Thèses sur le sujet « Nationalism – Greece – History textbooks »

Le noyau du discours narratif produit par le nationalisme grec et diffusé systématiquement à travers le système éducatif grec est la continuité historique de l’hellénisme depuis les temps archaïques, continuité dans laquelle la période byzantine fut conçue initialement comme une période d’esclavage, tout comme la période macédonienne, romaine, ottomane. Ce schéma, imposé par le regard occidental et selon lequel la Grèce moderne est ressuscitée tel un phénix qui renaît de ces cendres après avoir passé deux millénaires dans un oubli obscur, évolue tout au long du 19ème siècle, selon les nécessités et les aspirations de l’État national et en parallèle avec la valorisation du Moyen-Âge par le romantisme, vers un schéma tripartite qui inclut Byzance comme la période moyenne du narratif national grec. Le travail présent trace la genèse et l’évolution de ce narratif, et plus particulièrement de la place que Byzance y occupe, à travers les manuels scolaires grecs et les textes officiels qui définissent le contenu de ces derniers, tout en examinant en parallèle les conditions idéologiques, géopolitiques et épistémologiques qui ont imposé son absence, son émergence, son intégration et sa valorisation extrême comme matrice du nouvel hellénisme. Il s’agit également d’une étude sur les évènements, les personnages, les symboles de la période byzantine, qui sont apparus, mis en avant, appropriés, réinterprétés ou, au contraire, éludés, pour à chaque fois servir des finalités différentes au cours du processus de la construction idéologique qui aboutit, au 20ème siècle, à une conception stéréotypée de l’Empire byzantin, conception présente jusqu’à nos jours dans l’imaginaire historique grec
The pivotal idea at the centre of the narrative generated by Greek nationalism and systematically propagated through the Greek education system is the historical continuity of Hellenism since the archaic period. Within that continuity, the byzantine period was initially perceived as a period of slavery, just like the periods that Hellenism experienced under Macedonian, Roman and Ottoman rule. That blueprint according to which modern Greece rose back to life from its ashes like a phoenix after having spent some two thousand years in a state of dark oblivion was dictated by Western perceptions. It evolved throughout the 19th century, reflecting the needs and aspirations of the nation state and in parallel with the enhanced value that Romanticism accorded to the Middle Ages, and led to a three-fold layout which includes Byzantium as the middle era of the Greek national narrative. This thesis traces the birth and evolution of that narrative, focusing on the position that Byzantium occupies within it. It is based on Greek school manuals and on the official documents that specify the content of those manuals. At the same time, it examines the ideological, geopolitical and epistemological conditions that resulted into the absence, emergence and integration of Byzantium, as well as into the utmost recognition of its value as a matrix of new Hellenism. This thesis is also a study of events, historical figures and symbols of the Byzantine period which emerged and were either brought to the fore, embraced and interpreted anew or, on the contrary, deliberately silenced in order to serve a multitude of purposes in the context of an ideological construction which led, in the 20th century, to a stereotyped perception of the Byzantine Empire that is still alive today in the historical collective imagination of the Greek people

Nationalism is now unfashionable among intellectuals, but before the Second World War it was a dominant ideology all over the world and had a great influence, directly and indirectly, on the formation of one's world view. The following study intends to examine how two nationalisms, British and Japanese, interpreted the world in school textbooks. Britain and Japan represent different kinds of nationalism, western and eastern respectively. The world has been described largely from the western point of view since the West has continued to be the centre of historical writing for these five hundred years. Yet, presumably, the rising sun on the eastern horizon should have had a different picture; and to correct this imbalance by adding a synchronistic viewpoint is one of the aims of this study. Before starting the textbook analysis, however, the distinctively different education systems Britain and Japan possess are explained in Chapter 1. This study is divided into three parts, following three aspects of nationalism: national tradition, national mission and national character in that order. There is in fact considerable overlap between them, but the first part concentrates on exploring where the national pride of the two countries originated from and how the idea of honour to one's country was implanted in young minds. In the second the raison d'etre of each nation in the world defined according to their national tradition is discussed. Then the last part compares the two national characters inherited from the past and thought to be necessary to carry out their historical missions. In each chapter, 'continuity' is also an important theme. Did any shift in emphasis or focus take place after the two world wars? Most significantly, Britain has never lost a war since 1776, and therefore it could be argued that she has never been urged to reflect upon her past seriously for she always could justify herself. On the other hand,. Japan accepted unconditional surrender in 1945 and her imperialism was condemned by the whole international community. How did these markedly different experiences affect the world view in textbooks?

