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Articles de revues sur le sujet « National security United States India »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 4 juin 2021

Mis à jour le 1 février 2022

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1

Ishaque, Waseem. "UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS SOUTH ASIA; ANALYZING IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Global Political Review V, no. III (2020): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).03.

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The US foreign policy for South Asia has generally remained zero-sum for India and Pakistan. While Pakistan joined US camp immediately after independence and during the period of cold war remained part of the US alliance system and frontline state in the defeat of communism and now War on Terrorism. On the contrary, the US adopted a different approach towards India in terms of strategic partnership and different nuclear-related cooperation. US National Security Strategy of January 2018 has reprioritized national security preferences where India has been granted great status as a potential comp

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Yang, Xiaoping. "Managing Leadership in the Indo-Pacific: The United States’ South Asia Strategy Revisited." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (2017): 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500294.

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The United States’ South Asia strategy has been based on the calculation of its overall national security priorities. In practice, when U.S. priorities are at odds with those of other regional powers, Washington tends to adopt a “no-expectations” psychological approach toward its regional partners to avoid disappointment, a technical “de-hyphenation strategy” to improve policy efficiency, and practical cost-benefit analysis to evaluate the effectiveness of its South Asia strategy. However, Washington often has to come to terms with the realities on the ground with regard to its leadership role

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Siddiqi, Toufiq. "Pakistan, India, China, and the United States: Energy, Climate Change, and National Security." Orbis 57, no. 4 (2013): 615–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2013.08.008.

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Pritam, Manasi. "Examining exceptionalism in national security cultures: a comparative study of the United States and India." India Review 20, no. 3 (2021): 295–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2021.1931749.

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Baru, Sanjaya. "India’s Rise from a Regional to a Global Power." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 2 (2020): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-122-134.

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Most economic forecasts made after the trans-Atlantic fi nancial crisis of 2008 – 2009 have suggested that by 2030 China and India will overtake the United States to become the world’s largest and second-largest economies, respectively. This is why India is viewed as a global power, graduating from its regional role. The COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing “Cold War” between the United States and China could present new challenges and open up new opportunities for India. While dealing with short-term economic and geopolitical challenges, India will continue to carve out its path in its relations

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Murtaza, Khadija, and Dr Mian Muhammad Azhar. "INDO-USA Nuclear Deal: Implications for Pakistan." Journal of Law & Social Studies 1, no. 2 (2019): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.01.02.6976.

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In the arena of international system, every state tries to maximize its own power for its self-survival. States are enhancing their power to increase their hegemony. That is why India and United States have led to a strategic partnership due to mutual interests in global politics such as promoting democracy and fighting terrorism. After that, they extend their collaboration across the economy, technology and atomic energy. In the South Asian security environment, the United States of America (USA) and India have a strong bond of strategic partnership due to the power struggle between the regio

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "IMPLEMENTATION OF THE INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY OF THE USA: COMPARATIVE ASSESSMENT OF THE PROTECTION OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMIES OF EASTERN ASIAN COUNTRIES." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 3, no. 11 (2020): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.11.03.019.

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The paper considers the indicators of economic security of the member States of the Indo-Pacific partnership (ITP). Using statistical and econometric methods, a comparative assessment of the prospects for changing the level of economic security in the United States, Japan, India, and Australia during the implementation of the global integration project was carried out. The significance of economic cooperation and economic confrontation in the context of globalization for ensuring the economic security of East Asian countries is analyzed. The proposed approach to the comparative assessment of c

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Stoletov, O. V. "The Problem of Legal Regulation of International Information and Cybersecurity in Modern World Politics." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (2018): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18350.

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The article analyzes the approaches of the United States of America, Russia, China, India and Brazil to the problem of legal regulation of international information and cyber security. The author considers the positions of the states in relation to the basic principles of the existing international documents in the field of information and cyber security, analyzes new initiatives in the field of developing international political and legal decisions in this area, and studies the actual practice of political regulation of this sphere at the national-state level. The author concludes that the de

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Moore, Melinda, Anita Chandra, and Kevin C. Feeney. "Building Community Resilience: What Can the United States Learn From Experiences in Other Countries?" Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 7, no. 3 (2013): 292–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/dmp.2012.15.

