Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Martha Hughes »

Introduction Sharing food is central to culture. Indeed, according to Montanari, “food is culture” (xii). Ways of sharing knowledge about food, such as the exchange of recipes, give longevity to food sharing. Recipes, an important cultural technology, expand the practice of sharing food beyond specific times and places. The means through which recipes, and information about food, is shared has historically been communicated through whatever medium is available at the time. Cookbooks were among the first printed books, with the first known cookbook published in 1485 at Nuremberg, which set a trend in which cookbooks were published in most of the languages across Western Europe by the mid 16th century (Mennell). Since then, recipe collections have found a comfortable home in new and emerging media, from radio, to television, and now, online. The proliferation of cookbooks and other forms of food-related media “can be interpreted as a reflection of culinary inexperience, if not also incompetence—otherwise why so much reliance on outside advice?” (Belasco 46). Food-related media has also been argued to reflect both what people eat and what they might wish they could eat (Neuhaus, in Belasco). As such, cookbooks, television cooking shows, and food websites help shape our identity and, as Gallegos notes, play “a role in inscribing the self with a sense of place, belonging and achievement” (99). Food writing has expanded beyond the instructional form common to cookbooks and television cooking shows and, according to Hughes, “has insinuated itself into every aspect of the literary imagination” (online) from academic writing through to memoir, fiction, and travel writing. Hughes argues that concerns that people are actually now cooking less that ever, despite this influx of food-related media, miss the point that “food writing is a literary activity […] the best of it does what good writing always does, which is to create an alternative world to the one you currently inhabit” (online). While pragmatic, this argument also reinforces the common perception that food writing is a professional pursuit. It is important to note that while cookbooks and other forms of food-related media are well established as a means for recipes to be communicated, recipes have a longer history of being shared between individuals, that is, within families and communities. In helping to expand recipe-sharing practices, food-related media has also both professionalised and depersonalised this activity. As perhaps a reaction to this, or through a desire to re-establish communal recipe-sharing traditions, blogging, and specifically food blogging, has emerged as a new and viable way for people to share information about food in a non-professional capacity. Blogging has long been celebrated for its capacity to give “ordinary” people a voice (Nilsson). Due to their social nature (Walker Rettberg) and the ability for bloggers to create “networks for sharing ideas, trends and information” (Walker Rettberg 60), blogs are a natural fit for sharing recipes and information about food. Additionally, blogs, like food-related media forms such as cookbooks, are also used as tools for identity building. Blogger’s identities may be closely tied to their offline identity (Baumer, Sueyoshi and Tomlinson), forged through discussions about their everyday lives (Lövheim) or used in a professional capacity (Kedrowicz and Sullivan). Food blogs, broadly defined as blogs primarily focused on food, are one of the most prominent means through which so-called “ordinary” people can share recipes online, and can be seen to challenge perceptions that food writing is a professional activity. They may focus specifically on recipes, restaurant reviews, travel, food ethics, or aesthetic concerns such as food styling and photography. Since food blogs began to appear in the early 2000s, their number has steadily increased, and the community has become more established and structured. In my interview with the writer of the popular blog Chocolate & Zucchini, she noted that when she started blogging about food in 2003 there were perhaps a dozen other food bloggers. Since then, this blogger has become a professional food writer, published author, and recipe developer, while the number of food bloggers has grown dramatically. It is difficult to know the precise number of food blogs—as at July 2012, Technorati ranked more than 16,000 food blogs, including both recipe and restaurant review blogs (online)—but it is clear that they are both increasing in number and have become a common and popular blog genre. For the purposes of this article, food blogs are understood as those blogs that mostly feature recipes. The term “recipe blog” could be used, but food bloggers make little distinction between different topic categories—whether someone writes recipes or reviews, they are referred to as a food blogger. As such, I have used the term “food blog” in keeping with the community’s own terminology and practices. Recipes published on blogs reach a wider audience than those shared between individuals within a family or in a community, but are not as exclusive or professional, in most instances, as traditional food-related media. Blogging allows for the compression of time and space, as people can connect with others from around the world, and respond and reinvigorate posts sometimes several years after they have been written. In this sense, food blogs are more dynamic than cookbooks, with multiple entry points and means for people to discover them—through search engines as well as through traditional word of mouth referrals. This dynamism allows food bloggers to form an active community through which “ordinary” people can share their passion for food and the pleasures of cooking, seek advice, give feedback, and discuss such issues as seasonality, locality, and diet. This article is based on research I conducted on food blogs between 2010 and 2012, which used an ethnographic, cultural studies approach to online community studies to provide a rich description of the food blogging community. It examines how food blogging provides insight into the eating habits of “ordinary” people in a more broad-based manner than traditional food-related media such as cookbooks. It looks at how food blogging has evolved from a subcultural activity to an established and recognised element of the wider food-related media ecology, and in this way has been transformed from a hobbyist activity to a cottage industry. It discusses how food blogs have influenced food-related media and the potential they have to drive food trends. In doing so, this research does not consider the Internet, or online communities, as separate or distinct from offline culture. Instead, it follows Richard Rogers’s argument for a new approach to Internet studies, in which “one is not so much researching the Internet, and its users, as studying culture and society with the Internet” (29). A cultural studies approach is useful for understanding food blogs in a broader historical and cultural context, since it considers the Internet as “a rich arena for thinking about how contemporary culture is constituted” (Hine et al. 2). Food Blogging: From Hobbyist Activity to Cottage Industry Benkler argues that “people have always created their own culture” (296); however, as folk culture has gradually been replaced by mass-produced popular culture, we have come to expect certain production values in culture, and lost confidence in creating or sharing it ourselves, for fear of it not meeting these high standards. Such mass-produced popular culture includes food-related media and recipes, as developing and sharing recipes has become the domain of celebrity chefs. Food blogs are created by “ordinary” people, and in this way continue the tradition of community cookbooks and reflect an increased interest in both the do-it-yourself phenomena, and a resurgence of a desire to share and contribute to folk culture. Jenkins argues that “a thriving culture needs spaces where people can do bad art, get feedback, and get better” (140-1). He notes that the Internet has drastically expanded the availability of these spaces, and argues that: "some of what amateurs create will be surprisingly good, and some artists will be recruited into commercial entertainment or the art world. Much of it will be good enough to engage the interest of some modest public, to inspire someone else to create, to provide new content which, when polished through many hands, may turn into something more valuable down the line" (140-1). Food blogs provide such a space for amateurs to share their creations and get feedback. Additionally, some food bloggers, like the artists to whom Jenkins refers, do create recipes, writing, and images that are “surprisingly good”, and are recruited, not into commercial entertainment or the art world, but into food-related media. Some food bloggers publish cookbooks (for example, Clotilde Dusoulier of Chocolate & Zucchini), or food-related memoirs (for example, Molly Wizenberg of Orangette), and some become food celebrities in their own right, as guests on high profile television shows such as Martha Stewart (Matt Armendariz of mattbites) or with their own cooking shows (Ree Drummond of The Pioneer Woman Cooks). Others, while not reaching these levels of success, do manage to inspire others to create, or recreate their, recipes. Mainstream media has a tendency to suggest that all food bloggers have professional aspirations (see, for example, Phipps). Yet, it is important to note that, many food bloggers are content to remain hobbyists. These food bloggers form the majority of the community, and blog about food because they are interested in food, and enjoy sharing recipes and discussing their interest with like-minded people. In this way, they are contributing to, and engaging with, folk culture within the blogging community. However, this does not mean that they do not have a broader impact on mainstream food-related media. Food-Related Media Response As the food blogging community has grown, food-related media and other industries have responded with attempts to understand, engage with, and manage food bloggers. Food blogs are increasingly recognised as an aspect of the broader food-related media and, as such, provide both competition and opportunities for media and other industries. Just as food blogs offer individuals opportunities for entry into food-related media professions, they also offer media and other industries opportunities to promote products, reach broader audiences, and source new talent. While food bloggers do not necessarily challenge existing food-related media, they increasingly see themselves as a part of it, and expect to be viewed as a legitimate part of the media landscape and as an alternative source of food-related information. As such, they respond positively to the inclusion of bloggers in food-related media and in other food-related environments. Engaging with the food blogging community allows the wider food-related media to subtly regulate blogger behaviour. It can also provide opportunities for some bloggers to be recruited in a professional capacity into food-related media. In a sense, food-related media attempt to “tame” food bloggers by suggesting that if bloggers