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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Mobutu sese seko »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 4 juin 2021

Mis à jour le 25 juillet 2025

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1

Tshibambe, Ngoie. "Discours politiques et jugements populaires: la dialectique du survie au Zaire." Revista de Estudios Africanos, no. 10-11 (March 1, 2018): 61–72. https://doi.org/10.15366/rea1991.10.005.

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White, Bob W. "The Political Undead: Is It Possible to Mourn for Mobutu's Zaire?" African Studies Review 48, no. 2 (2005): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0087.

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Abstract:Following the successful coup d'état of Laurent Kabila's forces in May 1997, the Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko was forced into exile in Morocco, where he died. This article looks at a lively transnational debate about what should be done with the former president's remains, and through this debate reflects on attempts by people in the Congo to determine what version of history should be told and how to understand the impact of Mobutu's political legacy.

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Powell, Nathaniel K. "The “Cuba of the West”? France's Cold War in Zaïre, 1977–1978." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (2016): 64–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00638.

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This article discusses French support for Zaïrian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko during the Shaba crises of 1977 and 1978. During both crises, “Katangan Gendarmes” based in neighboring Angola invaded Zaire's mineral-rich Shaba Province. Direct and indirect French military interventions, including an airborne assault on the mining city of Kolwezi in 1978, helped to defeat the invaders and save Mobutu's regime. The article shows that French policymakers were drawn to Mobutu because they saw him as a bulwark against Communist expansion in Central Africa. The large Cuban military presence in Angola fue

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RICH, JEREMY. "MANUFACTURING SOVEREIGNTY AND MANIPULATING HUMANITARIANISM: THE DIPLOMATIC RESOLUTION OF THE MERCENARY REVOLT IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, 1967–8." Journal of African History 60, no. 2 (2019): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000471.

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AbstractIn 1967, European and Katangese mercenaries revolted against the rule of Mobutu Sese Seko in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) intervened to try to have the rebels peacefully leave the DRC. Katangese troops who fled to Rwanda with white mercenaries were forced by the Organization of African Unity and the Rwandan government to return to the DRC, where they were eventually executed. White mercenaries, under the protection of the ICRC and Rwanda, ultimately escaped Mobutu's wrath. Congolese and Rwandan leaders skillfully employed t

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Maillot, Agnès. "Violaciones de derechos humanos en Zaire: una perspectiva histórica." Revista de Estudios Africanos, no. 20-21 (March 1, 2018): 73–86. https://doi.org/10.15366/rea1997.20.003.

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La colonización introdujo cambios cualitativos en las comunidades africanas, produciendo en no pocas ocasiones -véase el caso de Ruanda- traumas y desequilibrios de consecuencias nefastas. En Zaire, el Presidente Mobutu Sese Seko ha convertido el país en su coto privado mediante el control de todos los resortes del poder, la esquilmación de los recursos naturales y económicos en beneficio propio y la aniquilación de cualquier tipo de oposición política

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Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges. "Violation of Democratic Rights in Zaire." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 22, no. 2 (1994): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501851.

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In a report released on September 16, 1993, Amnesty International came up with an apt description of the current human rights situation in Zaire as consisting of “violence against democracy.” In a violent backlash against the democratization process, the regime of President Mobutu Sese Seko has plunged the country into “its worst human rights crisis since the end of the civil war in the early 1960s.” More than 5,000 people have been killed and more than 100,000 displaced in ethnic cleansing in the Shaba and North Kivu provinces. Moreover, repeated looting, extortion, and other acts of violence

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Rich, Jeremy. "That They All May be One?" Social Sciences and Missions 29, no. 1-2 (2016): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02901017.

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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Congolese pastor Jean Bokeleale’s church union movement divided US Protestant missionaries. Bokeleale’s goal of uniting all Congolese Protestant churches was sanctioned by Congolese leader Mobutu Sese Seko, and Bokeleale relied on cultural nationalist arguments to criticize missionaries who opposed his aims. Liberal missionaries gave financial assistance to Bokeleale and criticized evangelicals opposed to church union. Evangelical missionaries denounced Bokeleale as a demagogue, similar to Western criticism of Congolese prime minister Patrice Lumumba. This es

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Schatzberg, Michael G. "Military Intervention and the Myth of Collective Security: the Case of Zaïre." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (1989): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000501.

