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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Mass-based uprisings »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Mass-based uprisings"
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Albrecht, Holger, et Kevin Koehler. « Revolutionary mass uprisings in authoritarian regimes ». International Area Studies Review 23, no 2 (3 avril 2020) : 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865920909611.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article explores the conditions under which revolutionary mass uprisings are likely to occur. We offer a probabilistic explanation of the social and political conditions that make people rise against autocrats. The article presents a medium-n dataset of 79 revolutionary mass uprisings in 165 autocracies since 1945. Since revolutions are rare events, a combination of factors must come together to trigger them. Drawing on the extant literature on revolutionary change, we find initial support for a range of discrete factors. Our findings suggest that four such factors are particularly powerful explanations of revolutionary mass uprisings—and a combination of those factors will go a long way in predicting revolutionary change: a history of protracted low-level popular contention; the presence of personalist regimes; long tenure of incumbents in office; and the showroom effect of uprisings in the temporal and spatial vicinity of states. In a broader theoretical perspective, these findings give rise to a breaking-point explanation of revolutionary situations, emphasizing that mass uprisings build up over time, whereas structuralist theories or grievance-based approaches fare less well in predicting revolutionary ruptures.
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Kinninmont, Jane. « Beyond Crisis Management : Governments, Academics, and Strategic Thinking about the Arab Uprisings ». Middle East Law and Governance 7, no 1 (23 avril 2015) : 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00701012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab uprisings prompted the promise of a grand rethink of Western policy towards the region, but four years on there is still a lack of new thinking about new Western strategic approaches to the region, as policymakers have been stretched by the need for immediate, emergency responses to the subsequent series of interconnected crises. This paper lays out some of the differences and overlaps between academic researchers and government policymakers in terms of their interests and approaches. It goes on to identify some of the research that helped to explain – and sometimes presage – the uprisings, and the gaps that became evident in policy analysis. It considers how research interactions have changed as a result, but also how changes to policymakers’ research approaches or analytical frameworks have been limited, as policymakers have been preoccupied with short-term responses to pressing conflicts and crises. Given the different timescales that governments and academic researchers work to, much of the research on the Arab uprisings is only being published now, at a time when the policy agenda has largely moved on to counterterrorism and stabilisation. Yet it remains vitally important to understand the causes of the 2011 unrest, especially as many of the same grievances persist and continue to drive challenges to the status quo, even if these now take different forms to the large-scale, coalition-based and largely peaceful mass protests seen in 2011.
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Koehler, Kevin, et Holger Albrecht. « Revolutions and the Military : Endgame Coups, Instability, and Prospects for Democracy ». Armed Forces & ; Society 47, no 1 (4 novembre 2019) : 148–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19881747.
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This article presents a systematic analysis of military coups following popular mass uprisings in nondemocratic regimes, conceptualized as endgame coups. Drawing on our original, medium- n data set of revolutionary situations, we find that such endgame coups form a distinct type of military intervention in politics. Compared to regular coups, episodes of popular mass contestation prompt conservative interventions in politics of the military’s leadership aimed at preserving the regime’s authoritarian infrastructure. A systematic test of factors characterizing postcoup political trajectories is based on Cox proportional hazard models and provides empirical evidence in contrast to the widely held notion of “democratic coups.” Our findings reveal that endgame coups are conservative rollback coups, executed by military leaderships, that result in continued political instability and illiberal politics.
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Kadivar, Mohammad Ali. « Mass Mobilization and the Durability of New Democracies ». American Sociological Review 83, no 2 (9 mars 2018) : 390–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122418759546.
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The “elitist approach” to democratization contends that “democratic regimes that last have seldom, if ever, been instituted by mass popular actors” (Huntington 1984:212). This article subjects this observation to empirical scrutiny using statistical analyses of new democracies over the past half-century and a case study. Contrary to the elitist approach, I argue that new democracies growing out of mass mobilization are more likely to survive than are new democracies that were born amid quiescence. Survival analysis of 112 young democracies in 80 different countries based on original data shows that the longer the mobilization, the more likely the ensuing democracy is to survive. I use a case study of South Africa to investigate the mechanisms. I argue that sustained unarmed uprisings have generated the longest-lasting new democracies—largely because they are forced to develop an organizational structure, which provides a leadership cadre for the new regime, forges links between the government and society, and strengthens checks on the power of the post-transition government.