This study aims to explore how the imagined Chinese community, as the nation of Taiwan, was created and recreated between 1949 and 2011, to become the Taiwanese community. The theoretical concept of the ‘imagined community’, which is interconnected with the concepts of ‘invented tradition’ and ‘banal nationalism’, has been used to suggest a sociological interpretation of the transformation of people’s self-identification from ‘Chinese’ to ‘Taiwanese’, as a kind of reflection of the changing nation of post-war Taiwan. The social phenomenon of Taiwan residents’ changing self-identification raises a key concern, namely, has the nature of the nation in Taiwan changed? Junior and senior high school history textbooks (1949 to 2011), which can be regarded as representing the officially invented history, were used as resources, and analysed together with data gathered during interviews with twenty-five history teachers, who had not been screened for age or ethnic differences. The history textbooks provided content for a case study, comparable to that of the theoretical concept of the ‘invented tradition’. This could be regarded as ‘banal nationalism’, through which the life environment is subtly shaped and reshaped to become the ‘imagined community’, namely, the ‘national’ environment. The interviews with teachers were intended to help the researchers understand how the content in history textbooks had been taught, in order to explain how, or whether, the society undermined or reinforced the officially structured ‘imagined Taiwanese community’. The two approaches – one of which could be regarded as a top-down power, while the other could be considered as a social force – jointly provided the research framework and a perspective consistent with the changing social phenomenon of the increasing ‘Taiwanese’ identity among members of the population. This study concluded that ‘Taiwan’ has been produced and reproduced from the local identification to the national. The research results show that the meaning of ‘China’ and ‘Taiwan’ changed during three time periods: from the 1950s to the late 1980s, from the 1990s to the 2000s, and from the 2000s to 2010 and later. Through this process, mainland China and Taiwan were identified as one Chinese nation-state, beginning in the 1950s to the late 1980s, as one nation but two states, from the 1990s to the early 2000s, and finally, as two nation-states, from the early 2000s to 2010 and later. This research explored how ‘Taiwan’, an ‘imagined community’, has been shaped over time. Teachers further manifested ‘Taiwan’ as an explicit concept of national identity by providing other examples, in addition to the content in textbooks, and noting distinctions between ‘China’ and ‘Taiwan’. Theoretical logic is coherent with this empirical investigation, and this study provided the perspective to interpret how the state worked as a top-down force cooperating with society’s bottom-up perseverance, to invent ‘Taiwanese’ national history, through which the national identity of Taiwan was manifested.

This research aimed to put forth changes and continuities in the formation of the official history and its dissemination through education, with particular emphasis to history courses in high schools during the Early Republican Era with reference to the ministerial decisions, parliamentary discussions, history textbooks and also history and educational congresses held during Atatü
rk and Inö
nü
eras. 1930s for the Turkish Republic was a time span when the core principles of the regime were formulized to ensure that they were publicly comprehended and posesed. Correspondingly, formal and informal educational institutions were established for the dissemination of these principles, i. e. official ideology. Among them, Turkish History Association played an important role in formulation of official history which was one of the major means to install Turkish identity and a collective memory to the nation. In this respect, history courses and especially textbooks served instilling Republican understanding of history. The presidency of Ismet Inö
nü
were the years when the regime was consolidated and intoleration to the opposing views was decreased. This also affected the official perception of history, by dissolving the clear break from the recent past and reconciling it with the modernization process of Ottoman-Turkish history while paying attention to the ccontinuities.

Scholars tend to assume the link between Chinese education and nationalism, without looking at the specific ways in which the connection is made. An assessment of the way in which the Second Opium War (1856-1860) is depicted in two Chinese middle-school history textbooks, one from 1912 and the other from 2007, illustrates how the historic event may be used to conjure nationalist responses to an event that brought China into a new world order of sovereign nation-states. Based on the research presented in this paper, it can be shown that since the founding of a public education system in 1902, the Chinese government — whether late imperial, nationalist, or communist — has used history textbooks to express a specifically “national” history that brings the Chinese together behind a strong state that portrays itself as the guardian of a nation’s sovereignty and cultural identity. This paper first assesses the importance of state legitimacy and the role of promoting a specific national narrative that supports the state’s authority in the creation of state-endorsed nationalism, then considers the role of the state in the establishment of a national education system and the production of history textbooks, and finishes with a comparison of passages about the Second Opium War in a textbook from 1912 and one from 2007. Whereas the 1912 passage reinforces the new Republic of China’s claim to legitimacy by focusing on the imperial government’s ineptitude at handling foreign incursion during the Second Opium War, completely overlooking the role of Western interests and aggression in China, the 2007 passage condenses the whole war to the looting and burning of the Yuanming Yuan in order to create a shared memory of humiliation that reminds students of the Chinese Communist Party’s historic victory over imperialism and that may impel Chinese youth to redress the problem of China’s inequality on the world stage. An analysis of the passages about the Second Opium War in these two textbooks demonstrates in a concrete way the role of teaching the country’s “imagined” past in inculcating a contemporary national identity that can then be used to legitimize those in power.

The period from 1930 to 1946 constitutes one of the most important episodes of the history of Turkish Republic. It is the period in which the new regime was consolidated through a series of radical secularizing reforms, which aimed at weakening the role of religion in politics and society and confining it to the private sphere. In this period, the Kemalist regime tried to replace an identity based on religion by one based on the Turkish nation. It has generally been argued that the transition to multi-party regime and the subsequent coming to power of the Democratic Party in 1950 constitutes a serious break with the previous period by opening a greater space for religion in society. This thesis will try to study the construction of Turkish national identity through a comparison of the high school textbooks of the 1930 &ndash
1950 period and 1950 &ndash
1960 era.