behave in a way that they deem is acceptable, they may be able to transition into the professional world of food writing. The most notable example of this response to food blogs by food-related media is the decision to publish blogger’s work. While not all food bloggers have professional aspirations, being published is generally viewed within the community as a positive outcome. Food bloggers are sometimes profiled in food-related media, such as in the Good Weekend magazine in The Sydney Morning Herald (Karnikowski), and in MasterChef Magazine, which profiles a different food blogger each month (T. Jenkins). Food bloggers are also occasionally commissioned to write features for food-related media, as Katie Quinn Davies, of the blog What Katie Ate, who is a regular contributor to delicious magazine. Other food bloggers have been published in their own right. These food bloggers have transitioned from hobbyists to professionals, moving beyond blogging spaces into professional food-related media, and they could be, in Abercrombie and Longhurst’s terms, described as “petty producers” (140). As professionals, they have become a sort of “brand”, which their blog supports and promotes. This is not to say they are no longer interested in food or blogging on a personal level, but their relationship to these activities has shifted. For example, Dusoulier has published numerous books, and was one of the first food bloggers to transition into professional food-related media. However, her career in food-related media—as a food writer, recipe developer and author—goes beyond the work of a petty producer. Dusoulier edited the first English-language edition of I Know How To Cook (Mathiot), which, first published in 1932 (in French), has been described as the “bible” of traditional French cookery. Her work revising this classic book reveals that, beyond being a high-profile member of the food blogging community, she is a key figure in wider food culture. Such professional food bloggers achieve a certain level of celebrity both within the food blogging community and in food-related media. This is reflective of broader media trends in which “ordinary” people are “plucked from obscurity to enjoy a highly circumscribed celebrity” (Turner 12), and, in this way, food bloggers challenge the idea that you need to be an “expert” to talk publicly about food. Food Blogging as an Established Genre Food blogs are often included alongside traditional food-related media as another source of food-related information. For example, the site Eat your books, which indexes cookbooks, providing users with an online tool for searching the recipes in the books they own, has begun to index food blogs as well. Likewise, in 2010, the James Beard Foundation announced that their prestigious journalism awards had “mostly abolished separate categories based on publishing platforms”, although they still have an award for best food blog (Fox online). This inclusion reflects how established food blogging has become. Over time, food blogs have co-evolved and converged with food-related media, offering greater diversity of opinion. Ganda Suthivarakom, a food blogger and now director of the SAVEUR website, says that “in 2004, to be a food blogger was to be an outsider in the world of food media. Today, it couldn’t be more different” (online). She argues that “food blogs leveled the playing field […] Instead of a rarefied and inaccessible group of print reviewers having a say, suddenly thousands of voices of varying skill levels and interests chimed in, and the conversation became livelier” (Suthivarakom online). It is worthwhile noting that while there are more voices and more diversity in traditional food-related media, food blogging has also become somewhat of a cliché: it has even been satirised in an episode of The Simpsons (Bailey and Anderson). As food blogging has evolved it has developed into an established and recognised genre, which may be nuanced to the bloggers themselves, but often appears generic to outsiders. Food blogging has, as it were, gone mainstream. As such, the thousands of voices are also somewhat of an echo chamber. In becoming established as a genre, food blogs reflect the gradual convergence of different types of food-related media. Food blogs are part of a wider trend towards user-generated, food-related online content. It could also be argued that reality shows take cues from food blogs in terms of their active audiences and use of social media. MasterChef in particular is supported by a website, a magazine, and active social media channels, reflecting an increasing expectation of audience participation and interactivity in the delivery of food-related information. Food bloggers have also arguably contributed to the increasingly image-driven nature of food-related media. They have also played a key role in the popularity of sharing photos of food through platforms such as Instagram and Pinterest. Food Blogs and Food Trends Food blogs, like cookbooks, can be seen to both reflect and shape culture (Gallegos). In addition to providing an archive of what “ordinary” people are cooking on a scale not previously available, they have potential to influence food trends. Food bloggers are essentially food enthusiasts or “foodies”. According to De Solier, “most foodies see themselves as culturalists rather than materialists, people whose self-making is bound up in the acquisition of cultural experiences and knowledge, rather than the accumulation of material things” (16). As foodies, food bloggers are deeply engaged with food, keen to share their knowledge and, due to the essential and convivial nature of food, are afforded many opportunities to do so. As such, food blogs have influence beyond the food blogging community. For example, food bloggers could be seen to be responsible, in part at least, for the current popularity of macarons. These sweet, meringue-based biscuits were featured on the blog A la cuisine! in 2004—one of the earliest examples of the recipe in the food blogging community. Its popularity then steadily grew throughout the community, and has since been featured on high-profile and popular blogs such as David Lebovitz (2005), The Traveller’s Lunchbox (2005), and La Tartine Gourmand (2006). Creating and posting a recipe for macarons became almost a rite of passage for food bloggers. At a food blogging conference I attended in 2011, one blogger confided to me that she did not feel like a proper blogger because she had not yet made macarons. The popularity of macarons then extended beyond the food blogging community. They were the subject of a book, I Love Macarons (Ogita), first published in Japanese in 2006 and then in English in 2009, and featured in a cooking challenge on MasterChef (Byrnes), which propelled their popularity into mainstream food culture. Macarons, which could have once been seen as exclusive, delicate, and expensive (Jargon and Passariello) are now readily available, and can even be purchased at MacDonalds. Beyond the popularity of specific foods, the influence of food bloggers can be seen in the growing interest in where, and how, food is produced, coupled with concerns around food wastage (see, for example, Tristram). Concerns about food production are sometimes countered by the trend of making foods “from scratch,” a popular topic on food blogs, and such trends can also be seen in wider food culture, such as with classes on topics ranging from cheese making to butchering (Severson). These concerns are also evident in the growing interest in organic and ethical produce (Paish). Conclusion Food blogs have demonstrably revitalised an interest in recipe sharing among “ordinary” people. The evolution of food blogs, however, is just one part of the ongoing evolution of food-related media and recipe sharing technologies. Food blogs are also an important part of food culture, and indeed, culture more broadly. They reflect a renewed interest in folk culture and the trend towards “do-it-yourself”, seen in online and offline communities. Beyond this, food blogs provide a useful case study for understanding how our online and offline lives have become intertwined, and showcase the Internet as a part of everyday life. 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“I’m fat–and it’s okay! It doesn’t mean I’m stupid, or ugly, or lazy, or selfish. I’m fat!” so proclaims Joy Nash in her YouTube video, A Fat Rant. “Fat! It’s three little letters–what are you afraid of?!” This is the question I pose to my class on day one of Fat Studies. Sadly, many college students do fear fat, and negative attitudes toward fat people are quite prevalent in this population (Ambwani et al. 366). As I teach it, Fat Studies is cross-listed between Psychology and Gender Studies. However, most students who enrol have majors in Psychology or other behavioural health science fields in which weight bias is particularly pronounced (Watkins and Concepcion 159). Upon finding stronger bias among third- versus first-year Physical Education students, O’Brien, Hunter, and Banks (308) speculated that the weight-centric curriculum that typifies this field actively engenders anti-fat attitudes. Based on their exploration of textbook content, McHugh and Kasardo (621) contend that Psychology too is complicit in propagating weight bias by espousing weight-centric messages throughout the curriculum. Such messages include the concepts that higher body weight invariably leads to poor health, weight control is simply a matter of individual choice, and dieting is an effective means of losing weight and improving health (Tylka et al.). These weight-centric tenets are, however, highly contested. For instance, there exists a body of research so vast that it has its own name, the “obesity paradox” literature. This literature (McAuley and Blair 773) entails studies that show that “obese” persons with chronic disease have relatively better survival rates and that a substantial portion of “overweight” and “obese” individuals have levels of metabolic health similar to or better than “normal” weight individuals (e.g., Flegal et al. 71). Finally, the “obesity paradox” literature includes studies showing that cardiovascular fitness is a far better predictor of mortality than weight. In other words, individuals may be both fit and fat, or conversely, unfit and thin (Barry et al. 382). In addition, Tylka et al. review literature attesting to the complex causes of weight status that extend beyond individual behaviour, ranging from genetic predispositions to sociocultural factors beyond personal control. Lastly, reviews of research on dieting interventions show that these are overwhelmingly ineffective in producing lasting weight loss or actual improvements in health and may in fact lead to disordered eating and other unanticipated adverse consequences (e.g., Bacon and Aphramor; Mann et al. 220; Salas e79; Tylka et al.).The newfound, interdisciplinary field of scholarship known as Fat Studies aims to debunk weight-centric misconceptions by elucidating findings that counter these mainstream suppositions. Health At Every Size® (HAES), a weight-neutral approach to holistic well-being, is an important facet of Fat Studies. The HAES paradigm advocates intuitive eating and pleasurable physical activity for health rather than restrictive dieting and regimented exercise for weight