Thèses sur le sujet « Missions – Central African Republic »

Pour assurer ses missions les États ont besoin de prélever l’impôt afin de s’assurer des ressources. Lacaractéristique des États en développement est, en matière de Finances Publiques, d’avoir des recettesbasées essentiellement sur les taxes prélevées en frontière sur les marchandises. Malheureusement dansces pays là, l’efficacité des Organisations Douanières est rarement au rendez-vous, notamment du faitd’une corruption très importante parmi les douaniers.Aussi les Organisations Internationales recommandent une privatisation partielle des missions afind’améliorer les recettes. Les sociétés privées se sont spécialisées dans cette forme de recouvrement etainsi la plupart des pays africains ont recours à l’une ou l’autre des sociétés dites de " pré-inspection ".Après des années de pratique peut-on évaluer l’efficience de cette privatisation ? L’exemple de la RCAest particulièrement pertinent pour étudier cela puisque d’une part ce pays a poussé la privatisation àl’ensemble des missions douanières, ce qui est unique au monde et d’autre part la situation actuelle de cepetit pays découle au moins en partie de l’absence d’une administration des douanes solide.Dans l’écroulement des structures administratives de ce pays, assisté depuis sa création par toutesles Organisations Internationales, ces dernières, sont-elles exemptes de reproches ?
STATES collect revenue from taxes to provide necessary financial resources to the accomplishmentof their missions. Developing states have a common characteristic namely to collect revenue mainly onimported goods. Unfortunately customs administrations of these countries are generally inefficient due toa very high level of corruption of their personnel.Faced to this situation, internationals organisations advised to outsource some of the customs func-tions in order to improve the collection of revenue. Private companies developed new activities in thisarea and today most African countries have contracted out one or several of these companies usuallycalled preshipment inspection companies. After several years is it feasable to assess the efficiency of thatoutsourcing ? CAR is an excellent and pertinent study case to perform this assessment. On one hand,this country has outsourced all of the customs fonctions, which is a unique exemple in the world. Onthe other hand, there is a strong link between the existing situation of this country and the lack of anefficient customs administration.Can we blame these international organisations, which have assisted CAR since it’s creation, for thecollapse of the administrative structures of this country ?

The Örebro Mission was founded by John Ongman in 1891. Missionary work in Central Africa began through Ongman’s local church in 1914, at first within other mission societies, but was later continued by the Örebro Mission. From 1921 the Örebro Mission developed its own work in Middle Congo and Oubangui-Chari within French Equatorial Africa. The aim of this thesis is to study how the process of change took place, starting with pioneering work undertaken by Swedish missionaries and resulting in the founding of independent Baptist churches. The analysis is based on the classic three-self policy, aiming at self-governing, self-supporting and self-extending indigenous churches. Using the principal-agent perspective in history writing, the role and significance of a number of key persons are focused. The interaction between the internal process and the cultural, political and ecumenical contexts is taken into consideration. The thesis shows that the three-self formula was used from the beginning as a theoretical goal, but also that its realization was seen in a very long time perspective. Several steps were gradually taken in that direction, but the study shows that contextual factors became as important incitements for the change as the missionaries’ own theologically based motives. It rather took “a second conversion” from a colonial mental framework to speed up the process in its final phase towards the creation of African denominations and the integration into them in 1962 of the Swedish mission structure and work.

Despite their peacekeeping role in the management of internal armed conflicts, some military peacekeepers have sexually exploited local populations in host countries, resulting in dire social and health consequences and threats to the success of international peace operations. Although researchers have examined sexual violence committed by peacekeepers, few researchers, if any, have used routine activities theory to examine sex offending by peacekeepers. The purpose of this study was to explore the extent to which situational opportunities influenced international military peacekeepers' engagement in the sexual exploitation of civilians in the Central African Republic, a peacekeeping host country. Data were collected from face-to-face interviews with 15 research participants, including local witnesses, military officers, representatives of civil society organizations, and United Nations policy makers, and from public records obtained from online sources. Data were coded using an inductive coding strategy and then analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings indicated that both the local and peacekeeping conditions, including lack of deterrence and accountability mechanisms, heightened the vulnerability of local populations to sex predation and motivated peacekeeper sex offenders to engage in sex offending. Local community leaders, civil society organizations, peacekeepers, and policy makers could use study findings to promote educational programs on the institutional responsibility to protect vulnerable civilians as well as shape policies to prevent the commission of sexual exploitation by peacekeepers. These actions may also help susceptible civilians, especially women and girls, to be aware of the risks linked to their vulnerability and empower them to seek legal redress.

Integrated conservation and development programs (ICDPs) are aimed at addressing both conservation and development issues through the involvement of local communities in the process of wildlife management. Typically this involves providing park-adjacent communities with conservation-related benefits to induce pro-conservation behaviour. The Dzanga-Sangha ICDP Project (DSP), southwest Central African Republic, has coordinated the management of a protected area complex since 1990. Its activities include traditional conservation measures such as anti-poaching patrols, a developing gorilla tourism programme, and focused development activities. This study adopts an interdisciplinary approach to evaluate its efficacy at meeting both local development and conservation goals, with a strong focus on how these two areas interact. Evaluation of the DSPs impact on poverty alleviation in the reserve community suggests that the considerable opportunity costs caused by park formation largely fail to be compensated by the benefits provided. This effect is augmented by the high level of in-migration into the reserve. Examination of discrepancies between cost/benefit provision and recognition show that community-level benefits are particularly undervalued by local residents. Attitudinal surveys suggest benefit recognition to be strongly linked to pro-conservation attitudes. However, results from a 12-month market survey, a concurrent household consumption survey, participant observation and key informant interviews showed that conservation-related behaviour, in terms of both wild-food extraction and consumption, is largely unrelated to either benefit receipt or attitudes. Furthermore, evaluation of conservation efficacy suggested the main prey species are being hunted at unsustainable rates. This empirical study takes its place in a growing literature addressing not only the direct social and environmental implications of ICDPs but, crucially, the interactions between the two. It provides both applied management recommendations in addition to further contributing to our theoretical understanding of the dual development-conservation approach.

Depuis son accession à l’indépendance en 1960, la République Centrafricaine (RCA) oscille entre périodes troubles et moments de stabilité relative, notamment sous les régimes militaires de Jean-Bedel Bokassa et d’André Kolingba. L’instabilité politique quasi-chronique de ce pays depuis la fin des années 1980 a entrainé des réponses internationales successives, sous forme de missions de paix débutées en 1997 et visant, in fine, à la reconstruction/construction étatique comme solution à la crise du politique centrafricaine. L’éclatement, en fin 2012, d’un conflit armé mené par la rébellion de la Seleka souligne cependant la faiblesse de cette entreprise internationale, qui fait fi des dynamiques politiques et sociales internes des sociétés concernées. Cette reprise violente des hostilités en RCA remet également au goût du jour la question de la rigidité du concept d’État et de sa pertinence universelle, limites des politiques internationales de « statebuiding ». La multitude d’acteurs, locaux et internationaux, qui opèrent sur le terrain centrafricain témoigne de la complexité de ce conflit et rend difficile la possibilité d’une solution durable. Le rôle premier de la Communauté Économique des États de l’Afrique Centrale (CEEAC) dans le « statebuilding » en RCA entre 2012 et 2016 est l’incarnation d’une lutte d’influence que cet acteur régional - en l’occurrence ses États membres - a remporté. La « victoire » de la CEEAC a été acquise au détriment d’une solution objective et viable à la question centrafricaine, « au profit » d’États tels que le Tchad et la France, et d’individus tels que Idriss Deby et Denis Sassou N’guesso. Ce succès de la « diplomatie de machination » est illustratif des logiques et lutte de pouvoir et de la convergence des régimes politiques dans la sous-région, ainsi que de la relation très paradoxale que la France entretient avec ses anciennes colonies
Since its independence in 1960, the Central African Republic (CAR) has oscillated between turmoil and moments of relative stability, notably under the military regimes of Jean-Bedel Bokassa and André Kolingba. The country’s quasi chronic political instability since the end of the 1980s, has led to successive international responses in the form of peace missions starting in 1997 and ultimately aimed at statebuilding as a solution to the CAR’s crisis of the political. The outbreak of an armed conflict at the end of 2012 led by the Seleka rebellion, however, underlines the weakness of this international enterprise, which ignores the internal political and social dynamics of ‘recipient’ societies. This violent resumption of hostilities in the CAR also brings to the fore the question of the rigidity of the concept of the state and its universal relevance, as limits of international statebuilding policies. The multitude of local and international actors operating in the CAR is indicative of the complexity of this conflict and renders the possibility of a lasting solution difficult. The primary role of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the statebuilding in CAR between 2012 and 2016 is a manifestation of the struggle for influence that this regional actor - in this case its member states - won. The ‘victory’ of ECCAS was gained at the expense of an objective and viable solution to the Central African question, ‘for the benefit’ of states such as Chad and France, and individuals such as Idriss Deby and Denis Sassou Nguesso. The success of this ‘diplomacy of conspiracy’ is illustrative of power dynamics and power struggle and the convergence of political regimes in the subregion, as well as the very paradoxical relationship that France has with its former colonies

The purpose of this paper is to identify the underlying factors of the conflict between Christians and Muslims in the Central African Republic (CAR) that started in 2013. It is argued that political factors played an important role in the coup d'état that ousted President Francois Bozize - the event that marked the start of the civil war. Social factors were mainly responsible for how the civil war turned into sectarian violence. Furthermore, it is argued that a number of economic factors did not directly cause the sectarian violence, but instead contributed to the length of the conflict. The way broader factors contributed to the conflict (the CAR's weakened state and lawlessness for instance) are also discussed.

The Kaponda Prospect represents a surface of 915.8 km² located at about 10 km south of the town of Lubumbashi and 33km NW of Kasumbalesa in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It lies within Neoproterozoic sedimentary rocks of the Katangan Supergroup in the Central African Copperbelt (CACB). In this province, copper mineralization occurs at different stratigraphic level with different associated alteration. Mineralization is of multistage origin from synsedimentary, diagenetic to post orogenic. Since the discovery of the CACB in the early 20th century, several exploration techniques have been used to delineate Cu deposits. A review and application of these methods including remote sensing, geological mapping, geochemical and geophysical surveys, and drilling, gives an insight of their effectiveness and limitation before analyzing their results from the Kaponda Prospect. The geology and structure of the Prospect is represented by a series of two NW trending disharmonic tight anticlines, locally domal, with cores occupied by either Roan Group or “Grand Conglomerat” Formation. These anticlines are separated by an open syncline made of Kundelungu rocks. Two mains direction of faults are recognized, the NW and NE trending structures. The latter direction are normal transfer faults which can serve as conduit for mineralization. They are related to the late orogenic extension of the Lufilian belt. However NE trending faults are believed to be associated to the climax of Lufilian folding or represents synsedimentary intergrowth faults. Exploration approach for sediment-hosted Cu within Kaponda Prospect, take into account the integration of all information derived from different techniques. Remote sensing is used as aid to geology. Landsat and Google earth images show lineaments that corresponds to lithostratigraphy boundary and domal anticline. Geological mapping identified reduced horizons which can potentially host mineralization, whereas analysis of structure measurements reveals the geometry of fold and direction of its axial plane and hinge. Statistical methods such as the main + 2 standard deviation, the frequency histogram and probability plot, together with experiential method are used to constrain and define Cu and Co thresholds values in soil samples. It appears that in this region, log-probability plot and histogram methods combined with spatial representation and the experience of the region, are the best practice to constrain and separate geochemical background from anomaly data. Ground and airborne magnetic, and radiometric images show specific signatures which map alteration and particularly lithostratigraphy such as “Roan” Group, “Grand Conglomerat” unit, “Nguba” cap carbonates and “Kundelungu” siliciclastic units. Analysis of faults interpreted from geophysical maps identified three major directions: E-W, NE-SW and NW-SE. The E-W faults are also interpreted as normal transfer faults such NE-SW structures, consistent with regional geological map. Although pole-dipole array of induced polarization (IP) survey was directly targeting disseminated Cu sulphide, its results suffer in responding to graphitic rocks and barren pyrite. Only relative small chargeable bodies need to be tested in drilling follow-up. A total of 15 targets have been generated through re-interpretation and integration of both geological mapping and remote sensing, geochemical and geophysical data, as well as existing drilling. Specific recommendations of follow-up works are advised for each type of target.