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Heydarian, Richard J. « The Arab Summer and Its Discontents ». Sociology of Islam 2, no 3-4 (10 juin 2014) : 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00204007.
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The paper looks at the roots of the Arab Spring, the subsequently contentious political landscape, which emerged in post-revolutionary Middle East, and the series of conflicts and dizzying challenges, which have gripped much of the region. Principally, it examines, historically, the distinct combination of (structural, agential, and triggering) factors, which led to the Arab uprisings as well as the role of moderate, mass-based Islamist movements, principally the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (mb) and its offshoots, which managed to rise to power, in certain countries, after the downfall of Arab strongmen across the region. But, shortly after, to be followed by the unceremonious demise of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood (mb), and the ensuing region-wide backlash against its offshoots in 2013. The paper argues, after a careful examination of the structural roots of the 2010–11 Arab uprisings, that one of the principal pitfalls of the ruling Islamist parties was their inability to establish a credible mode of governance, which could decisively mark a break with the old order. They failed to provide an alternative economic agenda to address the structural maladies of the crony capitalism, which emerged on the heels of accelerating market-oriented reforms in the 1990s. The influence of Arab Sheikhdoms on Arab Transition Countries (atcs), and their support for ultra-conservative Salafi groups, further diluted the process of democratic transition, leading to, among other things, the breakdown of the political process in Egypt.
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Alagozkyzy, G. « A policy of ‘dekulakization’ and deportations from the republic : on the example of special resettlers exiled from Kyrgyzstan to Ukraine (1930-1933) ». Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 140, no 3 (2022) : 122–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-3-122-135.
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In this article, the author performs a study of kulaks exiled from the territory of Kyrgyzstan to the south of Ukraine in the 1930s. The study analyzes the evolution of the attitude of the Soviet regime towards the kulaks within the framework of the policy of collectivization. The author analyzed the goals of the repressive policy in the 30s of the twentieth century, the criteria, and the mechanism for selecting the repressed. The article also considers a number of the main problems of the history of mass repressions against the kulaks during the Great Terror in 1937-1938. The main attention is paid to identifying the specifics of repressive measures in relation to various target groups of order № 00447: former kulaks, participants in peasant uprisings, clergy, religious activists, and criminals. Based on the microhistorical approach, the focus of repressions on strengthening the collective farm system is determined. Documents gathered during the expedition searching for information about kulaks from the archives of Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, in which the author took part, was used as a source base for the article. Besides archival materials, oral histories gathered by the Esimde research platform from the families and descendants of kulaks deported to Ukraine, and open information published in the mass media were used.
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Raik, Kristi. « The EU and Mass Protests in the Neighbourhood : Models of Normative (In)action ». European Foreign Affairs Review 17, Issue 4 (1 novembre 2012) : 553–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2012039.
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Since the 'Bulldozer Revolution' in Serbia in 2000, the EU has had to deal with a wave of mass protests in its neighbourhood. Its responses to the 'colour revolutions' in the East and Arab uprisings in the South have cast doubt on its foreign policy identity as a normative power and its commitment to promote democracy outside its borders. Based on an analysis of thirteen cases in 2000-2012, the article identifies four models of EU involvement in the protests: (1) model power, (2) promoter of (regime) change, (3) mediator/facilitator and (4) guardian of stability. It discusses these models in light of the concept of 'normative power Europe' (NPE) and stresses the need to look at the interplay between normative and power political considerations in order to account for the EU's (in)action in different cases. First, model power has been an important form of EU normative power in the Eastern neighbourhood, but its effects have been unintended and often troubling for the EU. Second, promoting regime change, as the EU has done in the cases of Serbia and Syria, can be a strong form of pursuing normative goals, but it contradicts the emphasis of NPE on normative instruments. Third, mediation/facilitation, practised most successfully in the case of Ukraine in 2004, comes closer to the specific characteristics of NPE; yet, the EU's readiness and ability to mediate has often been limited. Fourth, defending stability has been the most common EU response, reflecting its security concerns and a preference for system change over regime change.