loss. HAES further encourages body acceptance of self and others regardless of size. Empirical evidence shows that HAES-based interventions improve physical and psychological health without harmful side-effects or high dropout rates associated with weight loss interventions (Bacon and Aphramor; Clifford et al. “Impact of Non-Diet Approaches” 143). HAES, like the broader field of Fat Studies, seeks to eradicate weight-based discrimination, positioning weight bias as a social justice issue that intersects with oppression based on other areas of difference such as gender, race, and social class. Much like Queer Studies, Fat Studies seeks to reclaim the word, fat, thus stripping it of its pejorative connotations. As Nash asserts in her video, “Fat is a descriptive physical characteristic. It’s not an insult, or an obscenity, or a death sentence!” As an academic discipline, Fat Studies is expanding its visibility and reach. The Fat Studies Reader, the primary source of reading for my course, provides a comprehensive overview of the field (Rothblum and Solovay 1). This interdisciplinary anthology addresses fat history and activism, fat as social inequality, fat in healthcare, and fat in popular culture. Ward (937) reviews this and other recently-released fat-friendly texts. The field features its own journal, Fat Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Body Weight and Society, which publishes original research, overview articles, and reviews of assorted media. Both the Popular Culture Association and National Women’s Studies Association have special interest groups devoted to Fat Studies, and the American Psychological Association’s Division on the Psychology of Women has recently formed a task force on sizism (Bergen and Carrizales 22). Furthermore, Fat Studies conferences have been held in Australia and New Zealand, and the third annual Weight Stigma Conference will occur in Iceland, September 2015. Although the latter conference is not necessarily limited to those who align themselves with Fat Studies, keynote speakers include Ragen Chastain, a well-known member of the fat acceptance movement largely via her blog, Dances with Fat. The theme of this year’s conference, “Institutionalised Weightism: How to Challenge Oppressive Systems,” is consistent with Fat Studies precepts:This year’s theme focuses on the larger social hierarchies that favour thinness and reject fatness within western culture and how these systems have dictated the framing of fatness within the media, medicine, academia and our own identities. What can be done to oppose systemised oppression? What can be learned from the fight for social justice and equality within other arenas? Can research and activism be united to challenge prevailing ideas about fat bodies?Concomitantly, Fat Studies courses have begun to appear on college campuses. Watkins, Farrell, and Doyle-Hugmeyer (180) identified and described four Fat Studies and two HAES courses that were being taught in the U.S. and abroad as of 2012. Since then, a Fat Studies course has been taught online at West Virginia University and another will soon be offered at Washington State University. Additionally, a new HAES class has been taught at Saint Mary’s College of California during the last two academic years. Cameron (“Toward a Fat Pedagogy” 28) describes ways in which nearly 30 instructors from five different countries have incorporated fat studies pedagogy into university courses across an array of academic areas. This growing trend is manifested in The Fat Pedagogy Reader (Russell and Cameron) due out later this year. In this article, I describe content and pedagogical strategies that I use in my Fat Studies course. I then share students’ qualitative reactions, drawing upon excerpts from written assignments. During the term reported here, the class was comprised of 17 undergraduate and 5 graduate students. Undergraduate majors included 47% in Psychology, 24% in Women Studies, 24% in various other College of Liberal Arts fields, and 6% in the College of Public Health. Graduate majors included 40% in the College of Public Health and 60% in the College of Education. Following submission of final grades, students provided consent via email allowing written responses on assignments to be anonymously incorporated into research reports. Assignments drawn upon for this report include weekly reading reactions to specific journal articles in which students were to summarise the main points, identify and discuss a specific quote or passage that stood out to them, and consider and discuss applicability of the information in the article. This report also utilises responses to a final assignment in which students were to articulate take-home lessons from the course.Despite the catalogue description, many students enter Fat Studies with a misunderstanding of what the course entails. Some admitted that they thought the course was about reducing obesity and the presumed health risks associated with this alleged pathological condition (Watkins). Others understood, but were somewhat dubious, at least at the outset, “Before I began this class, I admit that I was skeptical of what Fat Studies meant.” Another student experienced “a severe cognitive dissonance” between the Fat Studies curriculum and that of a previous behavioural health class:My professor spent the entire quarter spouting off statistics, such as the next generation of children will be the first generation to have a lower life expectancy than their parents and the ever increasing obesity rates that are putting such a tax on our health care system, and I took her words to heart. I was scared for myself and for the populations I would soon be working with. I was worried that I was destined to a chronic disease and bothered that my BMI was two points above ‘normal.’ I believed everything my professor alluded to on the danger of obesity because it was things I had heard in the media and was led to believe all my life.Yet another related, “At first, I will be honest, it was hard for me to accept a lot of this information, but throughout the term every class changed my mind about my view of fat people.” A few students have voiced even greater initial resistance. During a past term, one student lamented that the material represented an attack on her intended behavioural health profession. Cameron (“Learning to Teach Everybody”) describes comparable reactions among students in her Critical Obesity course taught within a behavioural health science unit. Ward (937) attests that, even in Gender Studies, fat is the topic that creates the most controversy. Similarly, she describes students’ immense discomfort when asked to entertain perspectives that challenge deeply engrained ideas inculcated by our culture’s “obesity epidemic.” Discomfort, however, is not necessarily antithetical to learning. In prompting students to unlearn “the biomedically-informed truth of obesity, namely that fat people are unfit, unhealthy, and in need of ‘saving’ through expert interventions,” Moola at al. recommend equipping them with an “ethics of discomfort” (217). No easy task, “It requires courage to ask our students to forgo the security of prescriptive health messaging in favour of confusion and uncertainty” (221). I encourage students to entertain conflicting perspectives by assigning empirically-based articles emanating from peer-reviewed journals in their own disciplines that challenge mainstream discourses on obesity (e.g., Aphramor; Bombak e60; Tomiyama, Ahlstrom, and Mann 861). Students whose training is steeped in the scientific method seem to appreciate having quantitative data at their disposal to convince themselves–and their peers and professors–that widely held weight-centric beliefs and practices may not be valid. One student remarked, “Since I have taken this course, I feel like I am prepared to discuss the fallacy of the weight-health relationship,” citing specific articles that would aid in the effort. Likewise, Cameron’s (“Learning to Teach Everybody”) students reported a need to read research reports in order to begin questioning long-held beliefs.In addition, I assign readings that provide students with the opportunity to hear the voices of fat people themselves, a cornerstone of Fat Studies. Besides chapters in The Fat Studies Reader authored by scholars and activists who identify as fat, I assign qualitative articles (e.g., Lewis et al.) and narrative reports (e.g., Pause 42) in which fat people describe their experiences with weight and weight bias. Additionally, I provide positive images of fat people via films and websites (Clifford et al. HAES®; Watkins; Watkins and Doyle-Hugmeyer 177) in order to counteract the preponderance of negative, dehumanising portrayals in popular media (e.g., Ata and Thompson 41). In response, a student stated:One of the biggest things I took away from this term was the confidence I found in fat women through films and stories. They had more confidence than I have seen in any tiny girl and owned the body they were given.I introduce “normal” weight allies as well, most especially Linda Bacon whose treatise on thin privilege tends to set the stage for viewing weight bias as a form of oppression (Bacon). One student observed, “It was a relief to be able to read and talk about weight oppression in a classroom setting for once.” Another appreciated that “The class did a great job at analysing fat as oppression and not like a secondhand oppression as I have seen in my past classes.” Typically, fat students were already aware of weight-based privilege and oppression, often painfully so. Thinner students, however, were often astonished by this concept, several describing Bacon’s article as “eye-opening.” In reaction, many vowed to act as allies:This class has really opened my eyes and prepared me to be an ally to fat people. It will be difficult for some time while I try to get others to understand my point of view on fat people but I believe once there are enough allies, people’s minds will really start changing and it will benefit everyone for the better.Pedagogically, I choose to share my own experiences as they relate to course content and encourage students, at least in their written assignments, to do the same. Other instructors refrain from this practice for fear of reinforcing traditional discourses or eliciting detrimental reactions from students (Watkins, Farrell, and Doyle-Hugmeyer 191). Nevertheless, this tack seems to work well in my course, with many students opting to disclose their relevant circumstances during classroom discussions: Throughout the term I very much valued and appreciated when classmates would share their experiences. I love listening and hearing to others experiences and I think that is a great way to understand the material and learn from one another.It really helped to read different articles and hear classmates discuss and share stories that I was able to relate to. The idea of hearing people talk about issues that I thought I was the only one who dealt with was so refreshing and enlightening.The structure of this class allowed me to learn how this information is applicable to my life and made it deeper than just memorising information.Thus far, across three terms, no student has described iatrogenic effects from this process. In fact, most attribute positive transformations to the class. These include enhanced body acceptance of self and others: This class decreased my fat phobia towards others and gave me a better understanding about the intersectionality of one’s weight. For example, I now feel that I no longer view my family in a fat phobic way and I also feel responsible for educating my brother and helping him develop a strong self-esteem regardless of his size.I never thought this class would change my life, almost save my life. Through studies shown in class and real life people following their dreams, it made my mind completely change about how I view my body and myself.I can only hope that in the future, I will be more forgiving, tolerant, and above all accepting of myself, much less others. Regardless of a person’s shape and size, we are all beautiful, and while I’m just beginning to understand this, it can only get better from here.Students also reported becoming more savvy consumers of weight-centric media messages as well as realigning their eating and exercise behaviour in accordance with HAES: I find myself disgusted at the television now, especially with the amount of diet ads, fitness club ads, and exercise equipment ads all aimed at making a ‘better you.’ I now know that I would never be better off with a SlimFast shake, P90X, or a Total Gym. I would be better off eating when I’m hungry, working out because it is fun, and still eating Thin Mints when I want to. Prior to this class, I would work out rigorously, running seven miles a day. Now I realise why at times I dreaded to work out, it was simply a mathematical system to burn the energy that I had acquired earlier in the day. Instead what I realise I should do is something I enjoy, that way I will never get tired of whatever I am doing. While I do enjoy running, other activities would bring more joy while engaging in a healthy lifestyle like hiking or mountain biking.I will never go on another diet. I will stop choosing exercises I don’t love to do. I will not weigh myself every single day hoping for the number on the scale to change.A reduction in self-weighing was perhaps the most frequent behaviour change that students expressed. This is particularly valuable in that frequent self-weighing is associated with disordered eating and unhealthy weight control behaviours (Neumark-Sztainer et al. 811):I have realised that the number on the scale is simply a number on the scale. That number does not define who you are. I have stopped weighing myself every morning. I put the scale in the storage closet so I don’t have to look at it. I even encouraged my roommate to stop weighing herself too. What has been most beneficial for me to take away from this class is the notion that the number on the scale has so much less to do with fitness levels than most people understand. Coming from a numbers obsessed person like myself, this class has actually gotten me to leave the scales behind. I used to weigh myself every single day and my self-confidence reflected whether I was up or down in weight from the day before. It seems so silly to me now. From this class, I take away a new outlook on body diversity. I will evaluate who I am for what I do and not represent myself with a number. I’m going to have my cake this time, and actually eat it too!Finally, students described ways in which they might carry the concepts from Fat Studies into their future professions: I want to go to law school. This model is something I will work toward in the fight for social justice.As a teacher and teacher of teachers, I plan to incorporate discussions on size diversity and how this should be addressed within the field of adapted physical education.I do not know how I would have gone forward if I had never taken this class. I probably would have continued to use weight loss as an effective measure of success for both nutrition and physical activity interventions. I will never be able to think about the obesity prevention movement in the same way.Since I am working toward being a clinical psychologist, I don’t want to have a client who is pursuing weight loss and then blindly believe that they need to lose weight. I’d rather be of the mindset that every person is unique, and that there are other markers of health at every size.Jones and Hughes-Decatur (59) call for increased scholarship illustrating and evaluating critical body pedagogies so that teachers might provide students with tools to critique dominant discourses, helping them forge healthy relationships with their own bodies in the process. As such, this paper describes elements of a Fat Studies class that other instructors may choose to adopt. It additionally presents qualitative data suggesting that students came to think about fat and fat people in new and divergent ways. Qualitative responses also suggest that students developed better body image and more adaptive eating and exercise behaviours throughout the term. Although no students have yet described lasting adverse effects from the class, one stated that she would have preferred less of a focus on health and more of a focus on issues such as fat fashion. Indeed, some Fat Studies scholars (e.g., Lee) advocate separating discussions of weight bias from discussions of health status to avoid stigmatising fat people who do experience health problems. While concerns about fostering healthism within the fat acceptance movement are valid, as a behavioural health professional with an audience of students training in these fields, I have chosen to devote three weeks of our ten week term to this subject matter. Depending on their academic background, others who teach Fat Studies may choose to emphasise different aspects such as media representations or historical connotations of fat.Nevertheless, the preponderance of positive comments evidenced throughout students’ assignments may certainly be a function of social desirability. Although I explicitly invite critique, and in fact assign readings (e.g., Welsh 33) and present media that question HAES and Fat Studies concepts, students may still feel obliged to articulate acceptance of and transformations consistent with the principles of these movements. As a more objective assessment of student outcomes, I am currently conducting a quantitative evaluation, in which I remain blind to students’ identities, of this year’s Fat Studies course compared to other upper division/graduate Psychology courses, examining potential changes in weight bias, body image and dieting behaviour, adherence to appearance-related media messages, and obligatory exercise behaviour. I postulate results akin to those of Humphrey, Clifford, and Neyman Morris (143) who found reductions in weight bias, improved body image, and improved eating behaviour among college students as a function of their HAES course. 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Meyer, MD Robert Mikulik, MD, PhD James M. Milburn, MD Kazuo Minematsu, MD, PhD J Mocco, MD, MS Yousef Mohammad, MD MSc FAAN Mahendranath Moharir, MD, MSc, FRACP Carlos A. Molina, MD Joan Montaner, MD PhD Majaz Moonis, MD, MRCP Christopher J. Moran, MD Henry Moyle, MD, PhD Susanne Muehlschlegel, MD, MPH Susanne Muehlschlegel, MD, MPH Yuichi Murayama, MD Stephanie J. Murphy, VMD, PhD, DACLAM, FAHA Fadi Nahab, MD Andrew M. Naidech, MD, MPh Ashish Nanda, MD Sandra Narayanan, MD William Neil, MD Edwin Nemoto, PhD, FAHA Lauren M. Nentwich, MD Perry P. Ng, MD Al C. Ngai, PhD Andrew D. Nguyen, MD, PhD Thanh Nguyen, MD, FRCPC Mai Nguyen-Huynh, MD, MAS Raul G. Nogueira, MD Bo Norrving, MD Robin Novakovic, MD Thaddeus Nowak, PhD David Nyenhuis, PhD Michelle C. Odden, PhD Michael O'Dell, MD Christopher S. Ogilvy, MD Jamary Oliveira-Filho, MD, PhD Jean Marc Olivot, MD, PhD Brian O'Neil, MD, FACEP Bruce Ovbiagele, MD, MSc, FAHA Shahram Oveisgharan, MD Mayowa Owolabi, MBBS,MWACP,FMCP Aditya S. Pandey, MD Dhruvil J. Pandya, MD Nancy D. Papesh, BSN, RN, CFRN, EMT-B Helena Parfenova, PhD Min S. Park, MD Matthew S. Parsons, MD Aman B. Patel, MD Srinivas Peddi, MD Joanne Penko, MS, MPH Miguel A. Perez-Pinzon, PhD, FAHA Paola Pergami, MD, PhD Michael Phipps, MD Anna M. Planas, PhD Octavio Pontes-Neto, MD Shyam Prabhakaran, MD, MS Kameshwar Prasad, MD, DM, MMSc, FRCP, FAMS Charles Prestigiacomo, MD, FAANS, FACS G. Lee Pride, MD Janet Prvu Bettger, ScD, FAHA Volker Puetz, MD, PhD Svetlana Pundik, MD Terence Quinn, MD, MRCP, MBChb (hons), BSc (hons) Alejandro Rabinstein, MD Mubeen Rafay, MB.BS, FCPS, MSc Preeti Raghavan, MD Venkatakrishna Rajajee, MD Kumar Rajamani, MD Peter A. Rasmussen, MD Kumar Reddy, MD Michael J. Reding, MD Bruce R. Reed, PhD Mathew J. Reeves, BVSc, PhD, FAHA Martin Reis, MD Marc Ribo, MD, PhD David Rodriguez-Luna, MD, PhD Charles Romero, MD Jonathan Rosand, MD Gary A. Rosenberg, MD Michael Ross, MD, FACEP Natalia S. Rost, MD, MA Elliot J. Roth, MD, FAHA Christianne L. Roumie, MD, MPH Marilyn M. Rymer, MD, FAHA Ralph L. Sacco, MS, MD, FAAN, FAHA Edgar A. Samaniego, MD, MS Navdeep Sangha, BS, MD Nerses Sanossian, MD Lauren Sansing, MD, MSTR Gustavo Saposnik, MD, MSc, FAHA Eric Sauvageau, MD Jeffrey L. Saver, MD, FAHA, FAAN Sean I. Savitz, MD, FAHA Judith D. Schaechter, PhD Lee H. Schwamm, MD, FAHA Phillip Scott, MD, FAHA Magdy Selim, MD, PhD, FAHA Warren R. Selman, MD, FAHA Souvik Sen, MD, MS, MPH, FAHA Frank Sharp, MD, FAHA, FAAN George Shaw, MD, PhD Kevin N. Sheth, MD Vilaas Shetty, MD Joshua Shimony, MD, PhD Yukito Shinohara, MD, PhD Ashfaq Shuaib, MD, FAHA Lori A. Shutter, MD Cathy A. Sila, MD, FAAN Gisele S. Silva, MD Brian Silver, MD Daniel E. Singer, MD Robert Singer, MD Aneesh B. Singhal, MD Lesli Skolarus, MD Eric E. Smith, MD Sabrina E. Smith, MD, PhD Christopher Sobey, PhD, FAHA J David Spence, MD Christian Stapf, MD Joel Stein, MD Michael F. Stiefel, MD, PhD Sophia Sundararajan, MD, PhD David Tanne, MD Robert W. Tarr, MD Turgut Tatlisumak, MD, PhD, FAHA, FESO Charles H. Tegeler, MD Mohamed S. Teleb, MD Fernando Testai, MD, PhD Ajith Thomas, MD Stephen Thomas, MD, MPH Bradford B. Thompson, MD Amanda Thrift, PhD, PGDipBiostat David Tong, MD Michel Torbey, MD, MPH, FCCM, FAHA Emmanuel Touze, MD, PhD Amytis Towfighi, MD Richard J. Traystman, PhD, FAHA Margaret F. Tremwel, MD, PhD, FAHA Brian Trimble, MD Georgios Tsivgoulis, MD Tanya Turan, MD, FAHA Aquilla S. Turk, DO Michael Tymianski, MD, PhD, FRCSC Philippa Tyrrell, MB, MD, FRCP Shinichiro Uchiyama, MD, FAHA Luis Vaca, MD Renee Van Stavern, MD Susan J. Vannucci, PhD Dale Vaslow, MD, PHD Zena Vexler, PhD Barbara Vickrey, MD, MPH Ryan Viets, MD Anand Viswanathan, MD, PhD Salina Waddy, MD Kenneth R. Wagner, PhD Lawrence R. Wechsler, MD Ling Wei, MD Theodore Wein, MD, FRCPC, FAHA Babu Welch, MD David Werring, PhD Justin Whisenant, MD Christine Anne Wijman, MD, PhD Michael Wilder, MD Joshua Willey, MD, MS David Williams, MB, BAO, BCh, PhD, Dip.Med.Tox, FRCPE, FRCPI Linda Williams, MD Olajide Williams, MD, MS Dianna Willis, PhD John A. Wilson, MD, FACS Jeffrey James Wing, MPH Carolee J. Winstein, PhD, PT, FAPTA Max Wintermark, MD Charles Wira, MD Robert J. Wityk, MD, FAHA Thomas J. Wolfe, MD Lawrence Wong, MD Daniel Woo, MD, MS Clinton Wright, MD, MS Guohua Xi, MD Ying Xian, MD, PhD Dileep R. Yavagal, MD Midori A. Yenari, MD, FAHA William L. Young, MD Darin Zahuranec, MD Allyson Zazulia, MD, FAHA Adina Zeki Al Hazzouri, PhD John H. Zhang, MD, PhD Justin Zivin, MD, PhD, FAHA Richard Zorowitz, MD, FAHA Maria Cristina Zurru, MD