Wildlife tourism is proliferating worldwide and has the potential to raise revenue for conservation as well as public awareness of conservation issues. However, concerns are growing about the potentially negative influence of such tourism on the wildlife involved. An absence of scientific information means that the potential costs of tourism are unidentified, tourism management strategies are not informed by scientific studies, and the ethics of habituating animals to humans remain relatively unexplored, though much discussed. This combination of ecological and anthropological research questions necessitates a bio-social approach. In this thesis I adopt an interdisciplinary approach to explore the factors that influence human-animal interactions and incorporate them into conservation biology. I use the Dzangha-Sangha Gorilla Habituation and Ecotourism Project in the Central African Republic as a case study. First, I explore the context of wildlife tourism and why people watch gorillas in the wild, their reactions to and behaviours during their gorilla encounters and the effect these encounters have on the visitors. People are drawn to gorillas because gorillas are human-like and tourists seek close encounters which are rare and authentic. Photography is a key motivation for tourists to visit gorillas but also a major cause of disturbance. Next, I detail a series of experiments I conducted to validate methods for measuring physiological stress in the western lowland gorilla. Using these methods, I then address the question of whether gorillas incur stress as a result of habituation and ecotourism activities, comparing faecal glucocorticoid metabolite levels (FGCMs) in four gorilla groups at different stages of habituation. Two (and possibly all three) of the human-contacted groups had significantly higher levels of FGCMs than unhabituated gorillas, and the group undergoing habituation had the highest FGCMs, suggesting that the process of habituation is perceived as a threat by gorillas, and that habituation reduces this response over time. FGCMs in habituated groups were significantly associated with increasing frequency of violation of the 7 m distance rule by observers and with a medical intervention but not with other measures of human pressure, suggesting that some elements of human-gorilla contact still elicit a GC response in habituated gorillas. I then demonstrate a positive association between FGCMs and parasite infection that may reflect hormonal suppression of the immune system in gorillas with higher FGCM levels, or, stimulation of the HPA axis as a result of increased parasite infection. Finally, I explore socio-cultural, epidemiological and management aspects of human interactions with gorillas in order to identify how and why visitors break regulations and the subsequent risk of human-gorilla disease transmission. Socio-cultural and emotive factors motivate people to get close to gorillas. Epidemiological factors interact with socio-cultural and emotive drivers to create a variable profile of disease risk presented by each person during their interactions with gorillas. The outcomes of this interdisciplinary risk assessment will inform policy makers as to how they may better protect gorillas, and other animals, from the potential negative effects of human disturbance resulting from habituation, tourism and research activities. The implications of this study will help to maximize the potential for such projects to be beneficial, low-impact and sustainable conservation solutions.

The PR851 licence area is located at about 80 km west from the town of Likasi in the district of Haut-Katanga and 175 km north-west of Lubumbashi, the capital city of Katanga Province in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The exploration licence was granted by the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo to First Quantum Minerals Ltd through its Congolese subsidiary Compagnie Minière de Sakania Sprl (CoMiSa Sprl) under certificate N˚ CAMI/CR/70/2003 on the 10th of October 2003 for a period of 5 years with a possibility of renewal for 3 years in respect to the new Congolese mining code. The PR851 area lies on fragments of Mines Subgroup rocks of the Roan Group in the Congolese Copperbelt where most of the Cu-Co and stratiform-stratabound deposits such as Kipushi, Ruashi-Etoile, Kinsevere, Kipoi, Luishya, Luswishi, Shituru, Kamoya, Kambove, Tenke- Fungurume, Shinkolobwe, Swambo, Mindingi and Kamoto among others are found. During the 20th century, the Union Minière du Haut Katanga (U.M.H.K.) undertook mineral exploration in the Congolese Copperbelt and numerous copper- and cobalt-occurrences were identified (for instance Kibamba copper occurrence in PR851 area). From 2003, the Compagnie Minière de Sakania Sprl initiated a grassroots exploration program in PR851 area and geochemical exploration survey as one of the mineral exploration tools was implemented to aim at detecting copper and cobalt concentration in soil. The B horizon of the thick tropical soil in the area was sampled and soil samples were sent to Genalysis laboratories in Johannesburg, Republic of South Africa for main chemical analysis of Cu and Co only, whereas 10% of analyzed samples were dispatched to Perth, Western Australia for quality control analysis. Thresholds for anomalies of copper and cobalt were defined by literature comparison, standard deviations and spatial analysis. The anomalies were tested at a later stage by reverse circulation / diamond drilling during the year of 2005 to 2008 and the Cu-Co resources were estimated by Digital Mining Services of Harare, Zimbabwe in the year of 2008. Geological logging of chips from reverse circulation and diamond drill cores revealed that copper mineralization is represented by malachite, chrysocolla, chalcopyrite and bornite whereas cobalt mineralization appeared in form of heterogenite. The source of supergene mineralization remains unknown. Recommendations have been made to undertake more geological exploration work in order to fully investigate the geological setting and structural architecture of the region, which may result in a better understanding of the Cu-Co mineralization system and ore genesis. The latter has been no consensus up-to-date and different theories have been proposed to discuss the ore genesis, including syn- and dia- genetic, synorogenic and sulphide remobilization to late-to-post- orogenic Cu-Zn-Pb Kipushi-type deposit. However, geological observations favored that the diagenetic and syngenetic models are applicable to numerous deposits in the Central African Copperbelt.

Twenty years has passed since the adopted of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which aims to strengthen the gender perspective in conflict settings as well as address inequalities related to sexually gender-based violence. Still, the concrete impact it has had on sexual violence in armed conflict, is questioned. Additionally, it is questioned if it reaches the grassroot level in armed conflict settings. Thus, this study has examined what factors that may have hindered a successful implementation on a grassroot level in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. Furthermore, it has examined the concrete impact on the efforts against sexual violence in these areas. This was done by firstly, conducting a policy analysis using the “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” approach to identify underlying problematics within the resolution. Additionally, semi-structed interviews were conducted with respondents having experience in working with the resolution and/or sexual violence in armed conflict. The results showed, among other things, that the complex construction of the resolution have been a hindering factor for a successful implementation. Additionally, the concrete change for the efforts against sexual violence in conflict settings is lacking. However, the empowerment that the resolution has provided to those working with these issues, is still an important impact.

This dissertation seeks to examine the United Nations (UN) political and peacebuilding post-conflict engagements within the frame of the liberal peacebuilding project. Through a comparative analysis of the Department of Political Affairs (DPA) and Peacebuilding Architecture (PBA) post-conflict engagements utilizing the cases of Sierra Leone, Burundi and the Central African Republic (CAR), this research examines two major strategic goals. On the one hand, it analyses coherence, a technical aspect meaning first, the synergy between the New York-based UN headquarters and field missions and second, intracoordination amongst UN teams in the field. On the other hand, it examines inclusiveness. This means the extent to which these post-conflict engagements have included different stakeholders in peacebuilding processes, specifically the local civil society and regional actors. The dissertation then addresses explanatory factors and implications of the DPA and PBA failure in reifying coherence and inclusiveness within the frame of UN political and peacebuilding post-conflict engagements as well as how this unfulfilled challenge has contributed to the current depression of the liberal peacebuilding project.
Aquesta tesi pretén analitzar els processos polítics i de construcció de pau postbèl·lics de l’ONU en el marc del projecte liberal de construcció de pau. Mitjançant una anàlisi comparativa dels processos postbèl·lics liderats pel Departament d'Afers Polítics (DAP) i l’Arquitectura de Construcció de Pau (ACP) desplegats a Sierra Leone, Burundi i la República Centreafricana, aquesta investigació examina dos objectius estratègics concrets. D'una banda, s’analitza la coherència, un aspecte tècnic que fa referència, en primer lloc, a la sinergia entre la seu de Nova York i les missions operant als països i, en segon lloc, la coordinació interna entre equips de l'ONU desplegats sobre el terreny. D'altra banda, s’examina la inclusió, és a dir, fins a quin punt aquests processos postbèl·lics de l’ONU han inclòs diferents actors al procés de construcció de pau, concretament la societat civil local i els actors regionals. La tesi aborda els factors explicatius i les implicacions del fracàs del DAP i l’ACP a l’hora d’assolir la coherència i la inclusió en el marc d’aquests processos polítics i de construcció de pau postbèl·lics de l’ONU, així com aquest fracàs ha contribuït a la depressió actual del projecte liberal de construcció de pau.

Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017
Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.

The Central African Republic is a small country located in the center of Africa. It is a very young nation in terms of political independence, but as the CAR emerges as a nation, it has begun to produce valuable authors who write for the French speaking world. This thesis is an attempt to bring part of the CAR's literature to the United States.Le Silence de la Foret was written by Etienne Goyemide and not only describes the culture of the mainstream population of the CAR, but also that of Pygmies. Although the book is a novel, the cultural aspects are not fictitious. This thesis is a translation of Goyemide's novel into English so that it can be made accessible to the English speaking world.The process of translating such a literary work required and increased knowledge and understanding of both French and English. In attempting to capture the style and tone of the author, careful attention was given to such aspects as tense, syntactic structures, register and vocabulary. A chapter of the thesis is devoted to describing the problems encountered during translation and the reasoning for the translations chosen.
Department of English

During the latest armed conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) from 2013 to the present, narratives emerged regarding who was an autochthon and who was not, pitting “true Central Africans” against “foreigners”, Christians against Muslims. This new cycle of violence is embedded in a long history of political violence in the CAR. Still, the claim of one group being more autochthon than another has not been a prominent feature of previous conflicts, neither has fighting in the past formed so clearly along religious identities. Being a Son of the Soil, an autochthon, evokes an image that denies CAR’s history of migration of social groups and reify fixity, and such conflicts have also been present in other parts of Africa, as well as in Europe and Asia. To date, most literature seeking to understand autochthony-related armed conflict has been dominated by elite-centric analysis that highlight the mobilization of autochthony as a strategy to retain power in cases of political liberalization or democratization (Cameroon, Kenya or Côte d’Ivoire). When not elite-centric, analyses of autochthony-related conflict have emphasized land, access to land issues or crudely predatory logics of vigilante groups on the local level (Côte d’Ivoire or the DRC). In CAR, neither political liberalization, nor land issues alone were prominent, but autochthony was a strategy as witnessed in other African cases of autochthony-related armed conflicts. In that sense, this research asks how and why is autochthony being mobilized in the CAR politics before and after the 2013 coup? The dissertation argues that elites and ordinary citizens discursively mobilize autochthony as an identity capital across various scales. They do it to access non-land related resources, claim hierarchy, and discriminate against the other. The mobilization of autochthony is tied to longer legitimacy-seeking strategies of the elite, and autochthony is a symbolic myth that can be mobilized at various levels. The dissertation’s main theoretical contribution is to challenge the tendency to consider elites and supporters as belonging and subscribing to different discursive realm. This study has considered that autochthony links leaders and their followers in a type of pre-given conception that no longer needs explanation. This contributes to considering elites and their supporters as tied by the same discursive realm, but the concrete meaning of the discourse is different across multiple levels. To make the argument, the dissertation uses a qualitative multi-method approach predominantly centered on discourse analysis, fieldwork, interviews, and newspapers archival research. My research shows that understanding autochthony violence requires a simultaneous analysis of how autochthony is given meaning at different levels by various actors in everyday practices from the macro to the micro. Instrumentalizing autochthony lies at the interplay of all these levels. In this work, autochthony is vague enough to connect leaders to followers and, at the same time, precise enough for listeners to make sense of the term by connecting it to their daily experience of it. The long-term existence of the autochthony discourse allows it to change and morph at times of heightened crisis. It does not emerge overnight, but it has a longer genealogy that must be understood in context. That is, it is not simply because Bozizé targeted Muslim-foreigners in his speeches that people mobilized against them. Top-down manipulation might have resonated with followers but understanding of autochthony also operated independently of the top-down manipulation. That the conflict manifested around sectarian lines fits within an autochthony framework because autochthony is an empty identity marker whose content can be filled in many ways – most frequently with reference to ethnicity, religion, language, myths of origin, or some combination of such markers.