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AbstractObjectivesCommunity resilience (CR) is emerging as a major public policy priority within disaster management and is one of two key pillars of the December 2009 US National Health Security Strategy. However, there is no clear agreement on what key elements constitute CR. We examined exemplary practices from international disaster management to validate the elements of CR, as suggested by Homeland Security Presidential Directive 21 (HSPD-21), to potentially identify new elements and to identify practices that could be emulated or adapted to help build CR.MethodsWe extracted detailed info

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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.

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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting an

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Bielawski, Radosław. "Hypersonic Resources as Contemporary Threat to National Security. Analysis of Current State of Research." Kwartalnik "Bellona" 696, no. 1 (2019): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2458.

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The article presents research results on contemporary hypersonic resources (including hypersonic weapon) in the context of a threat to national security. The author discusses the state of research on such resources, their capabilities and development phases, as well as potential threats they can pose. The analysis has been done separately for each country in which such resources are being developed. Today, there are five of them: the United States, France, the Russian Federation, India, and the Republic of China. It is worth noting that these resources are in their different phases, from initi

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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.

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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as

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Cassim, Fawzia. "Addressing the spectre of cyber terrorism: a comparative perspective." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 15, no. 2 (2017): 380. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2012/v15i2a2494.

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This article looks at the definition of cyber terrorism and terrorist use of the Internet. The article evaluates cyber terrorist threats facing countries such as the United States of America, the United Kingdom, India and South Africa. The article also examines measures introduced by the respective governments in these countries to counteract cyber terrorist threats. Finally, the article will propose a way forward to counteract such possible threats in the future. The face of terrorism is changing. The convergence of the physical and virtual worlds has resulted in the creation of a “new threat

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Suseto, Buddy, Zarina Othman, and Farizal Mohd Razalli. "Assessing the Evolution of Maritime Strategy in the Asia Pacific." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 23, no. 2 (2019): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.41709.

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The end of the Cold War has provided an opportunity for scholars to do an in-depth study on the concept of maritime security, especially in the Asia Pacific region. One of the most important but often neglected concepts is maritime strategy which has been developing for centuries. Maritime strategy is designed for states’ survival and to protect their national interests. Nevertheless there is no ‘one size fits all’ concept. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyse the similarities and differences between continental states such as the United States, and India, and maritime states s

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Islam, Md Safiqul, Huang Ailian, and Zhang Jie. "Major Challenges and Remedies in Building the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, no. 04 (2018): 613–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500306.

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Although the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) has the potential to enhance economic and geo-strategic benefits of the four participating countries in the long run, its building process has often been stagnated due to India’s lingering concern about the implications of the Corridor for its national security and, more importantly, to the growing competition among major countries including China, the United States and India. Moreover, there remains ethnic insurgency in Northeast India and Myanmar as well as the Rohingya issue between Bangladesh and Myanmar, which poses l

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Mahajan, Nidhi. "Dhow Itineraries." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, no. 3 (2019): 407–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7885356.

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Abstract Ever since 9/11, dhows, or Indian Ocean sailing vessels, have been viewed as inherently threatening to national and international security, as government authorities suspect that they are used to smuggle weapons and militants. Most recently, dhows that transport charcoal from Somalia to the United Arab Emirates have been implicated in funding al-Shabaab, a militant group. Rather than taking a presentist view, this article argues that these security concerns have emerged from a deep-rooted anxiety over mobility in the Indian Ocean, as dhow networks challenge state sovereignty. Dhows, o

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Novikov, Vladislav. "Bibliometric Analysis of Economic, Social and Information Security Research." SocioEconomic Challenges 5, no. 2 (2021): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/sec.5(2).120-128.2021.

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Issues of national security are of particular scientific interest because without it. It is impossible to imagine the existence of any state. Protecting the economic and social interests of the population has long been one of the prerogatives of public policy, which has expanded to information security of the people in the face of rapid digitalization of all spheres of life and the introduction of information attack as a new form of weapon. In this context, it is essential to conduct a thorough study of primary scientific papers on economic, social and information security. In this work, it is

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Chakravorty, PK. "Sino-Indian War of 1962." Indian Historical Review 44, no. 2 (2017): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617726649.

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More than half a century has elapsed since China and India fought a War in October–November 1962. The War saw the Chinese Army coming out with flying colours. India as a nation was shocked and had to strain every sinew to reorganise itself to win the ensuing wars with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971. There are many questions as regards the causes of the War, the events which preceded the conflict and what actually happened that led to the debacle. The article addresses these issues comprehensively and analyses the War in detail. Overall it was a failure to assess the Chinese threat in correct perspe

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Dr. Karim Haider Syed and Dr. Imran Khan. "Articles 370 and 371 of the Indian Constitution in the Context of Kashmir." sjesr 4, no. 1 (2021): 286–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol4-iss1-2021(286-294).