Command and control (C2) and maneuver are basics in the use of tactics and theories about warfare. This study aims to understand them better by conducting a case-study on the battle of Leyte and find if the use of them can explain the outcome of the battle. Wayne P Hughes theory about command and control and maneuver will be used. These variables were found in Hughes theory about C2: distribution of effect, conducting (of C2), aids, planning and time and timing. Regarding maneuver these variables were found: Position, time and speed. The result of the study is that the use of distribution of effect, conducting and planning as C2 and position in maneuver gave a positive outcome for the Americans. The misuse of time and timing in C2 by the Japanese and a misuse of time in maneuver gave a negative outcome.

In this incisive study, Sarah Ehlers returns to the Depression-era United States in order to unsettle longstanding ideas about poetry and emerging approaches to poetics. By bringing to light a range of archival materials and theories about poetry that emerged on the 1930s left, Ehlers reimagines the historical formation of modern poetics. Offering new and challenging readings of prominent figures such as Langston Hughes, Muriel Rukeyser, and Jacques Roumain, and uncovering the contributions of lesser-known writers such as Genevieve Taggard and Martha Millet, Ehlers illuminates an aesthetically and geographically diverse matrix of schools and movements. Resisting the dismissal of thirties left writing as mere propaganda, the book reveals how communist-affiliated poets experimented with poetic modes—such as lyric and documentary—and genres, including songs, ballads, and nursery rhymes, in ways that challenged existing frameworks for understanding the relationships among poetic form, political commitment, and historical transformation. As Ehlers shows, Depression left movements and their international connections are crucial for understanding both the history of modern poetry and the role of poetic thought in conceptualizing historical change.