La République centrafricaine traverse depuis plusieurs décennies des crises socio­politiques et militaires. Celles-ci ont atteint leur apogée en 2013 autour des affrontements entre la Séléka, une rébellion du nord et les Anti­Balaka, un regroupement de milices locales. L’État n’a plus de contrôle sur l’ensemble de son territoire morcelé et tenu par des groupes armés. À partir du cas de l’Ouest centrafricain, cette thèse montre que les conflits armés ont des répercussions profondes sur les rapports des populations aux ressources et aux territoires. Ils ont un fort potentiel de destruction de certaines activités économiques telles que l’élevage bovin et la mine artisanale. Non seulement on assiste à une réorganisation des espaces de production des ressources pastorales et minières, mais le conflit induit également une trajectoire de décentralisation de l’accès aux ressources par les armes. Le contrôle par les armes a des incidences sur les acteurs, les réseaux et les flux de commercialisation. Nos travaux portent sur les dynamiques de l’Ouest centrafricain durant la période 2013-­2017. Ils s’appuient notamment sur une étude de cas à l’échelle de la commune d’élevage de Niem­-Yellewa, qui montre de quelle manière les ressentiments entre les groupes dominants, les luttes de pouvoirs entre les dirigeants locaux et les groupes armés en quête de ressources, s’agrègent pour générer, entretenir et faire perdurer un conflit local
The Central African Republic has been experiencing socio­political and military crises for several decades. Those reached their peak in 2013 when clashes between the Séléka, a rebellion in the north and the Anti­Balaka, a group of local militias, arose. The state no longer has control over the entire territory which is fragmented and held by armed groups. Presenting the case­study of West Central African Republic, this thesis shows that armed conflicts have profound implications on people's relations to resources and territories. These conflicts also tend to destroy some economic activities such as cattle farming and artisanal mining. Not only it induces the reorganization of the production areas of pastoral and mining resources, but it also triggers a tendency for a decentralized access to resources via weapons. Such armed control impacts actors, networks and marketing flows. Our works focus on the dynamics of West Central Africa during the period 2013­2017. They are essentially based on a case study at the scale of the pastoral area of Niem­Yellewa, which shows how resentments between the dominant groups and power struggles between local leaders and the armed groups looking for resources, aggregate to generate, maintain and perpetuate a local conflict

Orientador: Osmar Ribeiro Thomaz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho debruça-se sobre a prática da comunicação nas missões católicas da Congregação do Espírito Santo no Planalto Central angolano, território dos Ovimbundu, do período que vai de meados do século XIX ao período pré-Guerra de Libertação do século XX. O principal material empírico utilizado são as traduções de gêneros da oralidade em umbundu (provérbios, contos e adivinhas) para o português e de materiais doutrinários católicos (catecismos, liturgias) do português para o umbundu. Com base nesses registros, procura-se vislumbrar o processo de disputa simbólica que deu origem à convenção de significação estabelecida a partir da relação entre os diversos agentes envolvidos no contexto missionário
Abstract: The present work focuses on the practice of communication in the Catholic missions of the Congregation of the Holy Spirit located in the Central Highlands of Angola, territory of the Ovimbundu, from mid-19th century to pre-Liberation War 20th century. Its empirical material consists basically of translations of oral genres from Umbundu into Portuguese (proverbs, tales, conundrums) and Catholic doctrinal material (catechisms, liturgies) from Portuguese into Umbundu. Based on these registers, an attempt is made to grasp the process of symbolic struggle between the various agents involved in the missionary context in order to understand the meaning convention arising from this relationshi
Mestrado
Antropologia Social
Mestre em Antropologia Social

Thesis (MMil (Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the feasibility of the concept Developmental Peace Missions (DPMs). It seeks to answer the question whether DPMs is an ambitious construct or a feasible ideal and whether DPMs could be effectively applied during peace missions. The study takes the form of a descriptive analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of DPMs, and includes the analysis of various relevant case studies in terms of the application of the concept of DPMs. The study further explores the evolution that has taken place in terms of United Nations peace missions, in that most modern peace missions include both peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives. The study also illustrates the modern approach to peace missions, based on an integrated systems-thinking approach by means of which the activities of all relevant role-players are integrated and fused towards a common end state: that of sustained security and development. In order to analyse the concept of DPMs, the theoretical underpinnings of the concept human security, the security-development nexus and peacebuilding were researched in depth. These concepts were then coupled to the concept of DPMs in terms of their utility during current complex peace missions, both internationally and on the African continent. The concept of DPMs was studied in the context of contemporary peacekeeping in terms of three case studies, namely the peace missions in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the DRC. The DPMs concept was applied to these case studies and analysed in terms of the extent to which the peace interventions in these countries were conducted in accordance with the philosophical and theoretical underpinnings of DPMs. The study concludes that DPMs, in terms of its theoretical basis, is indeed a feasible ideal for peace missions, as it is based on and in line with the approved current UN- and AU-integrated planning processes. However, in terms of its practical utility in Africa, it currently remains an ambitious construct, given the limited capacity and resources of the AU and regional organisations. Therefore, DPMs should not be viewed as a short-term solution to, or panacea for, all intra-state wars. The study proposes that the UN, the AU, as well as relevant regional organisations will have to adjust and make changes in terms of their institutions, structures, funding and the provision of resources in order to operationalise the concept of DPMs successfully. This is especially true as far as the AU is concerned, as the AU currently experiences severe limitations in both material and human resources. However, the fact that both the UN and the AU have adopted the Integrated Mission Planning Process concept as planning tool for their respective missions is an indication that progress is being made towards the achievement of establishing a more holistic and integrated approach to finding sustainable solutions to global conflict. Ultimately, the success of DPMs will be determined by the will and commitment of all the relevant role-players involved in finding a lasting solution to intra-state conflicts. The concept itself cannot provide sustainable peace and development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dié tesis verken die lewensvatbaarheid van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings. Daar sal gepoog word om ‘n antwoord te kry op die vraag of Ontwikkelingsvredesendings ‘n ambisieuse konstruk of ‘n haalbare ideal is. Verder sal gepoog word om te bepaal of dit effektief tydens vredesoperasies toegepas kan word. Die studie neem die vorm aan van ‘n beskrywende analise van die teoretiese grondbeginsels van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings en sluit die analise van verskeie relevante gevallestudies ten opsigte van die begrip in. Die studie ondersoek die evolusie wat plaasgevind het ten opsigte van vredesendings wat deur die Verenigde Nasies (VN) onderneem word, naamlik dat die meeste moderne vredesendings, vredesbewarings, sowel as vredesbou (nasiebou) inisiatiewe insluit. Die studie illustreer ook die moderne benadering wat ten opsigte van vredesendings toegepas word, naamlik dat die aktiwiteite van al die betrokke rolspelers geïntegreer word en op ‘n gedeelde einddoel gefokus word. Die teoretiese grondstelllings van die begrippe veiligheid en ontwikkeling, die veiligheid-ensekuriteit- neksus, sowel as die begrip van vredesbou (nasiebou) is in diepte ondersoek ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings te analiseer. Hierdie begrippe is daarna in verband gebring met die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings soos wat dit tans tydens moderne komplekse vredesendings toegepas word – beide internasionaal sowel as op die Afrika kontinent. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings is bestudeer teen die agtergrond van eietydse vredesbewaring ten opsigte van drie gevallestudies, naamlik die intervensies in Kosovo, Sierra Leone en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo. Hierdie drie gevallestudies is gekies aangesien dit die eerste sendings was waartydens die VN die nuwe geïntegreerde benadering tot vredesendings, soos in die Brahimi-verslag aanbeveel, toegepas is. Die studie het bevind dat Ontwikkelingsvredesendings, wat betref die teoretiese grondstellings inderdaad uitvoerbaar is, aangesien dit gebaseer is op en in ooreenstemming is met die huidige aanvaarde beplanninsprosesse van die VN en die AU. Maar, wat betref die praktiese bruikbaarheid van die begrip in Afrika, bly dit tans ‘n ambisieuse konstruk, gegewe die beperkte vermoë en hulpbronne van die AU en streeksorganisasies. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings moet dus nie as ‘n korttermynoplossing vir alle interne oorloë beskou word nie. Die studie het bevind dat die VN, die AU, sowel as die betrokke streeksorganisasies, ingrypende veranderings sal moet ondergaan ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings suksesvol te kan toepas, veral ten opsigte van strukture, befondsing en die voorsiening van hulpbronne. Dit is veral waar in die geval van die AU, aangesien die AU tans geweldige uitdagings in die gesig staar wat betref menslike sowel as materiële hulpbronne. Ten spyte van laasgenoemde uitdagings dui die aanvaarding van die Geïntegreerde Sendingbeplanningsproses as besluitnemings-meganisme deur beide die VN en die AU op die vordering wat gemaak word ten opsigte van die daarstelling van ‘n meer holistiese en geïntegreerde benadering vir volhoubare oplossings vir konflik. Die sukses van Ontwikkelingsvredesendings sal uiteindelik bepaal word deur die wil en toewyding van alle betrokkenes by die soeke na langdurige vrede – die begrip op sigself kan nie volhoubare vrede en ontwikkeling bewerkstellig nie.