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Zaïre has been open to external penetration from its earliest days as the Congo Independent State of King Léopold II, but unlike most other weak and vulnerable African states it has experienced repeated military interventions. When President Mobutu Sese Seko addressed the U.N. General Assembly in October 1973 he formally thanked the world organisation for preserving his country during the early 1960s:If a small minority of member countries of this organisation had refused to participate in the Congo operation, at the time, the vast majority had, however, spontaneously put troops at its disposi

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9

Garrard, David J. "The Protestant Church in Congo: The Mobutu Years and their Impact." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 2 (2013): 131–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341246.

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Abstract This paper examines the Protestant Church in Congo/Zaire during the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko. It reviews its origins as a loose affiliation of denominations during the days of the Belgian colony and the changes which came about under Bokeleale—its driving force and central figure. His goal was to do away with the autonomy of the denominations and create a super Protestant Church in the nation. With the help of government legislation, forced union and centralisation took place. It is the purpose here to highlight some of the forces that were at work and to decide what the consequence

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Young, Crawford. "Zaïre: the Shattered Illusion of the Integral State." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 2 (1994): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001274x.

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Zaïre, by the early 1990s, by some accounts had all but vanished. One senior American diplomat described it as nothing more than the presidential vessel ‘Kamanyola’ anchored safely offshore in the Zaïre River, an élite praetorian guard compensated in hard currency, the remote marble city of Gbadolite, a shrivelled state superstructure nourished by diamond smuggling. Its perennial President, Mobutu Sese Seko, was characterised contemptuously by a French official as ‘a walking bank account in a leopard-skin cap’. More than a decade ago, a former publicist for the central régime had relegated the

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Collins, Michael. "“Ali Even Motivates the Dead”: The Pursuit of Sovereignty in Norman Mailer's The Fight." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 2 (2013): 322–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.2.322.

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Norman Mailer was haunted by the specter of social death—a specter created for him by living as a Jew between the parentheses created by the Holocaust and the prospect of nuclear Armageddon. As an antidote to social death, Mailer sought its opposite—sovereignty within and beyond his writer's sphere. In the boxer Muhammad Ali, Mailer found an exemplar of the seizure of sovereignty within and beyond a sphere. The Fight chronicles the heavyweight championship battle between Ali and George Foreman in Zaire, a country treated like a private bank account by its dictator, Mobutu Sese Seko. I argue th

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Willame, Jean-Claude. "Political Succession in Zaïre, or Back to Machiavelli." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (1988): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010314.

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For many years ‘there has been a widespread sense of expectancy’ in Zaïre, a premonition of ‘fin de reégime’. Yet as Crawford Young went on to explain as early as 1979, although a ‘dissolution of the current fabric of power is an ever-present possibility… the surprising survival capacity of the régime makes risky any assertion of the inevitability of such a change.’1 During the last two decades there have been repeated reports that the political life of Zaïre' authoritatrian and absolute Head of State has been in grave danger for a whole variety of reasons, including the alleged loss of suppor

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13

Yoder, John. "Good government, democratisation and traditional African political philosophy: the example of the Kanyok of the Congo." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 3 (1998): 483–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x9800281x.

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Over the last several decades, officials in both the public and private sectors have applied economic, military, cultural, academic and diplomatic tools to promote the spread of democratic pluralism in African and elsewhere. With the fall of Africa's most resilient tyrant, Mobutu Sese Seko, there is hope that even one of Africa's most troubled systems may be transformed into a state that reflects the will of the people and promotes the common good. Sober observers, however, remain pessimistic. Laurent Kabila's spotted record on human rights, his stubborn intolerance of political opposition, th

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Reyes Lugardo, Marco Antonio. "ECONOMÍA DE GUERRA Y CRIMINALIZACIÓN INTERNACIONAL EN LA ZONA DE LOS GRANDES LAGOS (CONGO, UGANDA Y RWANDA)." Acta Sociológica 1, no. 54 (2011): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.24484938e.2011.54.25673.