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Occupied Jammu and Kashmir is not the only state in the Indian constitution with special status but in addition to Article 370, there is also an Article 371 in the Indian Constitution which has 10 sub-clauses that give special status to other 9 states and territories. The nature of relations of these states is explained in these clauses of article 371 which is very helpful to understand article 370 of the Indian constitution. As far as Kashmir and Article 370 are concerned, the Indian government of Narendra Modi has axed the Indian position itself as all other states with constitutional guaran

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Hayes, Jarrod. "Securitization, Social Identity, and Democratic Security: Nixon, India, and the Ties That Bind." International Organization 66, no. 1 (2012): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818311000324.

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AbstractThe Democratic Peace stands as one of the most coherent and recognizable programs of study in international relations. Yet despite the pages of research devoted to the subject and claims about its law-like nature, the democratic peace remains a highly contested finding. In large part, this contestation arises out of an enduring question: What exactly keeps democracies from fighting? Drawing on the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School as well as social psychology, this article claims that a critical mechanism of the democratic peace lies at the political junction between polic

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Jain, Purnendra. "Hesitant Realism: China–India Border Tensions and Delhi’s Deepening Strategic Ties with Tokyo and Canberra." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (2021): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992529.

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The deadly conflict on the Ladakh border in June 2020 will force India to re-evaluate its approach to foreign policy. This dangerous turn, despite decades of mutual restraint, border talks, agreements and recent bonhomie between the Indian and Chinese leaders, has intensified the strategically tense environment of the Indo-Pacific region. China’s assertiveness in the South China and East China seas and its technology and trade tensions with a number of neighbouring Asian and Western nations have already raised political temperatures in global politics. In that light, this article considers how

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Mikaelian, Arman Artakovich, and Vladimir Mikhailovich Morozov. "The U.S. Factor in Sino-Israeli and Indian-Israeli Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (2021): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-338-349.

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The article analyses the US influence on Israeli policy towards both China and India. The United States has had and still has a significant influence on the dynamics of Israeli-Chinese and Israeli-Indian relations. The relevance of the issue stems from the growing importance of China and India in the world affairs amid rising tensions between the US and China that are spilling into a trade war. The article aims to explore the US influence on Israels policy in Asia. It examines the way how the Israeli leadership has adapted to Washingtons influence while promoting its strategic cooperation with

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Ramchandani, R. R. "Rationalising India-Africa Economic Relations: The Role of Production Cooperation." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (1986): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200303.

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A group of Indian parliamentarians, cutting across party lines, organised on 24–25 July 1986 a two-day national seminar on “Parliamentarians Action for Removal of Apartheid.” The seminar constituted yet another milestone in underscoring India's unflinching commitment to stand firmly united with the African countries in their fight against the pernicious system of apartheid and the removal of the remaining remnants of colonialism that still persist in parts of Southern Africa. It is because of India's principled stand and considerable sacrifice in this respect, and the unwavering appreciation o

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Aggarwal, Vinod K., and Andrew W. Reddie. "Economic Statecraft in the 21st Century: Implications for the Future of the Global Trade Regime." World Trade Review 20, no. 2 (2021): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474562000049x.

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AbstractThis article introduces a special issue that examines the effects of strategic competition on the future of the global trade regime. We argue that traditional work in economics and the current set-up of global economic regimes ignores economic statecraft as a key element in understanding trade conflict. Specifically, we outline three examples of contemporary economic statecraft – industrial policy, trade restrictions, and new investment rules – that have been used to block foreign direct investment on the basis of national security claims. Based on this analysis, we explore how the WTO

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Cassim, Fawzia. "Formulating specialised Legislation to address the Growing Spectre of Cybercrime: A Comparative Study." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 12, no. 4 (2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2009/v12i4a2740.