Le théâtre en Centrafrique : de la théâtralité des rituels aux pratiques actuelles est un parcours de l’univers théâtral centrafricain. A travers le rituel du Ganza et celui du culte de Ngakola, précisément dans leurs aspects spectaculaires, ont été relevé des aspects théâtraux ou encore des éléments pouvant donner naissance à une forme théâtrale. Ces deux rituels ont fortement influencé certains hommes de théâtre centrafricains, qui n’ont pas manqué de les invoquer dans leurs créations artistiques. Les démarches de ces hommes étaient en réalité une quête vers la liberté. Ils voulaient d’une certaine manière se réapproprier une culture qu’ils commençaient à perdre au profit de celle du colonisateur. Le colonisateur, parrain d’un théâtre qui a du mal à se défaire - du « cordon ombilical » - des liens avec lui. Malgré l’indépendance et la renaissance de ce théâtre en 1960, avec la pièce A moléngué ti indépendance de l’Abbé Benoît Basile Siango, de multiples efforts restent à faire pour donner à l’art de Molière dans ce pays, ses plus belles lettres de noblesse sur tous les plans [artistiques, esthétiques, techniques, politiques et socio-économiques]
The thesis entitled Drama in the Central African Republic : from the theatricality of rituals to contemporary practices, is a survey of the writing and production of plays in the Central African Republic. One can easily notice the theatrical elements, or elements that could give rise to some theatricality, in the Ganza ritual and the cult of Ngakola, especially when considering what relates to the spectacular in them. In the Central African Republic, these two rituals have had a great influence on certain number of playwrights who do allude them in their works. These writers are in fact aiming at more freedom. To a certain extent, they have been trying to recapture their own culture – a culture which they are gradually losing to that of the colonizer, the patron of the stage in the Central African Republic, with whom the link – the bondage – is hard to break. In spite of the independence of the country and of the revival of the theater in 1960 with the play entitled A moléngué ti independence by Father Benoît Basile Siango, considerable efforts still have to be made so that Molière’s art may regain its prestige [in terms of artistry, estheticism, techniques, as welle as political, social and economic commitment] in the Central African Republic

United nations peacekeeping is a contentious issue. What is mostly agreed on though, is thatthe brave men and women around the world risking their lives in peacekeeping missions around the world deserve the best security and protection the international community can offer. However, little research has been focused on the reasons behind violence against peacekeepers. This thesis theorizes that the presence of a third-party military operation that threatens theoperational capabilities of rebel groups has the potential to cause an increase in rebel violenceagainst a United Nations Peacekeeping operation in the same conflict. Through examiningconflict dynamics in the cases of Mali and the Central African Republic utilizing of astructured, focused comparison, the hypothesized relationship and causal explanations wereput to the test. The expectation was that in Mali, the high levels of violence would be explainedby the effectiveness of the French counterinsurgency operation in the country. In the CentralAfrican Republic, the contrary was expected. However, the hypothesis could not be confirmed. Due to some rather large caveats and limitations, the research gap could not be satisfied. Nonetheless, the study creates plenty for avenues of future research, and opportunities to learnfrom the challenges encountered.

La ville de Bangui, capitale de la République Centrafricaine, est sujette à de grandes difficultés en termes d'alimentation en eau potable. Un moyen de diversifier les ressources est de mettre en exploitation de façon plus importante les eaux souterraines à proximité de la zone urbaine. Deux aquifères existent sur le territoire, un aquifère superficiel dans les niveaux latéritiques et un aquifère en profondeur dans les niveaux carbonatés du Précambrien. L'aquifère superficiel, bien que très exploité, est un réservoir vulnérable et fortement marqué par les sources de pollutions anthropiques. Les caractéristiques isotopiques des eaux indiquent une très forte dépendance aux conditions hydrologiques de recharge et un rôle massif des processus d'évaporation sur la signature des eaux. L'aquifère profond est, quant à lui, dans des conditions semi-confinées et assez bien isolé des influences anthropiques. Les caractéristiques isotopiques des eaux sont en faveur d'une recharge plus homogène, au sein d'un réservoir de taille importante et sur une superficie notable autour de la zone urbaine de Bangui. Les temps de séjour calculés à l'aide du radiocarbone sur les eaux souterraines les plus profondes indiquent des "âges" de l'ordre de plusieurs siècles à environ 3000 ans, traduisant une forte inertie du système aquifère et par là même sont potentiel favorable à une exploitation pérenne et qualitative pour fins de production d'eau potable
Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic, is subject to great difficulties in terms of drinking water supply. One way to diversify resources is to operate more importantly groundwater near the urban area. Two aquifers exist in the area, a surface water in lateritic levels and a deep aquifer in carbonate levels of the Precambrian. The surface aquifer, although very exploited, is a vulnerable reservoir and is also strongly influenced by anthropogenic sources of pollution. Isotopic characteristics of the water indicate a very strong dependence on hydrological recharge conditions and a massive part of the evaporation of water on the isotopic signature. The deep aquifer is, meanwhile, in a semi-confined situation and relatively well isolated from anthropogenic influences. Isotopic characteristics of the water are in favour of more homogeneous recharge processes, in a large reservoir and over a substantial area around the urban zone of Bangui. The residence times calculated using radiocarbon on the deeper groundwater indicate "ages" of the order of several centuries to about 3000 years, reflecting a strong inertia of the aquifer system and thus favourable exploitation conditions for the development of a sustainable and qualitative drinking water supply from groundwater

Les Nzakara et les Yakoma vivent dans la même région du sud-est de la République Centrafricaine et partagent des origines communes selon les récits mythiques. Leurs patrimoines musicaux véhiculent leurs particularités culturelles qui se répercutent sur les pratiques musicales. On observe que la forêt et le fleuve jouent un rôle très différent dans leur construction identitaire. La forêt favorise la fermeture et le fleuve, l’ouverture. Les Nzakara ont un mode de vie lié à la forêt qui constitue leur principale source d’inspiration musicale ; ils sont plutôt conservateurs et ne sont pas prêts à se détacher de leurs sources tout en ignorant les réalités du monde en pleine mutation. Cette société précoloniale était fortement hiérarchisée. La musique tenue dans la plupart des cas par les poètes était très liée à l’ancienne organisation sociopolitique de la dynastie Bandia. Les Yakoma, en revanche, ont un mode de vie qu’il est convenu d’appeler « civilisation de la rivière » et qui constitue également leur source d’inspiration musicale ; ils sont plutôt ouverts et s’adaptent plus facilement aux changements. Aujourd’hui la musique se retrouve de plus en plus dans les églises majoritairement fréquentées par ce peuple. Leur société n’est pas hiérarchisée. L’arrivée des colons avec leurs corollaires, les missionnaires catholiques et protestants, s’est traduite par une lutte virulente contre les symboles religieux, les pratiques musicales et les instruments de musique. Cette situation a plongé les Nzakara dans un état de désenchantement et les a conduit à un abandon général de leurs pratiques culturelles
The Nzakara and Yakoma people live in the southeast of the Central African Republic and according to mythical accounts share common origins. Their musical heritages convey their cultural specificities which resonnate in their musical practices. Within their identity construction processes, it is possible to identify very different roles played by the forest and the river: the forest promotes closure and the river, opening.The Nzakara way of live is linked with the forest, which constitutes their main musical source of inspiration. They tend to be conservative, are not ready to move away from their sources, unaware of the realities of the fast-changing world. This pre-colonial society was strongly hierarchical. The music used in most cases by the poets is closely linked to the sociopolitical organization of the dynasty Bandia. The Yakoma way of live, conversely, is usually described as the "civilization of the river", which also constitutes their musical source of inspiration. They tend to be more open and adapt more easily to social changes. Their society is not organized hierarchically.The arrival of the colonists accompanied by Catholic and Protestant missionaries resulted in a virulent struggle against their religious symbols, musical practices and the musical instruments. This situation destabilized and disillusioned the Nzakara, leading them to abandon their cultural practices

La République Centrafricaine, 622 984 km2 pour 4,525 millions d’habitants en 2012, est une ancienne colonie française, indépendante le 13 août 1960. Durant les premières décennies post-indépendance, un État faiblement structuré a été mis en place. Au moment où les efforts conjugués des bailleurs de fonds commençaient à inscrire une nouvelle dynamique de stabilité, la rébellion de la Séléka conduite par Michel Djotodia, a pris le pouvoir le 24 mars 2013. Depuis lors, le pays est confronté à l’une de ses crises majeures, caractérisée par l’intermittence de la violence, la pluralité des acteurs et la complexité des facteurs belligènes. Le défi de sécurité étant un déterminant incompressible, ce travail est construit autour de l’impact irréversiblement positif de la refonte des Forces de défense et de sécurité dans la construction de la paix, de la stabilité et du développement
The Central African Republic, 622,984 km2 area for 4.525 million inhabitants in 2012, is a former French colony that became independent on August 13, 1960. During the first decades of post-independence, a weakly structured state was established. At the time when the combined efforts of the donors were beginning to introduce a new dynamic of stability, the Séléka rebellion led by Michel Djotodia took power on March 24, 2013. Since then, the country has faced one of its major crisis, characterized by the intermittent violence, the plurality of actors and the complexity of the belligerent factors. The security challenge is an incompressible means, this academic work is built around the positive irreversibly impact of the armed forces and security in the building of peace, stability and development in Central African Republic

The internationalisation of conflicts has made the study of the effects of external support a prominent subfield within peace and conflict studies. How supporting states affect conflict strategies and changes the conflict dynamic has been the prime concern of this thesis. I have argued that when a government actor is supported by an external state with high soft power, in the form of political and economic capital, the government is less inclined to use one-sided violence as a conflict strategy. By using the principal- agent theory as a model to explain the relationship between the supporter and the supported state, I have found support for my argument. The government of the Central African Republic has conducted low levels of one-sided violence when supported by the soft power France. The government of South Sudan, on the other hand, has conducted high levels of one-sided violence when supported by the non-soft power Uganda. By coming to this conclusion, this paper has introduced soft power as an important concept in peace and conflict studies while also helping to elucidate the role of external supporters in conflict strategies. Future research should develop on the findings in this thesis by controlling for other possible explanations to why one-sided violence decreases depending on the characteristics of the support and include a greater number of cases.

La préoccupation majeure de tout État moderne est d’assurer son développement économique et social. Chaque État définit ses stratégies de développement en fonction de ses réalités. C’est le cas de la République centrafricaine (RCA). L’économie du pays est fragile et demeure marquée par une faible capacité à générer des revenus. En dépit d’un potentiel naturel très important, la RCA pâtit de son enclavement qui pèse sur le développement économique du pays. Or, l’un des problèmes-clés du développement économique est celui de son financement endogène. Si les capacités contributives font défaut, il est impossible d’assurer un développement harmonieux. En effet, le financement du développement d’un État reste tributaire de la performance des ressources fiscales et douanières. La politique fiscale a un rôle important à jouer dans le développement économique d’un pays. En Centrafrique, comme dans les pays en développement, la politique fiscale est la locomotive du développement. Car, l’outil essentiel de toute politique de mobilisation de ressources et de financement adéquat du développement est la fiscalité, véritable instrument de politique économique et sociale. La fiscalité est à ce titre la carte maîtresse des programmes économiques de ce pays qui, non seulement, est enclavé mais doit relever le défi de la reconstruction à la suite des troubles politiques qui l’ont secoué durant des décades. Ainsi, la question du financement endogène du développement en Centrafrique se situe dans un contexte nouveau et doit prendre en compte plusieurs paramètres, en vue d’améliorer la mobilisation des ressources financières nationales permettant d’assurer le financement du développement
The major concern of every modern State is to ensure its economic and social development. Since living conditions are not the same, each State sets its development strategies according to its realities. This is the case of the Central African Republic (CAR). The economy remains fragile and is marked by a low capacity to generate income. Despite its huge natural potential (dense water network, large forest, vast mineral resources, extensive arable land etc.), CAR suffers from its hemmed-in position which weighs on the country's economic development. Yet, one of the key problems of economic development is endogenous funding. If the contributory capacities of citizens are limited, it is impossible to ensure a harmonious development. Indeed, the funding of any State development remains dependent on the performance of tax and customs resources. Thus, fiscal policy has an important role to play in the economic development of a country. In Central Africa, as in developing countries, fiscal policy is the locomotive of development. Since the essential tool of all resource mobilisation and adequate development funding policy is taxation, which is the real instrument of economic and social policy. Taxation is as such the trump card of economic programs of this country which, not only is landlocked but must face the challenge of rebuilding following the political unrest that shook it for more than two decades. In this sense, the question of endogenous financing of Central Africa’s development lies within a new context and must take into account several factors in order to improve the mobilization of domestic financial resources to ensure development growth