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<p> </p> <p>La caída del régimen de Mobutu Sese Seko (1965-1997) no sólo implicó la ocupación del territorio congolés por parte movimientos rebeldes apoyados por los gobiernos de Rwanda y Uganda, sino que introdujo a la República Democrática del Congo en un sistema de criminalización internacional del Estado. Este último esquema permitió el establecimiento de una red nacional/internacional de beneficios recíprocamente desiguales, lo cuales fueron usufructuados tanto por las empresas transnacionales involucradas en el tráfico de minerales de tercera generación y por los señore

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Downes, Alexander B., and Lindsey A. O'Rourke. "You Can't Always Get What You Want: Why Foreign-Imposed Regime Change Seldom Improves Interstate Relations." International Security 41, no. 2 (2016): 43–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00256.

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States frequently employ overt and covert foreign-imposed regime change (FIRC) to pursue their foreign policy interests. Yet there is little scholarship on the question of whether FIRCs improve relations between the states involved. In fact, most FIRCs either fail to reduce—or increase—the likelihood of militarized disputes between interveners and targets. Fundamentally, FIRC entails a principal-agent problem: foreign-imposed leaders rule over states with interests different from those of the intervener. Whereas the intervening state wants the new leader to pursue policies that reflect its int

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Robert Kłosowicz. "The Problem of Bad Governance as a Determinant of State Dysfunctionality in Sub-Saharan Africa." Politeja 15, no. 56 (2019): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.02.

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Bad governance can very quickly ruin the economic situation of the whole country. However, in the conditions of the Western world, even though they can cause a lot of damage, more or less developed administrative apparatus is able to minimize the effects of bad decisions, and the society has a chance to rebuff the rulers in the next elections. In so-called dysfunctional states bad governance can damage an already weak country’s economy. Most researchers dealing with the issue of the state in Sub-Saharan Africa believe that, once the decolonisation was over, the power in the region was mostly t

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17

Okuhata, Yutaka. "Tyrants at the Heart of Darkness: Conradian Dictators in Golding, Steiner, Naipaul, and Foden." American, British and Canadian Studies 44, no. 1 (2025): 134–55. https://doi.org/10.2478/abcsj-2025-0008.

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Abstract Since its publication in 1899, Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness has been received as a fable addressing the nature of evil. However, Conrad’s representation of Kurtz as a tyrannical figure and his indirect allusion to King Leopold II, the supreme ruler of the Congo Free State, also foreshadows the rise of 20th-century dictators, from Adolf Hitler to the military leaders in postcolonial countries such as Mobutu Sese Seko and Idi Amin. In fact, whether set in Africa or elsewhere, post-war English novels, such as William Golding’s Lord of the Flies (1954), George Steiner’s The Portage t

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KANE, Dame. "LA SATIRE SOCIALE DANS SORCELLERIE À BOUT PORTANT D’ACHILLE NGOYE." FRANCISOLA 2, no. 1 (2017): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/francisola.v2i1.7528.

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RÉSUMÉ. Aux lendemains de la tragique guerre civile congolaise de 1998 à 2002 se terminant par la chute du dictateur Mobutu Sésé Séko, le Mal, tel une pieuvre à multiple tentacules, continuera à persister à la République démocratique du Congo, ce grand pays d’Afrique centrale au sous-sol si riche en minerais de toutes sortes. Cette situation paradoxale poussera certains esprits révoltés comme Achille Ngoye dans Sorcellerie à bout portant à s’attaquer aux problèmes qui ont fini de mettre à genoux son pays. C’est donc une manière, pour lui, de lutter contre les effets désastreux du silence et de

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Jeníček, V., and V. Krepl. "Development assistance ." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 52, No. 5 (2012): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5018-agricecon.