In 1991, a diplomatic controversy arose between Greece and the newly independent Republic of Macedonia, regarding naming, minority rights and the use of historical symbols. The claims of the new state to the name Macedonia and the historical heritage associated with it were perceived as a threat against Greek national identity and history itself. Within months, the so-called Macedonian question came to dominate the Greek domestic and foreign policy agenda. In Greek public debate, the conflict blended with concerns about the nation’s past, present and future, which played into the challenges brought about by the end of the Cold War. The Macedonian conflict can thus be understood as symptomatic of a crisis in Greek historical culture, as well as a catalyst for broader concerns about the role of history in contemporary society. This study explores the contexts in which the conflict evolved and how history was perceived, narrated and used by institutions, communities and individuals who sought to influence public opinion and policy-makers. The theoretical point of departure is the concept of historical culture, defined as the totality of discourses through which a society makes sense of itself, the present and the future through the interpretation of the past. In the study of historical culture, the notions of narratives and uses of history have been employed, with the notion of boundary-work as a supplementing analytical tool. The material of the study is primarily drawn from mainstream press, but also includes historiography. The study shows how the Macedonian controversy was intertwined with the identity- and memory-political demands of substate actors. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of a narrative on genocide among Greeks of Pontian origins. This happened in an age when traditional notions of national pride were being challenged by transnational history-cultural concerns about human rights and the notion of national guilt. The study also sheds light on how academic historians dealt with issues brought about by demands for politically committed scholarship, objectivity, legitimacy and the need to adjust in a transnational setting.
Denna studie har sin utgångspunkt i de utmaningar som det grekiska samhället och nationalstaten stod inför vid kalla krigets slut. I fokus står den diplomatiska konflikten mellan Grekland och republiken Makedonien, gällande den senare partens namn och bruk av historiskt laddade symboler samt minoritetsrättigheter. Denna makedonska konflikt som seglade upp i samband med Jugoslaviens sammanbrott kom att dominera den in- och utrikespolitiska dagordningen i Grekland under det tidiga 1990-talet, och förde tidvis in landet på kollisionskurs med dess västeuropeiska och amerikanska partners. Avhandlingens syfte har bestått i att spåra de sammanhang som denna konflikt växte fram i. Jag hävdar att den makedonska konflikten inte endast skall förstås som en kris i grekisk inrikespolitik, eller i landets relationer med omvärlden, utan fastmer som en kris i den grekiska historiekulturen. I det offentliga samtalet i Grekland smälte konflikten samman med en oro gällande nationens förflutna, nutid och framtid. Den diplomatiska fejden med den nya grannstaten i norr uppmärksammades av en bred allmänhet och åtföljdes av en diskurs som utmålade den egna nationens historia och arv som hotade. Studiet av denna diskurs, eller rättare sagt diskurser, om historia är ett viktigt mål i denna avhandling, eftersom det belyser uppfattningar om det förflutna jämte farhågor rörande nuet och nationens framtid, uppfattningar och farhågor som ytterst präglade den politiska krisen. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten för studien återfinns i begreppet historiekultur. Med detta avses de samtliga diskurser genom vilka ett samhälle begripliggör sig självt, nuet och framtiden genom att tolka det förflutna. Sålunda definierad skall historiekultur förstås som både struktur och process. Det innebär att historiekulturen är både ramverket av kunskap, attityder och värderingar som ger den enskilde mening och sammanhang, och samhällen deras sammanhållning, och själva handlingen genom vilka ovansagda skapas och förmedlas. Som redskap för att studera historiekultur har begreppen berättelser och historiebruk använts. Eftersom studien särskilt uppmärksammar fackhistorikers roll i konflikten – viktiga i egenskap av aktörer som skapar och sprider den kunskap och de värderingar som utgör historiekultur – har även ett vetenskapssociologiskt perspektiv infogats. Offentliga kontroverser rörande det förflutna inbegriper kamp om trovärdigheten i vissa tolkningar liksom hos dem som framför dem. Som kompletterande analysredskap brukas begreppet gränsdragning (boundary-work), utifrån uppfattningen att vetenskapen bör studeras i det sociala sammanhang i vilket den bibringas mening och auktoritet. Historiekultur studeras genom dess lämningar. I föreliggande avhandling utgörs källmaterialet främst av artiklar i grekisk dagspress, men även historieskrivning (akademisk såväl som icke-akademisk) i bokform, vetenskapliga tidskrifter och andra relevanta trycksaker där historia debatteras, berättas, sätts in i sammanhang och brukas, har studerats. Materialet täcker ingalunda grekisk historiekultur i hela dess vidd men utgör likväl ett representativt urval av de arenor där såväl allmänhet som specialister mötte diskurser och debatter om det förflutna. 