Dans l'étude présente, nous avons fait une analyse distributionnelle du ngam, langue sara parlée au Sud du Tchad et au Nord de la République Centrafricaine. L'étude s'est subdivisée en cinq parties:

- la phonologie

- une description générale des structures du syntagme nominal

- une description du nom

- un chapitre consacré à l'expression de la qualification en nous basant essentiellement sur la définition de la catégorie des adjectifs qualificatifs

- une étude pronominale

Le verbe ne fait partie de cette étude, elle fera l'objet d'une publication dans un futur proche. L'annexe comprend un lexique et un texte d'illustration.
Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Depuis 1996, conflits armés, grand banditisme (coupeurs de route) et razzias ont forcé des centaines de milliers de Centrafricains à migrer, à l’intérieur de leur pays (déplacés internes) ou vers l'étranger proche (réfugiés au Cameroun et au Tchad). Au travers divers courants de la géographie (politique, du développement, des mobilités), ce travail montre que les migrations forcées se construisent au croisement entre les pratiques des migrants et les choix politiques des structures d'encadrement (États, groupes armés, organisations d'aide humanitaire). Il se fonde sur une approche transversale de la migration forcée (du lieu d'origine au retour éventuel) et sur des enquêtes de terrain multi-situées (Centrafrique, Cameroun, Tchad). Une première partie démontre que les violences ne sont pas causées par la faiblesse de l'État centrafricain, mais par les politiques de ses dirigeants. Les populations sont prises pour cible dans des conflits irréguliers pour contrôler l'appareil d'État et par des groupes armés qui pillent les ressources (bétail, récoltes, infrastructures publiques, diamants). Une seconde partie montre que si les insécurités jouent sur l'ampleur, la répartition spatiale et la durée des exils, les migrants orientent leurs cheminements selon leurs habitudes circulatoires. Ils empruntent divers champs de mobilités pour fuir les violences (mobilités agricoles et pastorales, relations villes-campagnes). Une troisième partie met en perspective le rôle de l'aide humanitaire et des politiques d'asile dans la production de l'espace migratoire, autour de deux formes d’accueil : les camps de réfugiés, la dispersion des migrants dans des villes et des villages
Since 1996, armed conflicts, organized crime (road bandits) and raids have forced hundreds of thousands of Central African Republic people to migrate within their own country (IDPs) or to bordering countries (refugee in Cameroon and Chad). Through various geographical schools (political, development, mobility), this work demonstrate that forced migrations results from both the practices of migrants and the political choices or the supervisory organizations (states, armed groups, humanitarian organizations). It is based on a transversal approach of forced migration (ranging from the starting point of the migrant up to his possible return) and multi-located field surveys (CAR, Cameroon, Chad). The first part shows that violence is not caused by the weakness of the CAR state, but by the policies of its leaders. The populations are targeted in the course or irregular conflicts aimed at controlling the political machinery and by armed groups plundering ressources (livestock, crops, public infrastructure, diamonds). The second part shows that if insecurities influence the extent, the spatial distribution and the duration of exiles, migrants direct their paths according to their regular circulations. They use various fields of mobility to escape violence (agricultural and pastoral mobility, urban-rural relationship). A third part put sinto perspective the role of humanitarian aid and asylum policies in the production of the migratory space (refugee, camps, dispersion of migrants)

La présente thèse propose une étude comparative des langues bantu A80 (aussi appelées « makaa-njem »). Celle-ci répond à un double objectif : proposer une synthèse des connaissances linguistiques (et des disciplines connexes) sur les langues du groupe A80, en apportant des données et analyses nouvelles pour le bekwel du Gabon, d’une part et présenter les résultats d’une étude comparative sur deux niveaux – synchronique et diachronique – d’autre part. La comparaison prend en compte huit langues A80 : le shiwa, le kwasio, le bekol, le makaa, le konzime, le njem, le bekwel et le mpiemo. Cette étude comparative adopte en premier lieu une perspective synchronique (correspondances « horizontales ») pour ensuite aborder les données sous un angle diachronique (correspondances « verticales », reconstructions et réflexes). Elle porte sur la phonologie et plus marginalement sur la morphologie nominale et verbale. L’étude se base également sur un lexique de 1029 cognats établis à partir de données de premières mains pour le bekwel et de données issues de la littérature spécialisée pour les autres langues. Les données ont été traitées à l’aide des outils du site du projet RefLex. La première partie de la thèse constitue une synthèse globale des connaissances sur les langues A80 et sur le bekwel en particulier. La deuxième partie présente le corpus (modalités de constitution, puis nature, provenance et traitement des données) et une série d’esquisses phonologiques (et morphologiques) synthétiques pour les huit langues élaborées sur la base des données collectées et/ou rassemblées. La troisième et dernière partie présente les résultats de l’étude comparative. Celle-ci met en lumière les processus morphologiques et phonologiques qui ont façonné les langues du groupe makaa-njem au cours de leur évolution. Au niveau morphologique, on relève une simplification du système des classes nominales (due à l’intégration de plusieurs anciens préfixes aux bases démultipliant le nombre de préfixe zéro), de nombreux cas de reclassement, le rôle d’anciens préfixes nasals dans le dévoisement des occlusives en initiale de base nominale ainsi que l’émergence de mi-voisées en bekwel. Au niveau de la phonologie, on observe une tendance au monosyllabisme plus ou moins avancé selon les langues. Celle-ci s’explique par l’étude diachronique qui met en évidence que les langues A80 ont souvent subi la chute de la voyelle finale (V2) ou parfois même de la syllabe finale. La voyelle initialement en V2 est généralement maintenue d’une manière ou d’une autre par des anticipations qui peuvent prendre plusieurs formes : diphtongaisons, séquences V11-V12 (parfois avec dévocalisation de V11), nouveaux timbres par coalescence, etc. Enfin, la conclusion de la thèse récapitule les principaux résultats concernant la morphologie, la phonologie et le lexique, et montre comment ces résultats pourront être utiles pour l’analyse et la description (futures) des langues A80
This thesis presents a comparative study of the Bantu languages of the A80 group (also known as Makaa-Njem). The goal of the thesis is two-fold: (i) offer a synthesis of the state of knowledge in linguistics (and related disciplines) about the languages of the Bantu A80 group by adding new data and analysis for the Bekwel language of Gabon ; (ii) present the results of a comparative study at the synchronic and diachronic levels. The comparative study includes eight A80 languages: Shiwa, Kwasio, Bekol, Makaa, Konzime, Njem, Bekwel and Mpiemo. The study adopts in the first place a synchronic perspective ("horizontal" correspondences) then approaches the same data from a diachronic point of view ("vertical" correspondences, reconstructions and reflexes), focusing mainly on phonology, and to a lesser extent, on nominal and verbal morphology. It is based on a 1029 cognate lexicon established on the basis of first-hand data for Bekwel and published data for the other languages. Data was processed using the online tools of the RefLex project.The first part of the thesis establishes a general summary of the knowledge on the Bantu A80 languages and on Bekwel in particular. The second part presents the corpus (gathering methods then nature of the data, sources and processing) and a series of concise phonological (and morphological) sketches for all eight languages constituted on the basis of the collected and/or compiled data. The third and final part presents the results of the comparative study. It brings into light the morphological and phonological processes that have shaped the languages of the Makaa-Njem group through their evolution. At the morphological level, it reveals a process of simplification of the noun class system (due to the assimilation of old prefixes into the stems leading to an increase in the number of zero prefixes), numerous cases of re-classification and the role of old nasal prefixes in occlusive devoicing stem initially as well as the mergence of semi-voiced consonants in Bekwel. At the phonological level, a tendency to monosyllabicity can be observed, at a greater or lesser extent depending on the language. This finds an explanation in the diachronic analysis that shows that the languages of the A80 group often were subject to final vowel dropping (V2), in some cases even the whole final syllable. The vowel originally in V2 is generally preserved thanks to anticipations of various types: emergence of diphthongs, V11-V12 sequences (sometimes including devocalization of V11), new vowel quality by fusion, etc. Finally, the conclusion of the thesis summarizes the main results with regards to morphology, phonology and the lexicon, illustrating how these results will be useful for (future) analyses and descriptions of languages of the A80 group

Bien que le Code de droit canonique prévoie au canon 281 la rémunération des clercs et leur assistance sociale en cas de maladie, d’invalidité ou de vieillesse, cette disposition est loin d’être appliquée convenablement aux prêtres séculiers de Centrafrique. En plus de la pauvreté structurelle, le pays est en proie à une guerre civile qui a détruit tout le tissu socio-économique. Mais la guerre ne justifie pas tout. Il y a un problème de gestion et d’administration des biens ecclésiastiques. La gestion rigoureuse et transparente des maigres ressources financières dont dispose l’Église reste un défi majeur. S’il est vrai que la subsistance du clergé est de la responsabilité de l’Église, les prêtres ont aussi une part importante à jouer. Notre thèse propose les mesures à prendre pour rendre possible l’auto-prise en charge des prêtres en Centrafrique
Although the Code of Canon Law provides at canon 281 the remuneration of clerics and their social assistance in case of sickness, invalidity or old age, this provision is far from being properly applied to the secular priests of Central Africa. In addition to structural poverty, the country is in the throes of a civil war that has destroyed the entire socio-economic fabric. But war does not justify everything. There is a problem of management and administration of ecclesiastical goods. The rigorous and transparent management of the meager financial resources available to the Church remains a major challenge. While it is true that clergy subsistence is the responsibility of the Church, priests also have an important part to play. Our thesis proposes the steps to be taken to make possible the self-reliance of the priests in the Central African Republic