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The article looks at cyber legislation formulated to address cybercrime in the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Australia, India, the Gulf States and South Africa. The study reveals that the inability of national laws to address the challenges posed by cybercrime has led to the introduction of specialised cyber legislation. It is advocated that countries should amend their procedural laws to include intangible evidence of cybercrime, as opposed to tangible evidence of traditional crimes. It is possible that new forms of cybercrime will often emerge with evolving technology; theref

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Koga, Kei. "Japan's ‘Indo-Pacific’ question: countering China or shaping a new regional order?" International Affairs 96, no. 1 (2020): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz241.

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Abstract Japan's primary objective of the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy is to shape and consolidate regional order in the Indo-Pacific region based on the existing rules-based international order. The concept initially aimed to achieve two different objectives—shaping a regional order in the Indo-Pacific and ensuring the defence of Japan; however, Japan has gradually shifted its strategic focus onto the former, separating national defence from the FOIP concept, which reflects a change in the degree of its commitment to the two objectives. On the one hand, as its overall security

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Sun, Degang. "China’s Whole-of-Region Diplomacy in the Middle East: Opportunities and Challenges." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 01 (2019): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500015.

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To safeguard its economic and security interests, China has adopted a whole-of-region diplomacy in the Middle East since the end of the Cold war. Through a multitude of regional and international organizations, China has been able to maintain constructive interactions with Middle Eastern countries while deepening its ties with other major powers like the United States, the European Union, Russia, Japan and India. China’s diplomatic efforts have paid off in the Middle East and increased the influence of developing countries as a whole in international politics. Meanwhile, China’s whole-of-regio

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Lyons, Scott W. "New Robust Peacekeeping." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.12.

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Peacekeeping, conceptually, was designed to be traditionally defensive in nature with a neutral, unarmed, multinational force maintaining or monitoring peace. The first major example of a United Nations peacekeeping force dates to the initial Arab-Israeli conflict with the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNSTO), established in May 1948. The peacekeepers were there to observe and maintain the ceasefire and assist in any terms of the armistice agreements following the initial fighting with the partition of the British Mandate in Palestine and the later declaration of the State of Israel. The

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Kireyenka, N. V. "Models of agrarian business development in international practice." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus. Agrarian Series 59, no. 1 (2021): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/1817-7204-2021-59-1-22-40.

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In conditions of the world economy globalization, regional trade and economic integration of countries, and increased sectoral competition, agricultural business remains a strategically important branch of the national economy of any state. Its activities are based on the regulatory legal framework for creation and functioning of agro-industrial complex entities, state regulation and support of agriculture, development of rural areas, food export incentive, formation of external and internal trade infrastructure. The world agrarian economy demonstrates the use of various models of efficient ag

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Singh, Kanwal Deepinder Pal. "Strength and Challenges of OBOR Initiative: Indian Perspective." Journal of National Law University Delhi 6, no. 1 (2019): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277401719857865.

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The One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative of China is an attempt to ‘remake’ or recreate the ancient Silk Road or Silk Route, symbolising not only trade network but more importantly cultural interaction. It is an ambitious Eurasian strategy with large financial support, which aims to draw linkages from China to various regions of the world. The connectivity and cooperation presented by China between itself and the rest of Eurasia has two main components: the land-based ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ (SREB) and ocean-going ‘Maritime Silk Road’ (MSR). The ‘Belt’ includes countries geographically situat

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Malle, Silvana. "Russia and China in the 21st century. Moving towards cooperative behaviour." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 2 (2017): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2017.02.003.

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Political and economic rapprochement is taking place between Russia and China in a number of fields: energy, arms production, trade in national currencies and strategic projects in transport and supporting infrastructure. This development, fostered by Western policies and actions, including sanctions related to Ukraine, appears to be strengthening despite reservations related to uneasy precedents, contrasting visions and uncertain economic projections. Chinese policies aiming at European markets via the revival of the Silk Road assist this development. The One Belt-One Road is projected as an

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Nyang, Sulayman S. "EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (2008): 142–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1505.

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The arrival of Islam in the United States ofAmerica has been dated backto the coming of slaves fromAfrica. During this unfortunate trade in humancargo from the African mainland, many Muslim men and women came tothese shores. Some of these men and women were more visible than others;some were more literate in Arabic than the others; and some were betterremembered by their generations than the others. Despite these multiple differencesbetween the Muslim slaves and their brethren from various parts oftheAfrican continent, the fact still remains that their Islam and their self-confidencedid not sa

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Jobodwana, Zingisile Ntozintle. "OIL IN THE GULF OF GUINEA STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE MATRIX OF OVERLAPPING MEMBERSHIP OF AFRICAN REGIONAL COMMUNITIES: AN IMPEDIMENT TO REGIONAL INTEGRATION?" Journal of Law, Society and Development 3, no. 1 (2016): 6–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-9515/273.