This chapter focuses on Marga Richter's early life and education. Florence Marga Richter was born on October 21, 1926, in Reedsburg, Wisconsin. Marga's mother is Inez Chandler Richter (née Davis), an American soprano, and her father is Paul Richter, a captain in the German army during World War I. Marga's paternal grandfather, Richard Richter, was a composer, municipal orchestra conductor, and music teacher in Einbeck, Germany. The strong musical upbringing Marga received, combined with the midwestern values of hard work and independence, was the foundation out of which she grew to compose a large, distinctive body of works over her lifetime. This chapter discusses the influences on Richter's musical and personal life, her early musical experiences, her family's move to New York City in 1943, and her years at Julliard Graduate School where she took up master's studies from 1945 to 1951. It also considers Jabberwocky, Richter's earliest extant work, her marriage to Vernon Hughes, and her studies with William Bergsma, Vincent Persichetti, and Rosalyn Tureck.

The bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, ushered the United States into World War II. Within hours, and suspension and martial law came to rule the Hawaiian Territory. On the mainland, the military imposed curfews, designated huge portions of the western United States to be military areas of exclusion, and ultimately created “relocation centers” across the west to detain over 120,000 persons of Japanese ancestry, including over 70,000 citizens. As this chapter explores, in the face of serious constitutional questions about the propriety of martial law, internment of citizens, and military trials of civilians, constitutional considerations generally gave way to war hysteria. But, as many key government actors recognized at the time, the detention of Japanese American citizens violated the Suspension Clause, standing as it did at odds with the entire history of the Clause. As challenges to the relevant military policies spilled over into the courts, the institution arguably best situated to identify and highlight their constitutional infirmities—the Supreme Court—never did so, leaving this episode standing as both a dangerous and deeply problematic precedent in American constitutional history.

The Poetry of the Americas offers an expansive, detailed history of relations among poets in the United States and Latin America, spanning three decades from the Good Neighbor diplomacy of World War II through the Cold War cultural policies of the late 1960s. Connecting works by Martín Adán, Elizabeth Bishop, Paul Blackburn, Jorge Luis Borges, Julia de Burgos, Ernesto Cardenal, Jorge Carrera Andrade, Allen Ginsberg, Langston Hughes, José Lezama Lima, Pablo Neruda, Charles Olson, Octavio Paz, Heberto Padilla, Wallace Stevens, Derek Walcott, William Carlos Williams, and many others, Feinsod reveals how poets of many nations imagined a “poetry of the Americas” that linked multiple cultures, even as it reflected the inequities of the inter-American political system. This account encompasses a rich contextual study of the state-sponsored institutions and the countercultural networks that sustained this poetry, from Nelson Rockefeller’s Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs to the mid-1960s avant-garde scene in Mexico City. This innovative literary-historical project enables new readings of such canonical poems as Stevens’s “Notes Toward a Supreme Fiction” and Neruda’s “The Heights of Macchu Picchu,” but it positions these alongside lesser-known poetry, translations, anthologies, literary journals, and private correspondences culled from library archives across the Americas. The Poetry of the Americas thus broadens the horizons of reception and mutual influence—and of formal, historical, and political possibility—through which we encounter midcentury American poetry, recasting traditional categories of “US” or “Latin American” literature within a truly hemispheric vision.

A group of sea otters laze at the edge of Elkhorn Slough. They float on their backs in the steel- gray water, paws folded against their chests, gazing at the small boat steered by ecologist Brent Hughes of the University of California– Santa Cruz. Hughes has documented a profound shift in the slough’s ecology, triggered by the otters. Sea otters were nearly driven to extinction by fur hunters in the 1800s, and were gone from Elkhorn Slough for a century. In 1984, when the first sea otters recolonized, Elkhorn Slough’s once bountiful eelgrass beds had dwindled to a few small, scattered patches. Now, more than thirty years after the sea otters’ return, expanding eelgrass beds grow lush beneath the water’s surface, the dense leaves sheltering juvenile fish and feeding an array of invertebrate grazers. The slough, on the central California coast, is one of the most severely polluted estuaries on the planet. Artificial fertilizer applied to 2.69 million acres of farmland in the neighboring Salinas Valley runs into its waters. The excess nutrient load causes eutrophication. It also fuels the growth of epiphytic algae that thrive on the surface of eelgrass leaves, blocking the sunlight the grass needs and smothering whole beds. The problem is common in estuaries around the globe, which receive heavy loads of nutrients from rivers draining polluted watersheds. Seagrass meadows filter contaminants from water and prevent coastal erosion in addition to acting as nurseries for fish and invertebrates. These crucial habitats are disappearing. The global distribution of seagrasses has decreased by 29 percent over the last 140 years, and 58 percent of the surviving seagrass meadows are in decline. Nutrient pollution of coastal waters had long been thought to be the main driver of this trend. But in Elkhorn Slough, the eelgrass has made a remarkable comeback even as pollution loads continued to climb. The mechanism of this welcome ecological shift was unknown until Hughes demonstrated that sea otters are the key. He began to put the pieces of the puzzle together when he went diving in Tomales Bay, an unpolluted estuary to the north. The eelgrass in Elkhorn Slough was lush and green despite intense pollution; in Tomales Bay, where there are no sea otters, the eelgrass was a dull brown, smothering under epiphytic algae.

Princess Martha Bibescu plays an important role in Romanian Francophone culture. A Romanian aristocrat, she conducted a successful literary career writing both nonfiction and novels during the first half of the twentieth century. She was also a laureate of the French Academy and a member of the Royal Belgian Academy of French Language and Literature. Known for her charming personality, intelligence and beauty, she proudly shared her dual cultural identity: French and Romanian. During the first part of her life, Princess Bibescu was admired for her wealth and grace, and her relations with the last kings of Europe as well as with an impressive number of chiefs of state. In the second part of her life, a period marked by hardship and the loss of a huge fortune, Martha Bibescu travelled, wrote, experienced personally the disruptive events in European history, assumed with dignity her social role of confident and supporting relative, turned writing into a livelihood, overrode personal loss and cherished the only single passion in her life: writing.

In this chapter, Garnett and Hughes focus on the role of big data in accessing information from public inquiries. Looking at the Chelsea Manning court martial in the US and the Leveson Inquiry in the UK, they argue that the manner in which information pertaining to inquiries is made public is, at best, unsatisfactory. They propose a variety of means to make this information more accessible and hence more transparent to the public through employing big data techniques.

This chapter analyzes how Hugo (2011, dir. Martin Scorsese) metacinematically approximates what French film theorist Alexandre Astruc called the caméra-stylo, or camera pen, through which cinema communicates as written language. In “writing” a film history around and through Georges Méliès’s A Trip to the Moon (1902), Hugo’s metacinematic caméra-stylo strictly adheres to classical auteur theory ideas about personal, authorial enunciation. However, Scorsese writes a metacinematic film history that periodically disavows personal enunciation to claim film-historical truth, fact, and canon—a white, male, paternalistic canon that teaches Hugo’s young audience a warped film history. Hugo’s metacinematic, historiographic writing invokes contemporary debates about videographic criticism, the essayistic mode, and film historiography conveyed on film.

This chapter highlights the emergence of the Martian methane saga from its hibernation in 1988 when Vladimir Krasnopolsky and his colleagues undertook a study of the Martian atmosphere. It explains how the methane gas in the Earth's atmosphere absorbs light at nearly the same wavelengths as the methane in the Martian atmosphere, obscuring any possible signature of Martian methane in telescopic observations. It also recounts Krasnopolsky and his colleagues' construction of computer models that allowed them to subtract the effects of the huge amount of terrestrial methane from their spectral observations of Mars. The chapter looks at the decision of Krasnopolsky's team to neither confirm nor contradict the Mariner 9 upper limit, even after they made a definitive detection of methane on Mars. It emphasizes that the attempt to measure the level of methane in the atmosphere of Mars using a telescope in Arizona in 1988 yielded only noise.