Nombreuses prévues et études sur la transmission inter et trans-générationnelle du traumatisme nous confirment l'évidence de la transmission sans pour autant en donner une description détaillé du processus qui pourrait être à la base de la transmission directe de la mère au bébé. La compréhension de ce processus pourrait permettre de penser et promouvoir des dispositifs de soin précoce pour les mères traumatisées et leurs bébés. Cela s'avère d'autant plus important dans les contextes de trauma collectif, comme les situations d'urgence humanitaire, où une large partie de la population est exposée à des événements traumatiques extrêmes et répétés. Dans le but d’identifier les déterminantes propres à la transmissions directe du traumatise psychique de la mère au bébé en contexte humanitaire, nous avons recrutées vingt-quatre dyades mère-bébé, en trois pays affectés par la crise politico-religieuse centrafricaine démarrée en 2013 (République Centrafricaine, Tchad et Cameroun). Dans les vingt-quatre dyades, les mères ont été exposées à un ou plusieurs événements traumatiques, en l'absence du bébé, avant sa naissance ou pendant la grossesse ; l'âge de bébé est compris entre un mois et trois ans. Ces Mères et bébés ont étés rencontré lors d'un entretien semi structuré que nous avons filmé. Cela pour permettre une microanalyse des interactions trans-modales (visuelles, corporelles, vocales) entre mère et bébé, dans l'idée de comprendre si pendant la révocation de l'événement traumatique de la part de la mère, les interactions subissaient des modifications et dans ce cas, lesquels. Les interactions dyadiques ont été aussi observées dans une situation de jeu libre sans la présence d'interviewer. Les représentations maternelles ainsi que les marqueurs traumatiques dans le discours ont été pris en compte comme facteurs contributeurs de la transmission traumatique. Les résultats de l'analyse des échanges dyadiques pendant l'entretien, montrent une évidence dans le changement d'interactions dans le moment de révocation traumatique de la mère. Les détails de cette différence d'interaction entre mère et bébé sont présentés dans la session de résultats. Dans la discussion ils sont ensuite mis en relation avec le discours de la mère où nous pouvons remarquer le rôle de représentations maternelle à propos du bébé qui ont une implication importante dans la transmission traumatique. L'analyse de toutes ces composantes multiples semble nous indiquer que le traumatisme maternelle influence les représentations de la mère à propos du bébé, de sa relation avec lui et du mandat transgénérationnelle dont le bébé va être investi. De plus les mères traumatisées, envahies par leur propre état émotionnel négatif ont des difficultés à interpréter correctement les expressions verbales et non verbales du bébé et à trouver des réponses appropriées. Cette difficulté se traduit dans la transmission de son état émotionnel négatif au bébé, qui interprète l'absence de réponse de la mère ou les réponses pas adéquates à ses sollicitations, comme des signaux négatifs vis-à-vis de son propre état émotionnel. Lé bébé et il n'a pas d' autres stratégies que celle d'internaliser l'état affectif négatif maternel et de le transformer dans son propre état interne. Malgré l'évidence de la transmission de l état émotionnel négatif de la mère au bébé, nous avons pu observer certains facteurs de protection qui peuvent préserver les mères et les bébés de l'inévitabilité de cette transmission. Les mères et les bébés montrent plusieurs ressources et compétences internes qui nous laissent penser qu'une réparation est possible ainsi qu'une prévention de la transmission traumatique quand le processus est déjà démarré. Pour conclure ce travail nous présentons de propositions cliniques de prise en charge des mère ayant vécu un traumatisme et leur bébé, dans le but de réduire les effets de la possible transmission du traumatisme au bébé ou, quand possible, de la prévenir
Several studies on the inter- and trans-gerational transmission of trauma confirm the evidence of transmission without giving a detailed description of the process that could be the basis of mother to child direct transmission. Understanding this process could help to think and promote early care for traumatized mothers and their children. This is especially important in contexts of collective trauma, such as humanitarian emergencies, where a large part of the population is exposed to extreme and repeated traumatic events. In order to identify the determinants of the mother to child direct transmission in a humanitarian context, we recruited twenty-four mother-child dyads, in three countries affected by the Central African political and religious crisis started in 2013 (Central African Republic, Chad and Cameroon). The twenty-four dyads were composed by mothers exposed to one or more traumatic events, in the absence of the child, before childbirth or during pregnancy and their children, aged from one month to three years. We met the mother-child dyads during a semi-structured interview that we filmed in order to allow a microanalysis of the cross-modal (visual, bodily, vocal) interactions between mother and child. The objective was to understand whether interactions underwent modifications during the revocation of the traumatic event by the mother, and if yes, to have a better comprehension of these changes. Dyadic interactions were also observed in a free play situation without the presence of interviewers. Maternal representations as well as traumatic markers in mother discourse have been taken into account as factors contributing to the traumatic transmission. The results of the dyadic exchanges analysis during the interview show some evidences in the modification of interactions during the traumatic revocation of the mother. The details of this difference in mother-child interactions are presented in the results session. In the discussion session, the results from the microanalysis of interactions, have been connected to the mother's speech where we can notice the role of maternal representations about the child that have an important involvement in traumatic transmission. The analysis of all these multiple components seems to indicate that maternal trauma influences the mother's representations about the child, her relationship with him and the intergenerational mandate of which the child will be assigned to. In addition, traumatized mothers who are overwhelmed by their own negative emotional state, have difficulties in interpreting the child's verbal and non-verbal expressions correctly and finding appropriate answers. This difficulty is reflected in the transmission of mother negative emotional state to the child, who interprets the mother's lack of response or inadequate responses to his solicitations, as negative signals about his own emotional state. The child has no other strategies than internalizing the maternal negative affective state and transforming it into its own internal state. Despite the evidence of the transmission of the negative emotional state from the mother to the child, we have observed some protective factors that can preserve mothers and children from the inevitability of this transmission. Mothers and children show many internal resources and skills that suggest a possible recovery as well as give the basis to think about the prevention of traumatic transmission, when the process is already underway. To conclude this work we present clinical applications for the management of traumatized mothers and their young children in order to reduce the effects of the possible transmission of trauma to the child or, where possible, to prevent it
Diversi studi sulla trasmissione inter e tran-generazionale del trauma confermano l'evidenza della trasmissione, ma senza fornire una descrizione dettagliata del processo che potrebbe essere alla base della trasmissione diretta dalla madre al bambino. Comprendere questo processo potrebbe aiutare a pensare e promuovere la cura precoce delle madri traumatizzate e dei loro bambini. Ciò è tanto più importante nelle situazioni di trauma collettivo, come possono essere le emergenze umanitarie, dove una gran parte della popolazione è esposta a eventi traumatici estremi e ripetuti. Al fine di individuare le caratteristiche specifiche della trasmissione diretta del trauma psichico dalla madre al bambino in ambito umanitario, abbiamo reclutato ventiquattro diadi madre-bambino in tre paesi colpiti dalla crisi politico-religiosa della Repubblilca Centrafricana che ha avuto inizio nel 2013 (Centrafrica, Ciad e Camerun). Nelle ventiquattro diadi, la madre ha assistito a uno o più eventi traumatici in assenza del bambino, prima della nascita o durante la gravidanza e il bambino ha un'età compresa tra un mese e tre anni. Hanno partecipato a un' intervista semi-strutturata che abbiamo filmato per consentire la microanalisi delle interazioni cross-modali (visive, corporee, vocali) tra madre e bambino, con l'obiettivo di comprendere se durante la rievocazione dell'evento traumatico della madre, le interazioni madre-bambino si modificano e in questo caso, come. Le interazioni diadiche sono state osservate anche in una situazione di gioco libero senza la presenza d¿intervistatori. Le rappresentazioni materne e gli elementi identificatori del trauma nel discorso della madre sono stati considerati come fattori che contribuiscono alla trasmissione traumatica. I risultati delle analisi dell'interazione diadica durante l'intervista mostrano un cambiamento evidente dell'interazione nel momento della narrazione traumatica della madre. I dettagli delle differenze osservate nell'interazione madre-bambino sono presentati nella sessione dei risultati e nella discussione sono messi in relazione con il contenuto e la forma del discorso della madre, in cui è possibile vedere il ruolo delle rappresentazioni materne à proposito del bambino, nella trasmissione del trauma. L'analisi di tutti queste componenti multiple suggerisce che il trauma materno ha un impatto sulle rappresentazioni della madre a proposito del suo bambino, del rapporto che ha con lui e del mandato transgenerazionale di cui il bambino sarà portatore. Inoltre, le madri traumatizzate, invase dal proprio stato emotivo negativo, mostrano una difficoltà a interpretare correttamente le espressioni verbali e non verbali del bambino e a trovare delle risposte adeguate alle sue sollicitazioni. Questa difficoltà si traduce nella trasmissione dello stato emotivo negativo della madre al bambino, che interpreta la mancanza di risposta della madre o le risposte inadeguate alle sue richieste, come segnali negativi rispetto al suo stato emotivo. Il bambino non riesce a trovare altre strategie oltre a quella di interiorizzare lo stato emotivo negativo della madre e trasformarlo nel proprio stato emotivo interno. Nonostante le prove della trasmissione dello stato emotivo negativo dalla madre al bambino, abbiamo osservato alcuni fattori protettivi in grado di preservare le madri e i bambini dall'inevitabilità della trasmissione. Madri e bambini mostrano diverse risorse e competenze interne che ci portano a immaginare che una "riparazione" è possibile, cosi come anche la prevenzione della trasmissione traumatica, nel caso in cui il processo è già avviato. Per concludere questo lavoro, presentiamo delle proposte cliniche destinate alle madri traumatizzate e ai loro bambini, al fine di ridurre gli effetti della possibile trasmissione del trauma al bambino o, quando possibile, per impedirla

Mots clés : Groupe à Haut risque - Typologie - TS - HSH –VIH -IST- Afrique CentraleProblématique : Les femmes travailleuses du sexe (TS) et les hommes qui ont des rapports sexuels avec des hommes (HSH) constituent les populations les plus à risque d’infection au VIH dans différents pays d’Afrique subsaharienne. A ce jour, très peu d’interventions sont menées pour réduire le risque d’infection en influant sur les facteurs de risque dans ces deux populations en Afrique Centrale et particulièrement en République Centrafricaine. Les objectifs de cette thèse étaient d’établir une typologie documentée des transactions sexuelles féminines à Bangui et de mesurer la prévalence du VIH et des comorbidités associées dans ces deux populations.Méthodologie : D’abord de 1384 femmes volontaires sensibilisées ont été recrutées sur les lieux de leurs activités et orientées au niveau du site de l’enquête. Parmi lesquelles 345 ont été identifiées comme travailleuses du sexe. Et, par effet « boule de neige », 131 Hommes ayant des rapports sexuels avec des Hommes (HSH) ont été recrutés pour constitués la deuxième population de l’étude. Des analyses biologiques ont été effectuées. Un volet d’entretien est réalisé auprès de 20 TS.Résultats : Les résultats en ce qui concerne les TS montrent que cette pratique est très hétérogène et que la prévalence du VIH varie selon les catégories. Ainsi, la prévalence du VIH était de 6 fois plus élevé chez les "katas" que chez les "pupulenge" (39,1% contre 6,3%). Parmi les TS non professionnel, les «élèves/étudiants», «fonctionnaires ou salariées » et «femmes au foyer» étaient moins infectées par le VIH (6,1%, 9,8%, 13,0%, respectivement), tandis que les «vendeuses ambulantes», constituait la catégorie la plus touchées par le VIH (31,9%). Et, l'infection à VIH était fortement associée à la pratique du sexe anal avec les clients (OR ajusté, 4.3), à l'utilisation ou non du préservatif avec les clients (OR ajusté, 24.9), à la consommation d'alcool avant le travail du sexe (OR ajusté, 2.8) et à la notion d’antécédents d'IST (OR ajusté, 4.2).La population de HSH à Bangui est identifiée pour la première fois comme un groupe à haut risque pour l’infection à VIH, étant 5 fois plus infectées par le VIH que la population générale d'adultes hétérosexuels. Parmi eux 20 % étaient infectés par le virus de l'hépatite B (VHB) (Ag HBs), dont 6 cas étaient co- infectés par le VIH et le VHB et dans 3,8 % cas la sérologie positive pour la syphilis. Les HSH à Bangui ont donc besoin d'interventions d'urgence spécifiques de prévention et de soins de santé.Conclusion : Les résultats de ce travail permis de mieux caractérisés et documentés les populations des femmes TS et les HSH à Bangui. Deux groupes de populations « originales » pour la République Centrafricaine, vulnérables et à haut risque d’infection à VIH
Keywords : high risk group- typology - FSW - MSM –HIV -STD- Central AfricanBackground: The population of female sex workers (FSW) and the group of men who have sex with men (MSM) constitutes a priori an important core group of HIV transmission. In the context of the Central African Republic the situation of FSW and MSM is yet unknown. The objectives of this thesis were to establish a documented typology of female sexual transactions in Bangui and to measure the prevalence of HIV and associated comorbidities in these two populations.Materials and Methods: First 1384 sensitized female volunteers were recruited to the site of their activities and oriented at the survey site. Finally, 345 FSW questionnaires were selected for study analysis. MSM were recruited on a voluntary basis by the way of local network of nonprofit organizations working in the field of HIV infection. Included MSM were referred to the National STD center of Bangui for social, behavioral and medical evaluation. After collection of social and behavioral characteristics, each participant received a physical examination and a blood sample was taken for HIV and STD testing.Main results: Female prostitution in the CAR is remarkably heterogeneous. Risk-taking regarding HIV infection is very different between each category of female prostitution. HIV varied according to FSW categories, Thus, HIV prevalence was 6-fold higher among « kata » than « pupulenge » (39.1% versus 6.3%).Among non professionnal FSW, « students », « civil servants » and « housewifes » were the less infected (6.1%, 9.8%, 13.0%, respectively), whereas « sellers » constituted the category of highest HIV prevalence (31.9%).HIV infection in the whole study FSW population was strongly associated with anal sex practice with last clients (adjusted OR, 4.3), condom use in last 3 months (adjusted OR, 24.9), alcohol consumption before sex (adjusted OR, 2.8) and past history of STIs (adjusted OR, 4.2). The population of MSM in Bangui is identified for the first time as a yet unexpected high-risk group for HIV, being 5-fold higher HIV-infected than the general adult heterosexual population. The 131 (100%) MSM accepted blood sampling: 24 % were HIV-1-infected; 20% were infected by hepatitis B virus (HBV) (Ag HBs), including 6 cases of co-infection by HIV and HBV; 3,8 % showed positive syphilis serology. The MSM in Bangui, needing urgently specific interventions for prevention and heath care.Conclusion: The results of this work led to better characterized and documented populations of women and TS MSM in Bangui. Two groups population "original" for the Central African Republic, vulnerable and at high risk of HIV infection