324 Studien har kartlagt de sätt på vilka historia brukades med särskilt avseende på de intressen som kan skönjas däri. Själva upplevelsen av kris tog sig uttryck i ett existentiellt historiebruk, kopplats till ett sökande efter rötter och kontinuitet som närdes av fruktan för krig, rotlöshet och kulturell minnesförlust. Det upplevda yttre hotet mot Grekland beskrevs ofta i termer av en hotande utmaning gentemot den nationella identiteten och nationens överlevnad, men också som en möjlighet att återupprätta en samlande nationell berättelse. Samtidigt brukades historia med både kommersiella och politiska mål i sikte, eftersom det nationella förflutna sågs som en moralisk, politisk och ekonomisk tillgång. Ett framträdande drag i debatten var ett politiskt historiebruk som syftade till att utmana en upplevd vänsterhegemoni som utmålades som ett hinder för nationell enighet och främjandet av Greklands utrikespolitiska målsättningar i utlandet. Men historia kunde även brukas politiskt för att visa på nationalismens avarter. Särskild uppmärksamhet har ägnats åt det moraliska historiebruket. Detta är ett bruk som utmanar vad som utpekas som förhärskande föreställningar och därför är ett medel för historiekulturens förändring. Historieproducenter längs med den politiska skalan tenderade att utforma sina berättelser i kritisk och moralistisk anda, även om syftet ofta var att bevara en traditionell förståelse av nationell historia och identitet. Emellertid är det berättelser som utmanar den nationella tolkningsramen som undersökts särskilt noggrant. Det moraliska historiebruket hänger samman med hur den makedonska frågan nyttjades till att främja minnespolitiska krav. I detta sammanhang har särskild uppmärksamhet riktats mot den slaviskmakedonska minoritetsaktivismen som prisade etnisk särart och anklagade den grekiska staten för diskriminering. Dess historiebruk underblåste föreställningar om ett överhängande hot mot den grekiska nationalstaten och tilltalade som sådant också grupperingar inom den grekiska vänstern, som i den slaviskmakedonska kritiska berättelsen såg ett medel till förändring av rådande samhällsordning och den nationella historiekulturen, genom att blottlägga statens ”ideologiska historiebruk”. En grupp som brukade historien moraliskt och som i viss utsträckning även länkade sin minnespolitiska dagordning till den makedonska frågan återfanns bland de pontiska grekerna. Studien har belyst hur en pontisk identitet knuten till en berättelse om folkmord i Turkiet och en historia av diskriminering i Grekland växte fram i senare delen av 1980-talet och erkändes av staten 1994. Medan kapitel 3 utforskar det lokala historiekulturella landskapet i det grekiska Makedonien, belyser kapitel 4 även de förbindelser som pontiska aktivister sökte upprätta med historiska berättelser utanför den nationella historiens ramverk, huvudsakligen det armeniska folkmordet och förintelsen. Förhållandet mellan politik och historia, mellan kritiska berättelser som utmanade förhärskande uppfattningar i nationella frågor och dem som försvarade den förda politikens legitimitet och den officiella historieskrivningen, står i fokus för kapitel 5. Den makedonska konflikten medförde kolliderande anspråk på expertis inom vetenskapssamhället – mellan ämnesdiscipliner och enskilda forskare – såväl som mellan fackmän och lekmän, vilket tog sig uttryck i retoriska 325 uteslutningsmekanismer. För somliga bar den allmänna betoningen av nationell historia ett löfte med sig om finansiering och förstärkt prestige åt dem som hade denna inriktning. Andra uppfattade den makedonska krisen och historieskrivning med nationella och politiska förtecken som ett direkt hot mot den fria forskningen och Greklands överlevnad som ett demokratiskt samhälle. Den akademiska autonomin som föreföll hotad skyddades genom att insistera på en skiljelinje mellan historia som vetenskap respektive som ”ideologiskt bruk” för politiska ändamål. Detta försök att återupprätta konsensus inom vetenskapssamhället genom att vädja till professionens etiska principer blev också en utväg för historiker som med tiden sökte distansera sig från en förd politik som uppfattades som skamfilad och nationalistisk. Analysen har visat på de sammanhang i vilka den makedonska krisen växte fram och hur farhågorna för och bruket av historia kan förstås. Den första av dessa kontexter är den inrikespolitiska, närmare bestämt det grekiska samhällets demokratisering efter 1974. I det nya pluralistiska klimatet införlivades delar av den tidigare förföljda vänsterns kritiska berättelse om det nära förflutna i statens historieskrivning. Övergången från ett auktoritärt samhälle och historiekultur till en ökad öppenhet banade även väg för missnöjda gruppers identitetspolitik (slaviska makedoner, pontiska och andra anatoliska greker), grupper vars historiebruk naggade de gamla nationella och ideologiska stora berättelserna i kanten. Vid tiden för kalla krigets slut 1989 hade en allmänt spridd besvikelse gentemot de politiska ideologierna, i synnerhet socialismen, medfört en motreaktion till förmån för en mer traditionell nationalism. Det andra betydelsefulla sammanhanget återfinns i den europeiska integrationen som följde på Greklands EG-inträde 1981. Denna medförde inte endast hopp om ekonomisk vinning utan även behovet att bearbeta förlusten av nationellt självbestämmande och traditionella former av självförståelse. Grekland stod inför uppgiften att finna sin plats i det