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Development assistance achieved remarkable success in different periods. For example, Botswana and South Korea reached the great development in the 60s after very bad situation, Indonesia in the 70s, Bolivia and Ghana at the end of the 80s, Uganda and Vietnam in the 90s. In these countries development assistance played important role in economic transformation in formulation of the development of politics. The development assistance contributed educational programs and financially supported the development of public sector. The &ldquo;Green Revolution&rdquo; &ndash; by means of inn

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Dimcevska, Antoaneta, Sonja Kecmanovic, and Marija Masanovic. "War, plague and exploitation in DR Congo." Sociologija 49, no. 4 (2007): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0704333d.

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Late in autumn 2006 one of the headlines in world media was the first democratic elections in DR Congo. They took place after 30 years of Mobutu Sese Seko?s dictatorship and bloody civil wars in the period 1996-2002. These conflicts, which took approximately 4 million human lives, are called "The First African World War". Elections were held but they did not guarantee the end of trouble for the divided and tormented people in the northeast of Congo, the real scene of bloodshed. The area is still turbulent because it abounds in mineral wealth - gold, diamonds and raw materials for nuclear techn

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Mirindi, Venyste A. "LE DEVELOPPEMENT FACE A L’INSECURTITE RECURRENTE DANS LA PROVINCE DU NORD-KIVU 2023-2024." Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 12, no. 8 (2024): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjahss.2013/vol12n83450.

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La République Démocratique du Congo est comptée parmi les pays pauvres très endettés du monde malgré ses immenses potentialités naturelles, économiques, humaines, etc.… La population congolaise vit dans une pauvreté extrême aggravée par des événements multiples dont la mal gouvernance, les guerres, les crises politiques consécutives à la longue et difficile transition politique. Près de 80 % de sa population survivent à la limite de la dignité humaine. Les ménages congolais, particulièrement ceux vivant dans les régions affectées par les conflits, ont payé un lourd tribut. Ils ont vu leurs act

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Hendrickx, Colin. "Histoire du politique au Congo-Kinshasa: Les concepts à l'épreuve (1) Mobutu (2)." Afrika Focus 30, no. 2 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v30i2.8088.

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This review article analyses two publications which deal with the history of the independent Democratic Republic of the Congo/Zaire, emphasising the reign of President Mobutu Sese Seko. In comparing the two publications, originating from two decidedly different traditions, the pre- sent article concludes that, twenty years after the fall of the Mobutu regime, there is not (yet) a historiographic consensus on the character of the Mobutu regime. Jean-Pierre Langellier, com- ing from the world of journalism, emphasised in his biography of Mobutu the importance of the President’s friendship ties w

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Akpan, Dominic A. "Towards Making Responsive Development in Governance of African States in the 21st Century and Beyond: Lessons from John Pombe Magufuli." Ibom Journal of Social Issues 11, no. 1 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/ijsi/2202.11.0170.

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Africa in the lenses of the developed economies is a continent that would not develop. The former USA president Donald Trump called Africa shithole. Africa it is agreed is the richest continent in the world yet the poorest. Africa's underdevelopment is the product of poor leadership since independence. The few good and pragmatic ones were either terminated by the agents of developed economies or eased out through questionable elections. In this group are revolutionaries. The non-revolutionaries but focused were the likes of Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Nelson Mandela, John Magufuli of Tanzania

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Levi, Ron. "The Musical Diplomacy of a Landless Ambassador: Hugh Masekela between Monterey '67 and Zaire '74." July 27, 2018. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369801X.2018.1487791.

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This essay attempts to locate the music festival known as Zaire ’74 within a continuum of Pan-African festivals by reading it as an ‘idiosyncratic laboratory’ in relation to the agency of exiled South African jazz musician Hugh Masekela. Masekela was one of the producers of the 1974 event held in Kinshasa. Yet his expertise here draws on his prior participation in the foundational Monterey International Pop Festival (1967), which helped constitute rock music as the soundtrack of choice for a predominantly white American counter-culture. In Monterey, Masekela featured as a con

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