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Nowak, Jörg. « Global Economic Planning as a Challenge for the Labour Movement ». Tempo Social 33, no 2 (16 août 2021) : 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2021.183791.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The central line of argument in this contribution is that the urgency of the economic, social and environmental crises demands to go beyond the institutionalist efforts to install more Global Framework Agreements or Decent Work Campaigns that often only come with piecemeal changes, if at all. The social uprisings in various countries around the globe that erupted in 2019 and 2020 underline the emerging pressure towards a broader vision of systemic change. The shift of emphasis towards Global Economic Planning opens up the following perspectives: 1. It allows to study and adapt the methods used by transnational corporations in economic planning for alternative purposes. 2. It allows to retrieve experiences made both in capitalist planning, i.e. in the framework of industrial policy and developmental states, and in socialist planning and to apply enhanced versions of both. 3. It allows to intervene strategically in order to exploit the potentials of renewable energy for which investment is stagnating globally. 4. It offers an avenue for the labour movement to become a reliable partner of environmental initiatives and the global climate movement. 5. It can provide an avenue for mass participation in systemic change with concrete objectives like the conversion of the automobile industry, decentralised renewable energy grids, and public and community based health and care systems.
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Ivan O., Peshkov. « “ANTIGONES” FROM TRANSBAIKALIA. THE SPECIFICITY OF WOMEN’S COUNTER-MEMORY IN THE BORDER REGIONS OF INNER ASIA ». Human research of Inner Asia 2 (2021) : 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/2305-753x-2021-2-28-38.
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Stalinist mass violence led to the dispersion of Transbaikalian Cossacks, the loss of their material and cultural base, the decrease of their population and the disintegra-tion of the group. The reaction of the ex-Cossack transborder society in the USSR, China and Mongolia were the counter-memory building practices including the glori-fication of anticommunist uprisings and great respect for the local warlord Ataman Semenov (being the symbol of resistance). These re-remembering practices of the ul-tra male-oriented and dominated community reveal essential gender aspects. Para-doxically, the Transbaikalian Cossack counter-memory is a mostly women project. The Socialist modernization trauma confronted Cossack women with the so-called Antigone dilemma of the choice between the family (memory) and the state (forced forgetting). This article aims at showing the specificity of Cossack womens memory-building practices from the perspective of the character of women’s memories (con-nected with their family life, religious experiences and local social network), the dif-ference between the sexes as regards the social experience in Transbaikalian villages and women’s role in the Cossack tradition (telling the truth). The empirical founda-tions of this investigation are based on the field work and archive research conducted in Russia, Mongolia and China. The theoretical basis is the assumption of the mostly epistemological presence of the Past and the dependence of memory on the current social and cultural situation. Thus, that proves the active social role of memory and the impossibility of the purely autonomous collective memory in the conditions of isolation and mass political indoctrination. Nonetheless, the analyzed case has also shown the possibility of transforming ideological patterns into private mythology and the women’s legends about the ancestors’ glory, crucial for the cultural survival of the community.