nya Europa, samtidigt som landet måste hantera den nya verklighet som 1990-talets krig på Balkan medförde. Särskilt historiker betonade att denna process gjorde det nödvändigt att europeisera nationens värderingar och uppfattningar kring historia, en uppgift som försvårades av Greklands hållning i den makedonska frågan och det sätt på vilket man slog vakt om ”historiska rättigheter”. Även aktivister som, huvudsakligen i den grekiska diasporan, var sysselsatta med att marknadsföra denna fråga pekade på behovet av att modernisera aspekter av den nationella historiekulturen i en tid av europeiskt enande och konvergerande historieutbildningar. Det som ovan beskrivits har ett nära samband med det tredje stora sammanhanget, som även det är av transnationell art. Den nationella historiekulturen är inte avskild från omvärlden; föreställningar om det förflutna rör sig över nationella gränser. På global nivå sammanföll den makedonska konflikten med de s.k. history wars, historiekrig som rasade vid samma tid runtom i världen. Dessa återspeglar i sin tur urholkandet av de stora nationella och ideologiska berättelserna i västerländska samhällen, de identitets- och minnespolitiska kraven hos under- och ickestatliga aktörer, de mänskliga rättigheternas paradigm och 326 beklagandets politik (the politics of regret), som anammar nationell skuld som ny princip för politisk legitimitet. Trenden inom transnationell historiekultur mot en mer universell moral, symboliserad av den ”amerikaniserade” (och ”europeiserade”) förintelsens moral innebar en ytterligare utmaning mot de nationella historiekulturerna. Den pontiska folkmordsberättelsen (och dess nationaliserade förlängning) analyseras som svarande till kravet på en ”amerikanisering” av grekisk historiekultur. I detta sammanhang lyfts den grekiska diasporans roll fram, inte endast som instrumentell i utformningen av Greklands utrikespolitiska dagordning, men även i egenskap av förmedlare av historiekulturella angelägenheter och behovet av anpassning till transnationell omgivning. Konsekvenser av denna ”amerikaniserade” folkmordsberättelse diskuteras. Ett fjärde sammanhang, med en både nationell och transnationell dimension, är det akademiska, inom vilket forskare debatter och formar historiens representation. Identitetspolitikens ankomst och den makedonska konflikten stod även i samband med den objektivistiska historieskrivningens legitimitetskris och den postmoderna utmaningen. Urholkningen av staters bärande historieberättelse och tolkningsföreträde motsvarades i viss utsträckning av ett undergrävt förtroende för den traditionella historieskrivningens trovärdighet och auktoritet. Denna urholkning kunde tolkas som ett hot mot själva historievetenskapen och professionen. Ett annat sätt att bemöta detta hot var att betrakta såväl det som den makedonska krisen som en uppfordran till perspektivskifte inom forskning och historieskrivning. Samspelet mellan politik och historia, mellan förståelsen av svunna realiteter, nutida bekymmer och förväntningar inför framtiden formade sålunda den politiska krisen och banade väg för den grekiska historiekulturens förändring.

Narratives of Nordic pre-history are common in textbooks of the Swedish 'folk school'. This thesis discusses them from an ideological critical perspective and analyses them as textbook myths. This analytic concept of myth is constructed and used as a tool for studying ideological expressions in pedagogical texts. It is compatible with a historical materialist, social constructivist and Gramsci inspired perspective towards folk schooling and can handle questions of selection and re-organisation of ancient narrative material. The study shows how a paternalistic ethnic ideology which showed the pupils how their ancestors immigrated and set up society and order is replaced by nationalistic myths where the Swedes are projected on the totality of the past. Idealisation of farmers and expressions that neutralise poverty and legitimates subordination are used continuously throughout the study period. After 1868 a national folk concept is established. Textbook myths with a euhemeristic portrayal of civilisation are replaced by other scientific ways of handling pre-historic religions including elements from nature mythology and evolutionary theory. The myths handle religions both through Christian polemics and theological projections. The results of the analyses are interpreted in the light of the contemporary socio-economic changes where a feudal agrarian society's principles for classifications and hierarchies are challenged and broken by the principles of a class society with a nationalistic ideology. In the concluding chapters the myths are discussed and interpreted in relation to curriculum codes and in a Gramsci inspired perspective as expressions of a passive bourgeois revolution, where intellectuals of the middle class conquered the school and the textbook myths by making alliances with the farming class and trying to neutralise the poor and the working class. The thesis contributes to research in the use of history, representation in pedagogical texts and to research in nationalism.

Defence date: 23 January 2004
Examining board: Prof. Christian Joppke (University of British Columbia-Supervisor) ; Prof. Michael Keating (EUI) ; Prof. Yasemin Soysal (University of Essex) ; Prof. Arpad Szakolczai (University of Cork-Co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

M.A.