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The Gulf of Guinea states (GOGs) discussed in this article comprise a diverse group of more than 20 African states bordering on the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea. They are former colonies of Belgium, France, Great Britain and Germany. These states are of strategic importance to the United States, the European Union, India and China because of their tremendous natural resources that include biodiversity, oil, gas and other strategic minerals. But to what extent are they also of strategic importance not only to South Africa but to SADC member states? After all, the GOGs boast of their sea routes being

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Muratshina, K. G. "BRICS GROUP AS AN ACTOR OF WORLD POLITICS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 4 (2020): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-4-423-437.

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This paper analyzes the self-positioning of the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) in world politics. The author has studied BRICS multilateral documents, addressed to the rest of the world, from 2009 to 2019, the documents related to summits procedure, and the related news archives of the international mass media. By means of discourse analysis, the paper traces the collective view of the group on the international issues, the changes in the group’s self-representation, and the reasons for them. The author concludes that, in spite of legally being not an intergovernmenta

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Segal, David R. "National Security and Democracy in the United States." Armed Forces & Society 20, no. 3 (1994): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402000304.

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Stern, R. "Oil market power and United States national security." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 103, no. 5 (2006): 1650–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0503705102.

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Moreno, Jonathan D. "Bioethics and the National Security State." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 32, no. 2 (2004): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2004.tb00466.x.

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it is mandatory that in building up our strength, we enlarge upon our technical superiority by an accelerated exploitation of the scientific potential of the United States and our allies. National Security Council, NSC-G8: United States Objectives and Program for National Security April 14, 1950 Innovation within the armed forces will rest on experimentation with new approaches to warfare, strengthening joint operations, exploiting U.S. intelligence advantages, and takingfull advantage of science and technology. George W Bush, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, Sep

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Weaver, John. "The 2017 National Security Strategy of the United States." Journal of Strategic Security 11, no. 1 (2018): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.11.1.1655.

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Black, Jan Knippers, and Lars Schoultz. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 3 (1988): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516561.

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Kenworthy, Eldon, and Lars Schoultz. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 4 (1988): 755. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150924.

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Black, Jan Knippers. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 3 (1988): 625–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.3.625.

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Stern, R. "The Iranian petroleum crisis and United States national security." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 104, no. 1 (2006): 377–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0603903104.

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Crassweller, Robert D., and Lars Schoultz. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 1 (1987): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043327.

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Sutter, Robert. "The United States and Asia in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (2018): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.10.

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Early Trump administration initiatives upset regional stability, complicating the foreign policies of Asian partners and opponents alike. Subsequent pragmatic summitry eased regional anxiety and clarified the new government’s security and political objectives. The administration’s national security strategy, released in December, provided a well-integrated security, economic, and diplomatic strategy for Asia and the rest of the world.

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Sahni, Varun. "India and the Asian Security Architecture." Current History 105, no. 690 (2006): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.690.163.

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By building robust political and economic links with both China and the United States, India could end up playing an important catalytic role in bringing both countries together in a new cooperative Asia.

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Boutin, Kenneth. "Challenging Security: The United States and the Belt and Road Initiative." China and the World 02, no. 01 (2019): 1950007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s259172931950007x.

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Complex national and economic security imperatives drive American China policy. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) heightens the tension between national and economic security requirements and between different levels of economic security. This renders the established American policy approach, which centers around pursuing national and economic security as separate policy tracks, difficult to sustain. The threat posed by the Initiative to the national security of the United States encourages a focus on it in these terms. Such a focus is all the more likely under President Donald Trump, who is

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Mitchell, Christopher. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America.Lars Schoultz." Journal of Politics 50, no. 4 (1988): 1134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131411.

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Constantian, Alan R. "Russia's Public Health: National Security Issue for the United States?" Military Medicine 170, no. 4 (2005): 285–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7205/milmed.170.4.285.

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Johnson, Loch K. "National Security Intelligence in the United States: A Performance Checklist." Intelligence and National Security 26, no. 5 (2011): 607–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2011.604198.

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Katz, Steven L. "National security controls, information, and communication in the United States." Government Information Quarterly 4, no. 1 (1987): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(87)90050-5.

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