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1

Carter, April. Success and failure in arms control negotiations. Oxford [England] : Oxford University Press, 1989.

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2

Foundation for Co-Existence (Colombo, Sri Lanka). Research & Documentation Centre, dir. Negotiating peace in Sri Lanka : Efforts, failures, and lessons. Colombo : Research & Documentation Centre, Foundation for Co-Existence, 2006.

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3

Globalization, negotiation, and the failure of transformation in South Africa. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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4

Allen, Michael H. Globalization, Negotiation, and the Failure of Transformation in South Africa. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983077.

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5

H, Rahman. A British defence problem in the Middle East : The failure of the 1946 Anglo-Egyptian negotiations. Reading : Ithaca Press, 1994.

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6

Chronicle of a Failure Foretold : The Peace Process of Colombian President Andrés Pastrana. Tuscaloosa : University of Alabama Press, 2007.

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7

Shafaeddin, S. M. Free trade or fair trade ? : An enquiry into the causes of failure in recent trade negotiations : fallacies surrounding the theories of trade liberalization and protection and contradictions in international trade rules. Geneva : United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, 2000.

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8

Spaniel, William. Bargaining over the Bomb : The Successes and Failures of Nuclear Negotiations. Cambridge University Press, 2019.

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9

Spaniel, William. Bargaining over the Bomb : The Successes and Failures of Nuclear Negotiations. Cambridge University Press, 2019.

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10

Haines, Daniel. The Phantom of Cooperation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190648664.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the Indus Waters Treaty’s problematic reputation for symbolising India–Pakistan cooperation. Even though the treaty failed to resolve broader geoplitical tensions in South Asia, the principle of river basin-scale negotiations reappeared in American and World Bank proposals for resolving an India–Pakistan dispute over the Farakka Barrage on the River Ganges in West Bengal and East Pakistan during the later 1960s and 1970s. The spectacular failure of basin-scale negotiation in Bengal, due to Indian policy-makers’ determination not to “compromise” their river-development plans in the face of external pressure, contrasted with the relative success of negotiations over the Indus Basin. The strange afterlife of the Indus Waters Treaty, in which Indian politicians used it as a warning against further cooperation, further demonstrated its historical peculiarity. The treaty is not a model for improving bilateral relations.
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Rudd, Jill E., et D. Timothy Hughes. Negotiation Preparation in a Global World : Symptoms of Success and Failure. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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12

Rudd, Jill E., et D. Timothy Hughes. Negotiation Preparation in a Global World : Symptoms of Success and Failure. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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13

Rudd, Jill E., et D. Timothy Hughes. Negotiation Preparation in a Global World : Symptoms of Success and Failure. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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14

Negotiation Preparation in a Global World : Symptoms of Success and Failure. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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15

Rudd, Jill E., et D. Timothy Hughes. Negotiation Preparation in a Global World : Symptoms of Success and Failure. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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16

F, McHugh Edward, et Massachusetts Continuing Legal Education, Inc. (1982- ), dir. Negotiating the business loan workout : Creative credit crunch techniques. Boston, MA (20 West St., Boston 02111) : Massachusetts Continuing Legal Education, 1990.

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17

Gomez Arana, Arantza. The second attempt to negotiate the association agreement. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0007.

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From the moment the European Union and Mercosur stopped their negotiations there was not progress or a real intention to re-start the negotiations again until 2010. Officially the EU and Mercosur “continued” negotiating the Association Agreement but it is fair to say that after such a failure at the last minute in October 2004, both sides becoming cautious in their hopes for a successful agreement. Considering that the negotiations failed publicly it is understandable to expect some years of “healing” before considering a new attempt. One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the re-launching of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe is the one recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak Eurozone, while in Latin America this international crisis did not have that much of an effect. However in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups or individual countries were being successful. At the same time a third major investor and trader became an important piece of the puzzle, China. To some extent this could be seen as a better scenario for a successful agreement between both regions. The facilitator of the re-launching of the negotiations was one more time the Spanish presidency of 2010. Since then, several meetings have taken place between the EU and Mercosur, the last one in mid June in Brussels 2015.
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18

William H, Boothby. 17 Unexploded and Abandoned Weapons. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198728504.003.0017.

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The traditional view that at the close of hostilities each party had clearance responsibility in relation to its own territory is noted in Chapter 17. The widespread nature of the explosive remnants of war problem and the very numerous and serious casualties occasioned by explosive remnants long after the military purpose in using the relevant weapons has passed are noted as important motives for the negotiation and subsequent adoption of the treaty. So it was that these factors, caused in part by frequent failures of sub-munitions to explode as intended, gave rise to the adoption of Protocol V to the CCW. The chapter discusses in logical sequence the relevant definitions associated with explosive remnants of war, the clearance, removal, and destruction obligations imposed by the treaty, the recording duties of States party and how the legal duties in the treaty interrelate with the voluntary best practice guidance given in the annex to the treaty. Of particular interest are the provisions aimed at protecting humanitarian missions and the particular arrangements associated with previously existing explosive remnants.
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19

Allen, M. Globalization, Negotiation, and the Failure of Transformation in South Africa : Revolution at a Bargain ? Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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20

Poast, Paul. Arguing about Alliances. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501740244.001.0001.