The present dissertation is divided into three parts. The first and second part consist of the related theoretical background; while in the third part presents the crux of research data, including classification, analysis, records, findings and proposals. Specifically: The research project begins with the introduction which contains challenges that determine the research. What, in 2007, caused the withdrawal of a new history schoolbook in Greece, especially since it had started taking positive comments from the daily press of the country and contained positive presentations and innovations? Nowadays, does the Greek school education remain emphatically national when more and more nations are becoming multicultural and national, economies are becoming increasingly internationalised and the fabric of society, both globally and in Greece, is changing, becoming enriched with diverse cultural, linguistic, national and socio-economic characteristics? This dissertation endeavours to discover all of this. The first chapter of the first part presents the purpose, scope, subjects and methodology of research. This section analyzes the historical period from the Fall of Constantinople (1453) to the establishment of the modern independent Greek state in 1830 ( called Tourkokratia). The historical content is presented as it is in textbooks of compulsory education in Greece and those of Greek education in the Diaspora and then they are identified and compared to one another. Several questions will be asked and considered. For instance, what does every history schoolbook focus on? What is comprehended of the national history in the generations of Greek children to come? What do they promote as imperative knowledge to have and what to ignore? What is the mindset on our national image? And how are the Greeks depicted in contrast with other nations, especially today? What conclusions can be drawn? What proposals can emerge about the study of History in school? This study aims, in addition to the previous analysis, to list the historical facts presented in each textbook and to make a parallel comparison. Also, analysis of new and revised history textbooks (2006-07) allows us to draw conclusions regarding the content, which is given to students in Greece and the Diaspora. A list with details of facts that differentiate the books from their predecessors, especially after the The main sources used for the study are Greek textbooks for the Primary Education, the Lower Secondary Education and the Diaspora, over the last 30 years. The methodological tool of content analysis is chosen using the paragraph as the unit of analysis in the treatment of data. This approach provides more in depth information than what is given by a simple reading of a text. Then, this latent information is extrapolated with the intention of utilizing it for research. The units of analysis and categorization enable a condensation of the text, summarizing it and giving an overview of the performances of the researcher, at the points of interest. In our study, the information utilised from school textbooks was obtained mainly from main texts, exercises, supplementary texts (sources, etc.), pictures, images and explanations of the images. The findings regarding references which promote peaceful and friendly disposition towards “others” were positive whilst the findings for references that cause aggression, xenophobia and violent emotions were negative. Neutral allusions considered petitions that carry neither positive nor negative evaluative load, or negative or positive messages. More specifically, the methodology that is applied to search the content of school textbooks followed the path below: • Finding common categories for all the material which is under investigation. After an initial approach of content of school textbooks, the categories of analysis were defined by the objectives of the investigation. In other words, the process of formation of categories is based on how the elements of the books are structured, following all the methodological conditions. • Configuration categories of analysis. • The categorization of the reports provides data that essentially refers to the portrayal of Greece that each schoolbook reflects. This includes the basic texts, exercises, tasks and images and the supplementary material. • Collection and processing of the findings. • The drawing of conclusions.

This dissertation is the first study of the complete oeuvre of the nineteenth-century archaeologist, photographer, and academic painter Auguste Salzmann, who created some of the earliest European archaeological photographs in the field. His 1854 photographs of Jerusalem have long been praised for their aesthetic beauty, but they have yet to be fully integrated into his full oeuvre of five photographic albums created between 1854 and 1875—a nearly two-decades-long engagement with the photographic medium and an extensive archaeological praxis rooted in the Bible and developed in Greece and the Middle East. Created by an academically trained painter, exchanged to sell artifacts across international borders, and reproduced to contest archaeological theories, Salzmann’s photographs were active participants in a dense cultural web of religious history, scientific thought, aesthetics, economics, and nationalism. In response to these social forces Salzmann’s photographs adopted various forms—bound and unbound, singular and serial, devotional and documentary, scientific and artistic. By demonstrating how Salzmann’s multivalent work had multiple simultaneous social lives in their original historical contexts, this project creates an interdisciplinary model for the study of photographs and photographic albums. Each chapter focuses on one album to illuminate the trajectory of Salzmann’s pictorial methods. The first chapter traces the genesis of Salzmann’s most famous commercial album, the grande édition of Jérusalem: Étude et reproduction photographique de la ville sainte, to discover the many forms his photographs adopted between his 1854 journey to Jerusalem and the album’s 1856 publication. Through the petite édition of Jérusalem the second chapter reveals how Salzmann channeled French religious history to promote contemporary French nationalist interests in the Holy Land. The third chapter turns to Voyage en Terre Sainte (1863) to demonstrate how Salzmann’s pictorial methods adapted to competing archaeological theories and modes of scientific illustration. The fourth chapter centers upon his posthumous Nécropole de Camiros (1875) of Rhodian antiquities to establish how the rhetoric of archaeological discovery granted photographs a multivalent status as scientific specimens, economic goods, and art objects. Challenging previous scholarship that approaches photographic albums as passive repositories of information, the project formulates them as dynamic, mobile actors that produce new knowledge.
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M.A.
