Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Married women – Employment – Great Britain »

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Abstract Whether referred to as a ‘subtle revolution’ or as the most significant social change of the twentieth century, changes in gender roles have had enormous implications for families. In particular, women’s entry into the labour force and their continued attachment to it have had a major impact on the household and family economy, the lifestyle of husbands and wives, the viability of single-parent families, and the ways that children are reared and cared for. Of particular importance have been the increased labour force participation of married mothers, especially those with young children; the sustained labour force attachment of women regardless of pregnancy, maternity, and child-rearing; and the rise in full-time, year-round work by married women with children.

Abstract Employment policies until the mid-1970s were informed by a commitment from governments of both political parties to maintain full employment—at least for men. Attitudes and policies affecting the employment of women were complex. On the one hand the post-war social insurance and social assistance schemes were based firmly on the model of the family which comprised a male breadwinner and a dependent wife. A woman’s marital, rather than employment, status determined her eligibility to benefits. This model was not seriously challenged within the benefit system until the mid-1970s. Independent taxation was not introduced until 1990. On the other hand, the marriage bar in teaching was abolished in 1944 and in the civil service in 1946. There was a shortage of labour following the end of the war and there was evidence from the Government’s own surveys that older married women wanted to stay in or return to paid employment (Thomas 1944).

Abstract The period from the 1960s into the 1990s was characterized by growth in married women’s employment, particularly on a part-time basis; decline in male employment, particularly in manufacturing; increasing unemployment; and by a modest movement towards less segregation in the family division of labour.

Abstract Chapter 9 is the one specific chapter devoted to wives, daughters, and daughters-in-law. It examines similar themes to those explored in Chapters 2, 3, and 5. It looks at women’s education, their likelihood of ever being in paid employment, their role as philanthropists and political activists, and their wealth at probate. Most women had no income from employment at any time in their lives, and those who did gave up their occupation when they married. Hardly any, even among the granddaughters and granddaughters-in-law, ever practised a profession, though the number grows if nursing is included. A specific section explores the different ways in which widows in the more affluent families were protected from penury, and the extent to which legal mechanisms were used to limit a husband’s access to a wife’s inherited wealth. As a result, wives and daughters were frequently well-off when they died, and many spinsters would have enjoyed a very comfortable life.

Abstract In the first part of this chapter we examine a range of demographic, social, and economic characteristics of lone mother families, assessing the extent to which the lone mother families differ from one another and from married couple families. We also compare lone mothers of the 1990s with those of the 1980s and 1970s to see whether there have been any changes in the lone mother population over the last two decades. Additionally, we examine the economic circumstances and sources of incomes of women who were lone mothers in the 1990s. This provides a background to the subsequent policy chapters that deal with employment, housing, and social security. In the second part of the chapter we address two issues, namely: who become lone mothers and what are the consequences of family breakdown for children.

Abstract This chapter charts the changes, continuities, and diversity of nineteenth-century feminism in Britain using the work of the political and social reformer Helen Taylor as a prism. The terms feminist and feminism are employed, although neither was in use until the 1890s. Taylor’s promotion of women’s rights across a wide spectrum of political organizations, social movements, and areas—suffrage, education, employment, family life, sexuality—reveals dominant and recessive trends, developments, and conflicts within feminist ideology. The classic relational feminism of Taylor’s early life, which mostly demanded rights based on women’s innate difference and their moral superiority as wives and mothers, was challenged toward the end of the century by individualist feminism. Women began to demand, as a human right, an independent life not restricted to family relationships. Younger feminist socialists challenged the bourgeois feminism of their elders. Examining Taylor’s political campaigning shows that feminism was disparate, even among the white, middle-class groups that are the focus of the chapter. An anti-imperial feminism existed alongside the dominant imperial feminism of the mainstream British women’s rights movement. Differences in feminist ideology emerged at the intersection of class, national identity, and political affiliation, making it more accurate to talk, not of nineteenth-century feminism, but of feminisms in the plural.

Abstract It is a well-replicated observation (e.g. Greenhalgh 1980; Layard et al. 1980; Joshi 1984) that there is an inverse relationship between husbands’ unemployment and the labour force participation of married women; wives of unemployed men in Britain are less likely to be engaged in paid work than the wives of employed men. For example, in the Women and Employment Survey (Martin and Roberts 1984) 33 per cent of wives with unemployed husbands were working compared with 62 per cent of wives with working husbands. One interpretation of this result is that if wives of unemployed husbands had behaved exactly as the wives of working husbands, an additional 29 per cent of them would have been in paid employment

Abstract Russian society has for decades shown a blend of archaism and modernism which contrasts with the industrialized countries of the West. The modern features include women’s very high educational achievements and their systematic participation in the labour force, as well as an exceptionally high divorce level which was reached long before Sweden, Great Britain, or other countries followed suit. These elements are brought together in the present study, in which men’s and women’s career patterns during married life, then after a divorce, are compared, and the implications of the economic and political upheavals of the 1990s are investigated.

Abstract The 1850s and 1860s saw the emergence of the first women’s movement in Britain, with headquarters, journals, and a host of different campaigns aimed at the emancipation of women. Beginning with a petition to reform the laws which oppressed married women and deprived them of any property, the early feminist activists soon turned their attention to expanding the range of employment open to women, to improving secondary education and making higher education accessible to women, and then to the suffrage. The campaigns were accompanied by the establishment of a number of feminist periodicals, some of which spelled out in graphic detail the full extent of women’s economic, sexual, and political oppression while spreading the ideas and publicizing the activities of those who worked for women’s emancipation.

In the middle of the 19th century, all property and earnings of a married woman belonged to her husband, including the property that a woman owned before entering the marriage. In 1856, Barbara Bodichon submitted the first petition to the Parliament of Great Britain that called for changing the property laws (Married Women’s Property Acts) and the long-lasting efforts to gain property rights and economic and legal independence for married women had begun. The paper will focus on the movement for changing the Property Laws of Married Women in England between the years 1856 and 1870, i.e. from t

Purpose: This project is focused on the social determinants of health associated with problem gambling and examined gambling-related disparities and the determinants of negative health outcomes. Social determinants include social class education, ethnic group, age, and sex (Elton-Marshall, et al., 2017). The main aims of the study were as follows: Aim 1: In this study, we used the large data set to determine subpopulations who are experiencing social inequity (e.g., youth, older adults, women, Black people and other minority ethnic groups, and people with low income; see Elton-Marshall, et al.