Cette thèse étudie les politiques et les pratiques d’identification des individus au Tchad. Fondée sur une enquête de terrain menée dans la capitale N’Djamena et dans une petite ville du Sud du pays, Goré, cette recherche interroge les procédures, les circulations et les modalités d’appropriation à la fois administratives, politiques et culturelles de l’identification des individus. Cette thèse retrace tout d’abord l’histoire de l’identification au Tchad depuis la période coloniale en accordant une attention particulière aux registres d’état civil et à la carte d’identité. Elle montre que l’identification et la « papierisation » des individus doivent être analysées à l’intersection entre les politiques de l’État, des organisations internationales et des entreprises privées. Diffusée à l’échelle mondiale depuis le début des années 2000, l’introduction de la biométrie au Tchad est un tournant dans l’histoire de l’identification du pays. A partir d’une enquête dans les services de l’identité civile de N’Djamena et dans les camps où sont accueillis les « retournés » tchadiens qui ont fui la guerre en Centrafrique, l’identification est ensuite abordée à travers les mécanismes concrets de « mise en papier ». La thèse s’intéresse également aux pratiques des administrations de l’identification entre la rationalité bureaucratique et la gestion patrimoniale d’un service public de l’État. La recherche va enfin au plus près des rapports des individus à ces documents. Au final, la thèse offre une meilleure compréhension de l’État au quotidien, des entreprises de mainmise sur les individus et de ses limites
This dissertation studies the policies and practices of the identification of individuals in Chad. Based on a fieldwork conducted in the capital N’Djamena and in a small town in the south of the country, Goré, this research examines the procedures, circulation and appropriation modalities of the administrative, political and cultural identification of individuals. This dissertation is divided into three main sections. First, it retraces the history of identification in Chad since the colonial period, while paying a particular attention to civil status registers and identity cards. It shows that the identification and “paperization” of individuals must be analysed at the intersection between the policies of the state, of international organisations and of private companies. Diffused worldwide since the early 2000s, the introduction of biometrics in Chad is a turning point in the history of identification in the country. Based on fieldwork conducted in the civil identity services in N’Djamena and in the camps where Chadian "returnees" who fled the war in the Central African Republic live, identification is approached through concrete "paper" mechanisms. Second, the thesis analysses the practices of administrations and shows how bureaucratic rationality and patrimonial management are intertwined in this public service. Finally, the dissertation focuses on the lived experiences of the people who own the ID papers. Finally, the thesis offers a better understanding of the everyday functioning of the state and shows how individuals are controlled as well as the limits of the control

Dans les pays tropicaux d'afrique ou regnent des climats chauds et humides, le substratum rocheux est separe de la surface par une epaisse couverture lateritique, parfois coiffee d'un niveau tres riche en fer et indure appele cuirasse. Le but de ce travail est, sur la base d'un modele d'enfoncement vertical des paysages lateritiques, de comprendre par quels mecanismes les caracteres chimiques, mineralogiques ou texturaux des materiaux parentaux peuvent se perpetuer ou disparaitre au cours de l'alteration. La prospection geochimique des ressources minerales du substratum rocheux des pays d'afrique occidentale et centrale, est tributaire de ces enseignements. On montre ainsi que l'augmentation des teneurs en fer dans les cuirasses, ou en alumine dans les bauxites, s'accompagne d'une homogeneisation des compositions chimiques

La République centrafricaine connaît, depuis son indépendance en 1960, des conflits et des crises chroniques qui déstabilisent le système éducatif et affecte la scolarisation des enfants. La communauté internationale joue un rôle important depuis des décennies dans le processus décisionnel des politiques éducatives et le financement des programmes éducatifs. Après le coup d'État de 2013, la présence des acteurs internationaux dans le secteur de l'éducation (bailleurs de fonds, ONG internationales, agences d'aide bilatérale et banques de développement) s'est accrue. L'influence de ces acteurs est devenue de plus en plus prépondérante : ils financent et gèrent la majorité des programmes mis en œuvre pour répondre aux situations d'urgences et reconstruire le système éducatif. Après avoir analysé la littérature grise et scientifique et démontré que l'éducation en situation d'urgence occupe aujourd'hui une place importante dans les stratégies politiques et programmatiques des principaux bailleurs, cette thèse propose de s'intéresser au rôle de la communauté internationale, son interaction avec le gouvernement et le fonctionnement du système éducatif pendant le gouvernement de transition, entre 2014 et 2016. La perception de la légitimité du gouvernement par les familles et les capacités humaines et techniques du ministère de l'Éducation pendant cette période sont aussi analysées pour mieux comprendre les enjeux politiques. Pour mener ce travail de recherche, la méthodologie adoptée repose sur la triangulation de plusieurs types d'analyses complémentaires : un examen des données et des informations existantes, des entretiens auprès des cadres du ministère au niveau central et déconcentré, des enquêtes auprès des écoles, des familles et des espaces temporaires d'apprentissage à Bangui et dans les quartiers avoisinants. Des représentants des principaux bailleurs de fonds et des ONG ont aussi été interrogés. Les résultats démontrent, d'une part, que la communauté internationale influence les stratégies éducatives par le biais des financements apportés et, d'autre part, que le gouvernement, dont les capacités humaines et techniques sont affaiblies, approuve ces stratégies de manière consensuelle sans pour autant définir la vision politique et stratégique du secteur de l'éducation. Il est également démontré que les raisons des faiblesses du système éducatif sont d'ordre structurel et sont ancrées dans l'histoire sociopolitique et économique du pays et que les inégalités d'accès et de qualité à l'éducation sont renforcées en temps de conflit par des causes conjoncturelles dues à la récente crise de 2013 qui perdure. Les résultats des enquêtes menées auprès des écoles et des familles indiquent un déséquilibre entre l'offre éducative disponible et la demande des familles. À cet égard, la participation des communautés (par exemple, par le recrutement et la prise en charge des maîtres-parents) est non seulement encouragée par le gouvernement et la communauté internationale, mais déterminante pour l'accès à l'école dans les zones les plus reculées du pays. L'offre éducative n'est plus sous le seul contrôle du gouvernement. Ainsi, l'éducation en temps de conflit est soumise aux financements disponibles des bailleurs, aux stratégies éducatives des familles et à l'influence de la communauté internationale. Toutefois, la légitimité du gouvernement est valorisée par les actions menées par la communauté internationale puisque le ministère de l'Éducation s'approprie ces actions
The Central African Republic has been facing, since its independence in 1960, armed conflict and chronic crises, which have disrupted the educational system and continue to negatively impact on children's education. For decades, the international community has been playing a key role in education policy decision-making and program funding. After the coup d'état in 2013, the presence of the international community, including donors, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), bilateral aid agencies and development banks, has increased. Over time, the influence of the international community has grown significantly in funding and implementing the majority of programs aiming at responding to education in emergencies and rebuilding the education system. This thesis, grounded in a literature review, demonstrates that education in emergencies and armed conflict holds a central place within political strategies and programs of most donors. The thesis analyzes the role of the international community and its interaction with the Government through a comprehensive examination of the functioning of the education system during the transitional Government between 2014 and 2016. In order to understand the context and drivers behind political motivations, perceptions held by families on the legitimacy of the Government as well as human and technical capacities of the Ministry of Education during this time are examined. To conduct this research, the chosen methodology builds on the triangulation of various kinds of complementing analyses, namely: existing information and data; interviews with education officials at central and decentralized levels as well as with families, schools and temporary learning spaces in Bangui and neighboring areas. In addition, representatives of key donor and international non-governmental organization have been interviewed. Through the analysis and application of this framework, this thesis contends that, on the one hand, the international community influences the education strategies through its funding and programs and, on the other hand, the Government, whose human and technical capacities have been weakened, approves these strategies in a consensual manner without formulating an overarching policy and strategy in the education sector. The factors underpinning the weaknesses of the education system are structural and anchored within the economic and socio-political history of the country. Inequalities in access to, and quality of, education are reinforced during times of armed conflict. In the Central African Republic, enduring cyclical causes of such inequalities have continued after the 2013 crisis. The results of the surveys conducted in schools and with families establish that supply in the education sector does not respond to corresponding demand. In this regard, the contribution by the community, for instance, recruitment and financing of the parent-teachers, is not only encouraged by the Government and the international community, but decisive in enabling access to education in the most remote areas. The education services are no longer under the sole control of the Government. Thus, education in times of conflict is conditioned by the potential for donor funding, families' own education strategies and the strong influence of the international community. However, the legitimacy of the Government is validated by the actions of the international community as the Ministry of Education takes ownership of such actions

Le fonctionnement réel de la justice pénale en Afrique suscite peu l’intérêt des chercheurs en sciences sociales. Des juristes s’y consacrent certes mais ne l’étudient que sous le prisme réducteur de l’exégèse juridique classique ou de l’analyse normative. Les études sur son fonctionnement routinier, sur ses rapports avec les usagers ainsi qu’avec la construction de l’État de droit restent rares. Séminaires ou conférences ne soulignent que l’épineux problème de l’indépendance de la magistrature ou la question de l’accessibilité de la justice au plus grand nombre. Institution pourtant par excellence, la justice pénale est un instrument crucial dans la construction de l’État de droit. Par les multiples interactions qu’elle entretient avec son environnement social et politique, elle a vocation à diffuser et à défendre les valeurs d’un État soucieux des droits et des libertés. La présente thèse s’attache à analyser la justice pénale en Centrafrique, dans la perspective de l’édification de l’État de droit, en orientant le regard d’une part vers les acteurs du système judiciaire, leurs stratégies individuelles et collectives ainsi que leurs rapports au système politique, et, d’autre part, vers la société à travers les relations quotidiennes que les acteurs du système judiciaire entretiennent avec les usagers
The actual functioning of criminal justice in Africa is of little interest to social scientists. Jurists are certainly devoted to it, but they study it only under the simplistic prism of classical legal exegesis or normative analysis. Studies of its routine functioning, its relations with users and the construction of a State governed by the rule of law remain rare. Seminars or conferences emphasize only the thorny issue of the independence of the judiciary or the question of the accessibility of justice to as many people as possible. Substantial institution, criminal justice is a crucial instrument in the construction of the rule of law. Through its many interactions with its social and political environment, it aims to spread and defend the values of a State concerned about its rights and freedoms. This thesis focuses on the analysis of criminal justice in the Central African Republic and its effects on construction and the rule of law. For this purpose, it examines the behaviors of the actors of the judicial system, their individual and collective strategies as well as their relations with the political system. Similarly, it also analyzes the daily relationships that justice actors have with litigants