The fight over the Humboldt Bay Wastewater Authority (HBWA) project had turned bitter and personal. HBWA’s attorney, John Stokes, and most of its board members had lobbied hard against Arcata’s alternative treatment plan. Dan Hauser, usually diplomatic, seethed with resentment. “HBWA has set itself up as the enemy,” he wrote in a September 1977 opinion piece in the Arcata Union. “Therefore, we have no alternative but to defend ourselves by attacking HBWA . . . We must stop this $52 million boondoggle.” Hauser, still Arcata’s representative on the HBWA board, pledged to work toward the “total redesign or total destruction” of the regional sewage system. Other members of HBWA were growing panicky. The Committee for a Sewer Referendum’s lawsuit kept the board from issuing bonds to finance construction, while inflation caused the project’s already huge price tag to balloon. Concealing the move from Hauser, the board applied for a $5.9 million loan from the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Arcata, at Mayor Hauser’s suggestion, promptly sued HBWA for seeking the loan without the city’s consent. Meanwhile, Hauser organized an appeal for Arcata’s wetland treatment system before the State Water Resources Control Board. The city mustered support from representatives of the US Fish and Wildlife Service and Audubon Society, along with academic experts on Humboldt Bay oysters and low-tech sewage treatment. Wade Rose, the shaggy upstart from the governor’s Office of Appropriate Technology, would speak. After Stokes cross-examined Rose at the regional board hearing, “it became a crusade for the entire Office of Appropriate Technology,” Hauser explains. “They singled out HBWA as the ultimate in obsolete technology and concrete overkill.” When the Arcata contingent arrived at the state board hearing in Sacramento, one of the board members, brandishing a newspaper clipping in his hand, called Hauser forward. The clipping was a story from the Arcata Union, quoting Hauser saying that the marsh project would not get a fair hearing. “He asked why I was there if I believed they were already biased against me,” Hauser remembers. “I told him we have to go through this process to get to the next step.”

This chapter details Marshal Tito's great African tour, accompanied by numerous state officials aboard his 4,000-ton cruiser Galeb in February 1961. It describes Tito's expedition as a political adventure that only he was capable of and where he showed ambition to become the major player in Africa to rival Western interests. It also recounts how Tito maintained equidistance between the big powers and modified the centralized economy with some limited competition between state-owned companies. The chapter recounts Tito's receipt of huge amounts of money from the West for breaking the monolith of world communism. It mentions Dr Kwame Nkrumah, a professor of philosophy who welcomed Tito in Accra, the capital of the newly independent country of Ghana.

This chapter talks about Marshal Tito's assembly of the Fifth Plenum of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) in Belgrade on 26 November 1954, several days before departing to India. It mentions Joseph Stalin's death, Yugoslavia's receipt of huge amounts of Western financial and military support, Milovan Đilas's elimination, and Nikita Khrushchev's “indecent proposal” to Tito. It also explains how Khrushchev was misperceived by Yugoslav diplomats as a neo-Stalinist, while bureaucrat Georgy Malenkov was believed to be the man of change. The chapter analyzes Tito's explanation as to why discretion was required for the Soviet representatives in Belgrade as they were considered radioactive at that time by the Yugoslavs. It describes Yugoslavia in 1950 as the poorest and most backward country in Europe.

The Tohoku Region Pacific Coast Earthquake with magnitude 9.0 occurred at 2:46 PM of March 11th, 2011, followed by a huge Tsunami. The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power station suffered serious damages from the Tsunami, involving core melt and release of large amount of fission products to an environment. The station blackout (SBO) occurred due to submergence of emergency equipment by the sea water. The isolation condenser (IC) was the only device for decay heat removal at the unit-1 of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power station after the reactor scram. The IC function was analyzed with a severe accident analysis code SAMPSON. The analysis results showed that (1) core melt resulting in RPV failure occurred since the IC operation was limited because it was not designed as a countermeasure to mitigate severe accident progression in Japan and (2) even assuming the continuous IC operation after the SBO to mitigate severe accident progression, the RPV failure occurred at 18:52, March 12th. However, since the alternate water injection by a fire engine was actually ready to start at 5:46, March 12th, which was earlier than calculated RPV failure time, the RPV failure could be prevented by continuous IC operation.

On March 11, 2011 the largest earthquake to hit Japan occurred. This magnitude 9.0 earthquake triggered a huge tsunami and killed 2,563 people. It led to the nuclear disaster at nuclear power plant in Fukushima. It was classified as a level 7 event - the same as Chernobyl. In our area we also have nuclear power plants and we are expected to have an earthquake which is estimated to be much larger than the one encountered on March of 2011. Through funding of 30 billion Yen we are building a 13m high seawall stretching 17.5km from the Tenryu estuary to Lake Hamana which is an enclosed coastal sea. In cooperation with our citizens we are planting trees on its slopes to help protect the natural landscape and to keep to a minimum any damage from the next tsunami. Risk management at a global scale due to Climate Change is very important concern involving our children's future and happiness. Global-warming prevention education is crucial for the survival of mankind. This is because there is a possibility of falling into a huge crisis that we cannot get out of. I would like to introduce my practical environmental education for the past 25 years at a technical high school and also introduce the ideas of two great Japanese educators, Tsunesaburo Makiguchi and Daisaku Ikeda. Furthermore, I would like to refer to the importance of global citizens through education for global warming prevention which is based on the way of thinking of Dr. Ikeda which is called "Human Revolution".

On March 11, 2011 the largest earthquake to hit Japan occurred. This magnitude 9.0 earthquake triggered a huge tsunami and killed 2,563 people. It led to the nuclear disaster at nuclear power plant in Fukushima. It was classified as a level 7 event - the same as Chernobyl. In our area we also have nuclear power plants and we are expected to have an earthquake which is estimated to be much larger than the one encountered on March of 2011. Through funding of 30 billion Yen we are building a 13m high seawall stretching 17.5km from the Tenryu estuary to Lake Hamana which is an enclosed coastal sea. In cooperation with our citizens we are planting trees on its slopes to help protect the natural landscape and to keep to a minimum any damage from the next tsunami. Risk management at a global scale due to Climate Change is very important concern involving our children's future and happiness. Global-warming prevention education is crucial for the survival of mankind. This is because there is a possibility of falling into a huge crisis that we cannot get out of. I would like to introduce my practical environmental education for the past 25 years at a technical high school and also introduce the ideas of two great Japanese educators, Tsunesaburo Makiguchi and Daisaku Ikeda. Furthermore, I would like to refer to the importance of global citizens through education for global warming prevention which is based on the way of thinking of Dr. Ikeda which is called "Human Revolution".

In order to protect the health of their citizens, many governments decided to take a huge risk in implementing lockdowns all over the world, knowing how much it could affect the economy. The thought that choosing the most direct measure to cope with the pandemic in order to save their populations was one of the hardest and the governments cannot be blamed for it. The paper moves forward to correlate the links between mass shut downs affecting the economy with the effects registered by the export-oriented companies in Bihor County, Romania, and the measures that the Romanian Government took. Based on the data provided by AJOFM, the Bihor county employment agency, for the following months – March, April, May, several factors like the number of companies in export-oriented industries, the number of employees, the amount of money that the Government paid, will be analyzed.

The Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant units 1, 2, and 3 had serious damages due to the huge earthquake and tsunami which occurred on March 11th 2011. Pressure transients in the reactor pressure vessels (RPVs) of the units 1, 2, and 3 were analyzed with the severe accident analysis code, SAMPSON for a few days from the scram until occurrence of depressurization. Since preliminary analysis results with the original SAMPSON showed difference from the measured data, the following phenomena were newly considered in the current analyses. For unit 1: Damage of a source range monitor, which is one of in-core monitors. For unit 2: Part load operation of the reactor core isolation cooling system. For unit 3: Part load operation of the high pressure coolant injection system. The calculation results showed fairly good agreements with the measured pressure data and showed RPV bottom damage for all the units resulting in falling of debris in the core region into the pedestal of the drywell.

