that it is part of the Copyright Act and that “notwithstanding the provisions of sections 106 and 106A” a fair use “is not an infringement of copyright” (s.107, Copyright Act 1976). Overzealous rights holders frequently abuse the DMCA as a means to quash all use of copyrighted materials without considering fair use. This decision reaffirms that fair use “should not be considered a bizarre, occasionally tolerated departure from the grand conception of the copyright design” but something that it is integral to the constitution of copyright law and essential in ensuring that copyright’s goals can be fulfilled (Leval 1100). Unlicensed musical sampling has never fared well in the courtroom. Three decades of rejection and admonishment by judges culminated in Bridgeport Music, Inc., et al v. Dimension Films et al 383 F. 3d 400 (6th Cir. 2004): “Get a license or do not sample. We do not see this stifling creativity in any significant way” was the ruling on an action brought against an unlicensed use of a three-note guitar sample under section 114, an audio piracy provision. The Bridgeport decision sounded a death knell for unlicensed sampling, ensuring that only artists with sufficient capital to pay the piper could legitimately be creative with the wealth of recorded music available. The cost of licensing samples can often outweigh the creative merit of the act itself as discussed by McLeod (86) and Beaujon (25). In August 2008 the Supreme Court of New York heard EMI v. Premise Media in which EMI sought an injunction against an unlicensed fifteen second excerpt of John Lennon’s “Imagine” featured in Expelled: No Intelligence Allowed, a controversial documentary canvassing alleged chilling of intelligent design proponents in academic circles. (The family of John Lennon and EMI had previously failed to persuade a Manhattan federal court in a similar action.) The court upheld Premise Media’s arguments for fair use and rejected the Bridgeport approach on which EMI had rested its entire complaint. Justice Lowe criticised the Bridgeport court for its failure to examine the legislative intent of section 114 suggesting that courts should look to the black letter of the law rather than blindly accept propertarian arguments. This decision is of particular importance because it establishes that fair use applies to unlicensed use of sound recordings and re-establishes de minimis use.ConclusionThis paper was partly inspired by the final entry on eminent copyright scholar William Patry’s personal copyright law blog (1 Aug. 2008). A copyright lawyer for over 25 years, Patry articulated his belief that copyright law has swung too far away from its initial objectives and that balance could never be restored. The two cases presented in this paper demonstrate that fair use – and therefore balance – can be recovered in copyright. The federal Supreme Court and lower courts have stressed that copyright was intended to promote creativity and have upheld the fair doctrine, but in order for the balance to exist in copyright law, cases must come before the courts; copyright myth must be challenged. As McLeod states, “the real-world problems occur when institutions that actually have the resources to defend themselves against unwarranted or frivolous lawsuits choose to take the safe route, thus eroding fair use”(146-7). ReferencesBeaujon, Andrew. “It’s Not the Beat, It’s the Mocean.” CMJ New Music Monthly. April 1999.Collins, Steve. “Good Copy, Bad Copy: Covers, Sampling and Copyright.” M/C Journal 8.3 (2005). 26 Aug. 2008 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/02-collins.php›.———. “‘Property Talk’ and the Revival of Blackstonian Copyright.” M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). 26 Aug. 2008 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/5-collins.php›.Donaldson v. Becket 17 Cobbett Parliamentary History, col. 953.Efroni, Zohar. “Israel’s Fair Use.” The Center for Internet and Society (2008). 26 Aug. 2008 ‹http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/node/5670›.Lange, David, and Jennifer Lange Anderson. “Copyright, Fair Use and Transformative Critical Appropriation.” Conference on the Public Domain, Duke Law School. 2001. 26 Aug. 2008 ‹http://www.law.duke.edu/pd/papers/langeand.pdf›.Lemley, Mark. “Property, Intellectual Property, and Free Riding.” Texas Law Review 83 (2005): 1031.Lessig, Lawrence. The Future of Ideas. New York: Random House, 2001.———. Free Culture. New York: Penguin, 2004.Leval, Pierre. “Toward a Fair Use Standard.” Harvard Law Review 103 (1990): 1105.McDonald, Heather. “Holden Lenz, 18 Months, versus Prince and Universal Music Group.” About.com: Music Careers 2007. 26 Aug. 2008 ‹http://musicians.about.com/b/2007/10/27/holden-lenz-18-months-versus-prince-and-universal-music-group.htm›.McLeod, Kembrew. “How Copyright Law Changed Hip Hop: An interview with Public Enemy’s Chuck D and Hank Shocklee.” Stay Free 2002. 26 Aug. 2008 ‹http://www.stayfreemagazine.org/archives/20/public_enemy.html›.———. Freedom of Expression: Overzealous Copyright Bozos and Other Enemies of Creativity. United States: Doubleday, 2005.McLuhan, Marshall, and Barrington Nevitt. Take Today: The Executive as Dropout. Ontario: Longman Canada, 1972.Metz, Cade. “Viacom Slaps YouTuber for Behaving like Viacom.” The Register 2007. 26 Aug. 2008 ‹http://www.theregister.co.uk/2007/08/30/viacom_slaps_pol/›.Negativland, ed. 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