Cette thèse propose une description ethnographique et une analyse sociologique de l’arrivée des traitements antirétroviraux (ARV) à Bangui, c’est-à-dire de cette rencontre singulière entre un programme international à l’ampleur inédite et une société locale durement touchée par l’infection. S’appuyant sur trois années de terrain entre 2005 et 2011, la démarche qualitative vise à répondre à la question suivante : de quoi les antirétroviraux sont-ils vraiment l’incorporation ? Les programmes d’accès au traitement constituent un pouvoir thérapeutique qui se structure comme une « politique de la vie » mettant en lien ARV, ONG et une histoire postcoloniale. La distance entre les prétentions et les réalités du pouvoir thérapeutique explique les ambivalences ressenties lors de l’incorporation biologique et sociale des ARV. Le pouvoir thérapeutique dans le contexte social centrafricain se caractériserait alors moins par des formes exclusivement biomédicales de subjectivité, que par un processus d’individuation fragmenté, basé sur des pratiques biomédicales souples, démonstratives et oublieuses. Il apparaît alors clairement que les programmes internationaux de traitement de l’infection à VIH contribuent à produire de l’oubli ou plus précisément à écrire l’oubli à partir des « pratiques scriptuaires »: l’oubli des histoires individuelles enchâssées dans des inégalités sociales insurmontables, mais aussi l’oubli d’une Histoire plus longue qui montre que l’infection à VIH est l’incorporation d’un passé colonial. Prendre un temps pour reconnaître ces temporalités du traitement paraît alors de plus en plus nécessaire pour construire un présent qui émancipe, plutôt qu’il ne répète.
This thesis proposes an ethnographic description and a sociological analysis of the arrival of antiretroviral (ARV) in Bangui. It highlights the encounter between an international program with an unprecedented scale and a local society hardly hit by the HIV infection. The qualitative approach, based on three years of fieldwork from 2005 to 2011, aims at answering the following question: what are ARVs really the incorporation of? Treatment programs represent a therapeutic power that is structured as a « politics of life » linking medicines, NGOs and postcolonial history. The distance between the claims and the realities of therapeutic power explains the ambivalence felt in the biological and social inclusion though ARVs. Eventually, we observe that the therapeutic power in the Central African social context is less characterized by exclusive biomedical forms of subjectivity than by a fragmented process of individuation based on flexible, demonstrative and forgetful biomedical practices It appears then increasingly clear that international programs for the treatment of HIV infection contribute to produce oblivion or more precisely write oblivion with "scriptural practices", which is to say the oblivion of individual stories embedded in insurmountable social inequality, but also the omission of a longer history which shows that HIV infection is the incorporation of a colonial past. Taking time to recognize these temporalities of treatment then appears increasingly necessary to build a present that empowers, rather than repeats.
Réalisé en co-tutelle avec le laboratoire Santé-Individu-Société, Ecole doctorale Interdisciplinaire Sciences et Santé, Université de Lyon, avec l'obtention du grade de docteur en sociologie.

Die deutsche Außenpolitik zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges stellt in historischer wie politikwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht einen Gegenstand dar, der mit gutem Gewissen als wissenschaftlich erschlossen bezeichnet werden kann. Zahlreiche Aufsätze, Artikel und Bücher sind in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erschienen, welche die deutsche Außenpolitik in Europa, Afrika, Asien, Ozeanien, Amerika, oder auch gleich der Welt als Ganzem, in den Blick genommen haben. Dies gilt sowohl für die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland als auch für diejenige der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Früh – wenn nicht sogar von Beginn an – kam hierbei eine zentrale These, eine Kernthese, zum Vorschein, die, ohne auf Widerstand zu stoßen, Eingang in den historischen und politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskanon fand und ihn bereits nach kurzer Zeit zu dominieren begann. Die Rede ist von der die deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten angeblich bestimmenden Hallstein-Doktrin und dem mit ihr in engem Zusammenhang stehenden deutsch-deutschen Gegensatz. In dieser Arbeit wird dieser Kernthese, diesem ''Mythos'' der deutschen Außenpolitik, vehement widersprochen. Weder die Hallstein-Doktrin, noch der deutsch-deutsche Gegensatz, sondern nationale ökonomische und internationale geostrategische Interessen haben die deutsche Außenpolitik – und darüber hinaus auch die gesamten deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten, der BRD wie der DDR – maßgeblich bestimmt. Zur Stützung dieser Gegenthese werden in der vorliegenden Studie die staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten West- und Ostdeutschlands in neun zentralafrikanischen Staaten zwischen 1945 und 1975 kritisch dargelegt, umfassend analysiert und im Hinblick auf mehrere zentrale Thesen zu den deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten ausgewertet.
For decades articles and books have been published on the history of German foreign policy during Cold War. Regardless of whether Europe, Africa, Asia, Oceania, America or the world as a whole, the foreign affairs of the Western Federal Republic of Germany and the Eastern German Democratic Republic have been researched and analysed in context of a broad variety of locations. However, even though the list of publications continues to grow, the topic''s theses–especially its main thesis–do not show much progress. Already at an early stage, a central thesis–a core thesis–came to light, met no resistance and entered history''s and political science''s research canons on German foreign policy. This thesis reads: Inner German issues and the non-solved German question were so powerful, they dominated West and East German foreign affairs nearly right from the start. German foreign policy, that was the so-called Hallstein doctrine, that was the so-called German-German contradiction. And all studies–whether of history or political science, whether designed as a case study or as a global approach–confirm this thesis, use it as an integral part of their work–until today. But be that as it may. This study contradicts this thesis, this ''myth'' of German foreign policy. Instead it argues that neither the Hallstein doctrine nor the German-German contradiction, but national economic and international geostrategic interests dominated German foreign policy and German foreign activities–regarding the FRG, the GDR, and Germany as a whole. To proof this thesis, West and East German activities–of the two states, their economies and their societies–in nine Central African states between 1945 and 1975 are observed and analysed. More than a million file pages out of more than a dozen German archives were read to tackle this task–and shed some refreshing new light on the foreign policies of the two German states during Cold War.

La République Centrafricaine (RCA) ou Centrafrique, comme beaucoup de pays d’Afrique noire, amorce la mise en place d’un régime démocratique en 1990. Elle organise les élections multipartites dont le premier président démocratiquement élu est Ange Félix Patassé. Le cap de l’entrée en régime démocratique semble passé avec succès. Mais les vieilles méthodesrefont surface, occasionnant la contestation. En 1996 éclate une crise politico-militaire ponctuée par trois mutineries, puis une série de coups d’État. Elle atteint son apogée en 2013-2015 avec un conflit opposant deux communautés. C’est à la suite de ces événements que se fait le déploiement, en 1997, d’une force militaire de paix conformément aux « accords de Bangui » de 1997 : la Mission Interafricaine du Suivi des Accords de Bangui (MISAB). Elle marque le début d’une succession d’opérations destinées à maintenir ou rétablir la paix. Elle s’accompagne d’interventions humanitaires où le CICR et MSF jouent un rôle majeur. Cette recherche analyse ces actions de 1990 à 2015. Elle étudie dans la première partie le rôle des acteurs africains dans la résolution de ce conflit et dans la deuxième partie la participation des acteurs internationaux
The Central African Republic (CAR) or Centrafrique, as many black African countries, begins the establishment of a democratic regime in 1990. It organized multi-party elections which the first democratically elected president is Ange Félix Patassé. The cap of the entrance to democratic regime seems past successfully. But the old methods resurface, causing protests. In 1996 bursts a politico-military crisis punctuated by three mutinies, then a succession of putsch. It reached its peaks in 2013-2015 with a conflict between two communities. It is following these events that are made the deployment in 1997, of a peacemilitary force according to the “agreements of Bangui” in 1997: The Inter-African of monitoring the agreements of Bangui (MISAB). It marks the beginning of a series of operations intended to maintain or to restore the peace. It goes along with humanitarian interventions where the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Doctors without borders (MSF) play a major role. This research analyzes these actions from 1990 to 2015. It studies in the first part the role of the African actors in the resolution of this conflict and in the second part the participation of the international actors

Les mesures ont ete faites, pres du sol, dans une region accidentee (4**(o)s-1**(o)e) de 1978 a 1984. L'aerosol est surtout constitue de composes du carbone, et sa distribution dimensionnelle est formee de 3 modes dont le plus important est centre vers 0,1 micron. Les variations et la composante submicronique sont interpretees en termes de formation et d'evolution des particules et de melanges dans l'atmosphere. Les plus petits noyaux sont formes a partir de gaz emis par la biosphere, principalement au cours de reactions photochimiques. Pendant les heures ensoleillees, la production totale est estimee a 1,8. 10**(5) cm**(-2). S**(-1). 70% des particules formees restent alors dans les vallees, mais sous le couvert forestier la production est faible, et les concentrations augmentent, en fin d'apres-midi, lorsque les melanges amenent les particules formees, le jour, en altitude

The community development issue faced by the Christian mission in Central African Republic was the topic of this work. Due to multiple insecurity and political instability causes, it has created many negatives effects, especially on the poor population and Christian Churches. Ideally, the Christian mission through the Ngoubagara Baptist Church when faced with Central African Republic tragic and successive socio-politic wars should have been to promote community development, peace, social justice, education for all, good health, national reconciliation, respect for human rights and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The church has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive transformation of Central African Republic. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic and holistic missions according to God’s vision and with the purpose to change the Central African society. In fact, Christian church as well as Ngoubagara Baptist Church can be the voice of millions of voiceless people regarding poverty, joblessness, rebel wars and rethink community development issues. Through its missionary work, can be the main factor in transforming Central African Republic society, because, the church should “face the difficulties of the present time, not with ready-made answers or simplistic, over-simplifying ideologies, but with a realistic attitude and with discernment. This is the church’s duty of scrutinizing the signs of the times and of interpreting them in the light of the Gospel” (Czerny 2012:70). The church mission is supposed to be a continuation of Jesus Christ’s ministry, which is total salvation. However, human being development is a church work matter, in touching body, soul and spirit. The Ngoubagara Baptist Church’s prophetic and holistic mission duty should be the life and dignity of the Central African people. Then, missiology can promote community development where Christians can play an important leadership role. The lack of such leadership affects individuals and communities negatively. The church should be present in the world and guide the people.
Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D. Th. (Missiology)

The community development challenge faced by the Baptist Church of Ngoubagara in Central African Republic was the topic of this work. Due to multiple insecurity and political instability causes, it has created many negatives effects and especially on the poor population. Ideally, the mission of the Ngoubagara Baptist Church when faced with CAR tragic and successive socio-politic wars should have been to promote community development, peace, social justice, education, health, reconciliation, respect for human rights and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The church has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive transformation of CAR. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic and holistic missions according to God’s vision and with the purpose of positively transforming CAR society.
Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
M. Th. (Missiology)

Since independence, Burundi has lost over a million of its inhabitants to ethnic conflict. Political collaboration is divided along ethnic lines and this has destroyed the ethnic solidarity and good social relationships that characterized the pre-colonial period. Ideally, the mission of the Evangelical Church of Central Africa (ECCA) when faced with Burundi’s tragic and successive socio-ethnic wars should have been to promote peace, social justice, ethnic cohabitation, national reconciliation, respect for human rights, national reconstruction and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The ECCA has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive socio-economic and political transformation of Burundi. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic mission according to God’s vision and with the purpose of positively transforming Burundian society.
Christian Spritituality, Church History and Missiology
M. Th. (Missiology)