Rias-type bays are one of the most common coasts in Japan where aquacultures have been active due to sheltered geological shape with a deep bottom. The huge tsunami hit Sanriku Coast consisting of open rias-type bays near the epicenter facing Pacific Ocean on 11 March 2011. For recovering Sanriku Coast, it is important to include sustainability in its program. Satoumi is defined as the human use and management of coastal seas for high productivity while maintaining high biodiversity. Therefore, we proposed Satoumi approach to an open rias-type bay, Shizugawa Bay, in southern Sanriku Coast. We conducted scientific researches on mapping of coastal habitats and aquaculture facilities, hydrography, and material flows of nutrients, a minor element (Fe) and organic matters in the bay including those from the rivers and from the offshore waters. At the same time, Committee for Shizugawa Bay Management of Fishermen’s Cooperative of Miyagi Prefecture decided to decrease in aquaculture facilities for sustainable development of aquaculture. Based on these data, a physical-biological coupling model was used for calculating the number of aquaculture facilities that are suitable not only for yields but also for environments. These researches were established on strong collaborations among a fishermen’s’ cooperative, local governments and scientists. Results of this practice may help to realize sustainable coastal use of a rias-type bay.

Rias-type bays are one of the most common coasts in Japan where aquacultures have been active due to sheltered geological shape with a deep bottom. The huge tsunami hit Sanriku Coast consisting of open rias-type bays near the epicenter facing Pacific Ocean on 11 March 2011. For recovering Sanriku Coast, it is important to include sustainability in its program. Satoumi is defined as the human use and management of coastal seas for high productivity while maintaining high biodiversity. Therefore, we proposed Satoumi approach to an open rias-type bay, Shizugawa Bay, in southern Sanriku Coast. We conducted scientific researches on mapping of coastal habitats and aquaculture facilities, hydrography, and material flows of nutrients, a minor element (Fe) and organic matters in the bay including those from the rivers and from the offshore waters. At the same time, Committee for Shizugawa Bay Management of Fishermen’s Cooperative of Miyagi Prefecture decided to decrease in aquaculture facilities for sustainable development of aquaculture. Based on these data, a physical-biological coupling model was used for calculating the number of aquaculture facilities that are suitable not only for yields but also for environments. These researches were established on strong collaborations among a fishermen’s’ cooperative, local governments and scientists. Results of this practice may help to realize sustainable coastal use of a rias-type bay.

On March 11, 2011, the northeastern coast of Japan was struck by 9.0-magnitude earthquake that triggered a devastating tsunami. Aside from the huge toll in people’s lives and severe damages to property, the tremor sent the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant on a tailspin, causing hydrogen explosions in three reactors, and sending radioactive materials into the air and bodies of water. Declared the largest nuclear disaster since Chernobyl, the crisis threatened neighboring countries, including China (International Business Times, 2011). On March 28, low levels of iodine-131, cesium-137 and strontium, believed to have drifted from Japan, were detected in the air over Heilongjiang province in the northeast part of China and in seawater samples collected in the eastern coastal areas (Qianjiang Eve News, 2011). Because these chemicals can enter the food chain and adversely affect human health (Ifeng.com, 2011), people became understandably anxious and the government had to avert panic. This study asks: How did the Chinese media report the risks attendant to this event? A content analysis of 45 straight news reports published by the Chinese press from March 16, 2011 to April 25, 2011 was conducted. The analysis focused on how the media explained the risk, portrayed potential harm, reported on government actions to safeguard public health, and provided suggestions to reduce public fear. The sources of information cited in the reports were also identified. The articles examined were collected from People.com, a comprehensive online archive of news reports, using “Fukushima” and “nuclear radiation” as search terms. The results indicated journalistic practices that left much to be desired in terms of risk reporting. First, the articles explained little about the technical aspects of the radiation leaks and failed to give audiences a general indication of levels of risk. Second, the media over-emphasized the government’s position that the environment was safe despite the more rampant word-of-mouth reports to the contrary, a slant that may have done nothing to allay public fear. Third, there was a dearth of information about what the government intends to do to alleviate the situation and suggestions about what people can do to protect themselves. The themes of news reports may be attributed to experts from research institutions and government officials who were the most frequently cited sources of facts, analyses, interpretations, and opinions. Scientists and nuclear experts were cited the most in the news reports.

On March 11, 2011, now two years ago, the magnitude 9.0 Great East Japan earth quake, Tohoku, hit off the Fukushima coast of Japan. This was one of the most powerful earthquakes in recorded history and the most powerful one known to have hit Japan. The ensuing tsunami devastated a huge area resulting in some 25,000 persons confirmed dead or missing. The perfect storm was complete when the tsunami then found the four-reactor, Fukushima-Daiichi Nuclear Station directly in its destructive path. Some 2 million people were evacuated from a fifty mile radius of the area and evaluation and cleanup began. A tremendous effort has been made, by many nationalities, since this time to restore this damaged plant and surrounding area and to return a great deal of the residents to their homes and farm lands. While most of the outcome of this unprecedented natural and manmade disaster was negative, both in Japan and worldwide, there have been some extremely valuable lessons learned and new emergency recovery technologies and systems developed to cope with the aftermath of this disaster. This paper describes new technology developed to selectively remove radioactive materials dangerous to workers, local citizens, and the natural environment from seawater used to cool the damaged reactors at Fukushima. As always, the mother of invention is necessity.

This paper proposes a large-scale floating coal stockyard (LFCS) and discusses its elastic behavior. Indonesia has recently become the main country supplying coal in the Asia-Pacific region. However, there is concern that export to Japan will decrease as coal demand increases. Therefore, the trend of coal transport in Indonesia is a very important matter in ensuring the continued stable import of coal to Japan. It is difficult for bulk carriers to traverse the shallow terrain of the seabed of the Markham River in East Kalimantan to reach coastal areas. Additionally, an LFCS can be operated as a relay base for barges, and large coal carriers have been proposed for use in offshore areas. The LFCS is capable of loading, storing, and offloading coal. Installing an LFCS offshore Kalimantan is expected to improve coal transport productivity in the region. Under such circumstances, the design plan proposed in this paper can simultaneously perform independent loading and unloading without interference. The partial mass distribution and local rigidity of the LFCS varies depending on the coal loading conditions. In addition, because the structure has a planar shape, the response of the LFCS showed elastic behavior. Design example of such a huge floating structure with the great difference of the displacement is unparalleled, it is very important to clarify a design fundamental subject. The objectives of this study are to provide a preliminary LFCS design and investigate the impact of varying the mass distribution and local rigidity on not only the distribution of the distortion and internal stress but also on the dynamic hydroelastic motion of the LFCS when it is impacted by waves. Therefore, the wave response of the LFCS was analyzed under different loading conditions.

The COVID-19 pandemic has dealt a huge blow to every country, and many governments have struggled to meet their populations’ urgent needs during the crisis. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has stepped in to offer extra support to a large number of countries during the pandemic. However, Oxfam’s analysis shows that as of 15 March 2021, 85% of the 107 COVID-19 loans negotiated between the IMF and 85 governments indicate plans to undertake austerity once the health crisis abates. The findings in this briefing paper show that the IMF is systematically encouraging countries to adopt austerity measures once the pandemic subsides, risking a severe spike in already increased inequality levels. A variety of studies have revealed the uneven distribution of the burden of austerity, which is more likely to be shouldered by women, low-income households and vulnerable groups, while the wealth of the richest people increases. Oxfam joins global institutions and civil society in urging governments worldwide and the IMF to focus their energies instead on a people-centred, just and equal recovery that will fight inequality and not fuel it. Austerity will not ‘build back better’.