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Lust, Ellen. « Response to Howard and Walters ». Perspectives on Politics 12, no 2 (juin 2014) : 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714000917.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This response points to three critical problems in Explaining the Unexpected. First, the authors' contention that scholars ignored “everyday contestation,” including changing citizen-state relations, emerging venues of political participation, and the potential for mobilization, is based on a selective reading of the literature on politics in the Arab world before 2011. Second, their assertion that existing paradigms hindered scholars' ability to understand change mischaracterizes the literature on enduring authoritarianism. Scholars did not argue that regime breakdown was impossible before 2011 but rather sought to understand why authoritarian regimes were sustained. Long before the uprisings, they recognized the factors that could make breakdown possible. Third, Howard and Walters' conclusion that Middle East scholars' fundamental paradigms and their focus on regime type will lead them to treat “utterly remarkable waves of mass mobilization as politically inconsequential” is misplaced. The literature has and continues to explore a wide range of issues that extend far beyond democratization, and recent scholarship has examined varied aspects of the diverse political processes and outcomes witnessed since 2011. Explaining the Unexpected misses the mark on many points, but it does provide a useful platform for scholars to reflect on problems facing comparative politics. These include the blinders resulting from the normative biases underpinning the discipline and the need for a nuanced discussion about how, and to what extent, scholars facing rapid, regional transformations can learn from the study of similar experiences in other regions.
Thèses sur le sujet "Mass-based uprisings"
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DEL, PANTA GIANNI. « Mass-Based Uprisings and the Breakdown of Authoritarian Regimes : Comparing Tunisia and Egypt in Light of Algeria's Stability ». Doctoral thesis, Università di Siena, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11365/1005918.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis focuses on the breakdown of authoritarian regimes, developing an original account of the way in which non-democratic regimes can be successfully challenged by mass-based uprisings. Authoritarian regimes, in fact, are not only defeated by elite negotiations or by a partial political liberalization initiated by the ruling coalition at a time when collective protests have already delegitimized the dominant coalition. As happened in Tunisia and Egypt, authoritarian regimes can also break down without pacts, negotiations, and compromises. Although this is a much less frequent path, autocracies are also defeated by mass-based uprisings in which the emergence of a cross-class and cross-ideological coalition throughout (almost) the whole country imposes a regime change. In Algeria, on the contrary, it was exactly the non-emergence of a broad opposition coalition that explained the authoritarian stability.
Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Mass-based uprisings"
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Lackner, Helen. « Community-Based Water Practices in Yemen ». Dans Water and Conflict in the Middle East, 121–50. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197552636.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Based on extensive in-country observations, the premise of this chapter is that the mismanagement of Yemen’s water resources has been a major underlying contributing factor to the social tensions that exploded first in the uprisings of 2011 and later the descent into civil war since 2015. The chapter finds that alongside other neoliberal interventions, water management policies were major elements in the emergence of acute social differentiation between a microscopic group of beneficiaries who enriched themselves massively at the expense of the vast majority of Yemenis and that this has happened thanks to the synergy of political decisions supporting the powerful, combined with modern water extraction technologies. The role of technology is addressed emphasizing that while policymakers, analysts, and citizens still frequently call for the revival of traditional water management mechanisms, these are no longer applicable in their original form due to the technological changes of the past half-century. The conclusion is therefore, that any revitalization of these practices must include significant adjustments, and even fundamental transformation in view of the combination of socioeconomic polarization with technological innovations. If this is not the case, Yemen’s water crisis could cascade into mass environmental migration that could further destabilize the entire region.
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Mitra, Subrata. « The Dilemma of Balancing Growth and Social Justice ». Dans Seeking Middle Ground, 27–49. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495450.003.0002.
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At Independence in 1947, India emerged from a century and half of economic stagnation, a radicalized and land-hungry peasantry, chronic food deficit and the spectre of mass starvation and famine looming over parts of the country. Faced with similar challenges, post-war ‘developmental states’ followed the course of economic development based on a template of state-controlled economic designs for growth, investment and trade. However, despite the challenge of resettling millions of refugees following the bloody partition of the country, war against Pakistan, and a violent peasant uprising in the South, the government of India, under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru, decided to open up all aspects of politics to democratic consultation. Many specialists of the time, including Barrington Moore and Gunnar Myrdal considered a ‘soft-state’, whose power and legitimacy derived from popular consent, to be ill-equipped to take hard decisions such as land reforms, and industrial growth. Contrary to such pessimistic prognoses, India has held together as a strong, stable, emerging economy. One can infer the strength and ingenuity of the Indian model in meeting the twin imperative of growth and justice from the steady growth of Indian economy and democratic consolidation over the past seven decades since Independence.