The present dissertation is divided into two parts. The first part consists of the first three chapters, the theoretical content and the second part, which consists of the fourth and fifth chapters, is the research conducted according the conclusions drawn and the proposals. In the first chapter the compiled thesis deals with the reformation of the nation- state notion. This dissertation sought for the roots of the nation-state notion, which rise from the era of Enlightenment and encountered the particular features typical to their existence. The study then moves on to the formation of the Greek nation state. We witnessed its development and evolution from the ancient years until its creation. Its existence is worth being mentioned only after the emancipation from the Turkish occupation, as well as to the special features such as the language, culture and religion, features that were created during the antiquity. Furthermore, national identity was the main subject, whose infrastructure is the existence of “foreigners”. It is widely known that the individuals who belong to a particular group comply with common values and ideals but they reject elements which are considered to be unfamiliar and of a bad influence. As far as the Greek national identity is concerned, what came to light was that the roots stem from the ancient Greek civilization, which represents the modern Greek and the European civilization. National identity’s major features and functional elements such as education, language and church were revealed at the same time. In addition, the scientific interest was directed towards nationalism and ethnocentrism. The special features suitable for the creation of nationalism and the era in which it appeared were examined. Moreover, the causes and factors, which reformed, shaped and supported it were revealed some of which may be ideology, political parties, mass media, educational system, and the way of thinking to name a few. Finally, it was found that Greek nationalism was formed by the fall of Istanbul and was connected with the “Great Idea”. Therefore, the cultivation of the national ethics can be developed into ethnocentrism. This phenomenon can be interpreted in a different manner in relation with the existing political and historical state and the specific period of time. Later on, ethnocentrism’s existence, it’s originality, it’s creation and the consequences it might have had on the development of the student’s identity. It is cultivated properly when the education takes on a “traditional” role promoted to exemplify the particular national features. As a result, on the one hand the ethnocentrism secures the cultural continuation and homogeneity, but on the other hand it functions as a factor against bringing the students in contact with other people and civilizations. As far as it is concerned, the official state plays an important role providing books and educators who are summoned to materialize the aims of education. The second chapter presents economical, political, social and cultural changes which took place during the 20th century not only worldwide but also within the Greek society. These changes were particularly important and resulted in more and more people coming into contact with more than one civilizations and they were summoned to co-exist harmoniously, peacefully and creatively. This goal can be achieved only under the appropriate circumstances. Education should play this significant role in order to cultivate the ethno-cultural identity, the acceptance and the comprehension of “others” demonstrating them not only through warfare but also through culture. A lot conferences such as { the educational action of UNESCO, The Maastricht treaty) were held on this important issue at which was presented proposal (Green Bible and others). The conclusions of which culminated the A.T.P. and school text material, putting aside as much as possible the ethnocentrism other stereo types and negative conceptions towards “foreigners”. Instead they create suitable teaching circumstances for the understanding and tolerance of the ”foreigners” in order to co-exist peacefully. The third chapter presents the aim of the research ground of this project which has to do with the A.T.P., the school written text books and the concepts of the educators containing national centralized elements. It is known that students are encouraged to come in contact with knowledge, attitudes and values according to the educational policy of each government. The significance of both the school manual and A.T.P. as well as school textbooks, implements of the official state, that helped fulfill the aims, along with the concepts of the educator regarding the cultivation or not of ethnic centrism, were demonstrated. Furthermore, the third chapter continues with a summarized research in bibliography. From this summary culminated that the school manual, curriculum and the school text books from primary and elementary school, even though there were some improvements, remained national centralized and they are not relieved from negative comments and reviews about “foreign” people. Commonly, they present other peoples through battle, warfare and not through their culture and civilization. Moreover, problems and issues which concern all of us are not presented in the depth and coverage they should have been presented within the margin of European and worldwide dimensions in education, a fact which is increasingly discussed in our times. As far as the concept of the educators is concerned, what has risen is that those children, who originated from other nationalities, are more open-minded and tolerant to the presence of ‘foreigners’ and the propagation of ethnocentrism elements from education as well as the acceptance of new reality. Finally, the same chapter features the manuals and A.T.P. in which the research materialized and the appropriate method. The fourth chapter presents the research, which was held in the general Analytic Teaching Programme, and that of the subject lessons (Language, History, Geography, Environmental studies, and Religion) as well as the reverent school textbooks. The conclusions and proposals of the whole research procedure were also presented in the above research. It was noted that the general A.T.P., refers to the cultivation of national identity, respect and acceptance of ‘foreigner’ peoples, point that was regarded as remarkably positive. Perhaps due to the fact that the Analytic Teaching Programme has been written recently, it has taken into consideration new standards in world wide and Greek societies and the new role education has to play in this theme. The cultivation of European consciousness is also mentioned, element which could lead to a one new kind of national centralization known as euro centrism. The research in the subject of History grade 6th showed that the national identity is cultivated since social political, economical and religious life of Greece from the period of Turkish rule up until today, but the references of the current Greek state are scant. Therefore, the ‘foreigners’ presented through war and diplomatic relations, which they had with Greece and there are few cultural references to them. All the above culminate in the historical consciousness and judgment of students not being cultivated. As far as the subjects Greek Language grade 5th and grade 6th classes, it is noted that their foremost goal is Greece and its culture. Apart from the Anthology text book, all the references deal with the past and does not present the image of the current Greek state. Also, there is no reference to minorities, residing permanently in Greece. The references to ‘foreigners’ basically stem from passages which refer to wars between Greece against other peoples and passages of foreign literature are missing. It has to be mentioned that the Anthology text book comes in terms with the requirements of the A.T.P. and differs from that of the Language textbooks. Through the subjects of Geography of grade 5th and grade 6th classes students experience their first acquaintance with natural, and human environment in Greece 5th class and in the whole world, ( 5th class ). However, there is no mention in minorities as well as in groups of people who have emigrated permanently in Greece in the recent years. It is noted is that the European Union and its aims, which are presented fully in the textbook of 5th class. Also, in the same textbook cultural exchanges between Greek and other cultures are mentioned, elements which are missing from the corresponding text book in 6th grade which promote superiority and homogeneity in Greek culture. After their comparison, both books pose the issue of their inspection according to new standards. Hence, through both books the necessity of co-operation and supporting and the right of believing in different religions is promoted. The subject of Environmental studies of grade 4th attempts to acquaint the students with the geographical state of Greece, the ecosystem, the tradition and culture. Therefore, the cultural references deal fundamentally with the ancient Greek civilization. In regards to the ‘foreigners’ and E.U the references are briefly mentioned and the aims of the A.T.P are not fulfilled successfully. Finally, concerning the subject of Religion grade 6th through the research study on it, I came to the conclusion that the textbook is centered on Christianity and there are no references to other religions. As a consequence, only Christian consciousness is developed to the students and not the religious one, which is the aim of the A.T.P. This element does not develop a religious thinking and this aim is necessary for the prorogation of religious fanaticism and the acceptance of differentiation. A brief summary of the findings is presented in the fifth chapter, which was mentioned above through the research that was held in respect to Greece and to the ‘foreigners’ using the A.T.P. and the corresponding school manuals. Proposals on the improvement of school text books, the A.T.P., as well as proposals on the teachers {which has been studied through the summary of the research Bibliography) followed. In this way the new social and economical reality was taken into account as it is formed in the present era which imposes the educational liberation from national centralization and its implementation with European and worldwide standards to cultivate peace, the acceptance of others and the harmonious co-existence among peoples all over the world for their own best interest.

L’effondrement du communisme en 1991 en Russie a conduit à la révision des manuels scolaires d’histoire en Russie et dans les anciennes républiques de l’URSS. Ce travail propose d’évaluer l’histoire récente post-communiste enseignée dans les classes supérieures du secondaire dans trois pays post-communistes. Nous allons s’attarder sur la présentation des divers périodes historiques de l’histoire Soviétique dans les manuels scolaires d’histoire en Russie, Ukraine et Estonie. Ce travail tente également d’examiner les diverses approches dans l’enseignement d’histoire dans ces trois pays, ainsi que de répondre à la question comment les nouveaux manuels redéfinissent la perception de la culture et d’histoire des élèves dans chaque pays.
Our work will examine the crucial rupture between Soviet and Russian history from 1985 (1991 in some cases) through 2010, during which rival political leaders of Ukraine, Estonia and Russia had an opportunity to develop and attempt to impose their visions of their respective national identities and their history. The main goal of this study is to provide a new understanding of the connection between history, ideology, and development of national consciousness. The focus of the previous research in this domain concentrated on each studied country in particular. Mainstream historiography left unnoticed particularities in the development of new political discourse in the peripheral states that emerged from the collapse of the Soviet Union. The proposed study project will examine the consequences of the dissolution of the USSR on the socio-political situation in Eastern Europe. It should shed light on the effects the collapse of the Soviet Union had on the intensification of ethnic, nationalist and religious discourse in several former socialist republics. We conducted a comparative study of recent history textbooks in several countries of Eastern Europe (in Russia, Ukraine and Estonia) and analyzed the new content of post-Soviet history textbooks used in Eastern European Secondary schools. Each of these countries followed a distinct path; therefore we aimed to reveal their particular search for a new national identity and citizenship during the transitional period.
В рамках данной работы мы изучили преподавание истории в школах трех постсоветских государств: России, Украины и Эстонии. Было также уделено внимание восприятию истории ХХ века населением этих стран. Были собраны, частично переведены с национальных языков и проанализированы около 50 школьных учебников истории для старших классов из России, Украины и Эстонии. Изученные учебники являются наиболее массовыми и иногда даже единственными в своем роде в школах этих государств. Анализ школьных учебников истории, приведенный в этой работе, показывает, что в отличие от России, Украина и Эстония пошли по пути преподавания подрастающему поколению националистической трактовки истории, основанной на мифах о древности своего народа, о высокой культурной миссии предков и о «заклятом враге». Россия, в свою очередь, сделала ставку на патриотическое воспитание нового поколения, умалчивая неприятные эпизоды из прошлого и прелагая новый, «позитивный» подход к изучению истории. Эта работа ставит цель не только проанализировать сложившуюся ситуацию в школьном образовании в Восточной Европе после распада Советского Союза, но и оценить роль преподавания истории в создании особенной, уникальной и, зачастую, националистической идеологии.