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Why do some attempts to conclude alliance treaties end in failure? From the inability of European powers to form an alliance that would stop Hitler in the 1930s, to the present inability of Ukraine to join NATO, states frequently attempt but fail to form alliance treaties. This book sheds new light on the purpose of alliance treaties by recognizing that such treaties come from negotiations, and that negotiations can end in failure. It identifies two conditions that result in non-agreement: major incompatibilities in the internal war plans of the participants, and attractive alternatives to a negotiated agreement for various parties to the negotiations. As a result, the book focuses on a group of states largely ignored by scholars: states that have attempted to form alliance treaties but failed. It suggests that to explain the outcomes of negotiations, specifically how they can end without agreement, we must pay particular attention to the wartime planning and coordinating functions of alliance treaties. Through exploration of the outcomes of negotiations from European alliance negotiations between 1815 and 1945, the book offers a typology of alliance treaty negotiations and establishes what conditions are most likely to stymie the attempt to formalize recognition of common national interests.
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Isabel, Zuloaga Rios. Ch.2 Formation and authority of agents, Formation III : Arts 2.1.15–2.1.16—Negotiations, Art.2.1.15. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198702627.003.0031.

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This commentary focuses on Article 2.1.15 of the UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts (PICC) concerning negotiations in bad faith. Art 2.1.15 establishes liability for pre-contractual conduct in general terms. It stipulates that a party is free to negotiate and is not liable for failure to reach an agreement. However, a party who negotiates or breaks off negotiations in bad faith is liable for the losses caused to the other party. In particular, it is bad faith for a party to enter into or continue negotiations when intending not to reach an agreement with the other party. This commentary also discusses the consequences of failure to observe the principle of good faith and fair dealing, with particular emphasis on damages and the right to request performance of the obligation to negotiate in good faith, along with exclusion or limitation of liability and burden of proof.
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22

Markwei, Ebenezer. The Fisherman's Roadmap : Negotiating the Rock-ridden Rivers of Failure to the Shores of Success. Eagle Eye Publications, 2006.

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23

Tarlau, Rebecca. Occupying Schools, Occupying Land. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870324.001.0001.

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Contrary to the conventional belief that social movements cannot engage the state without becoming co-opted and demobilized, this study shows how movements can advance their struggles by strategically working with, in, through, and outside of state institutions. The success of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in occupying land, winning land rights, and developing alternative economic enterprises for over a million landless workers has made it an inspiration for progressive organizations globally. The MST’s educational initiatives, which are less well known but equally as important, teach students about participatory democracy, collective work, agroecological farming, and other practices that support its socialist vision. This study details how MST activists have pressured municipalities, states, and the federal government to implement their educational proposal in public schools and universities, affecting hundreds of thousands of students. Based on twenty months of ethnographic fieldwork, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land documents the potentials, constraints, failures, and contradictions of the MST’s educational struggle. A major lesson is that participating in the contentious co-governance of public education can help movements recruit new activists, diversify their membership, increase practical and technical knowledge, and garner political power. Activists are most effective when combining disruption, persuasion, negotiation, and co-governance into their tactical repertoires. Through expansive leadership development, the MST implemented its educational program in local schools, even under conservative governments. Such gains demonstrate the potential of schools as sites for activists to prefigure, enact, and develop the social and economic practices they hope to use in the future.
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Wheeler, Nicholas J. USA–Iran, 2009–2010. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199696475.003.0009.

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This chapter examines the attempts by the first Obama Administration to reach out to Iran in an effort to build trust. It traces the failure of Obama’s diplomatic efforts to secure any reciprocation from Iranian leaders. The lack of reciprocation shows the problem of accurate signal interpretation when there is no trust. It focuses on the negotiations in 2009–10 over limiting Iran’s supply of nuclear fuel in return for refuelling the Tehran Research Reactor. The chapter argues these negotiations failed because of the lack of trust. What makes this case so important is that there was no face-to-face interaction, which this book argues is critical to the development of interpersonal trust and accurate signal interpretation.
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25

1968-, Wilkes George, dir. Britain's failure to enter the European community, 1961-63 : The enlargement negotiations and crises in European, Atlantic, and Commonwealth relations. London : Frank Cass, 1997.

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26

Wilkes, George. Britain's Failure to Enter the European Community, 1961-63 : The Enlargement Negotiations and Crises in European, Atlantic and Commonwealth Relations. Routledge, 1997.

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27

Wilkes, George. Britain's Failure to Enter the European Community, 1961-63 : The Enlargement Negotiations and Crises in European, Atlantic and Commonwealth Relations. Routledge, 1997.

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28

Schuyler, Carroll, dir. Buying and selling distressed businesses : Leading lawyers on evaluating assets and identifying buyers, negotiating deals, and advising directors, and officers on fiduciary duties. [Boston, MA] : Aspatore Books, 2009.

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29

Daughety, Andrew F., et Jennifer F. Reinganum. Settlement and Trial. Sous la direction de Francesco Parisi. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199684250.013.007.

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This chapter provides a brief review of selected settlement bargaining models in some areas where new work is developing and where additional work is likely to yield further important results. The focus is on what might be thought of as the environment of the settlement negotiation process, where bargaining failure generally results in trial; this perspective is used to organize the work discussed. The chapter considers the impact on settlement and trial of procedural strategies such as motions for a preliminary injunction, permissive joinder, and discovery and disclosure; pre-trial investments, either by the parties themselves, or by third parties; and the delegation of bargaining authority to the plaintiff’s attorney.
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30

Scott, Tom. War or Peace ? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198725275.003.0023.

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In 1530 Duke Charles launched a fresh attack on Geneva, whereupon both Fribourg and Bern sent troops, which alarmed the other cantons. Peace negotiations led to Treaty of St-Julien in October and Deed of Arbitration at Payerne (December). Though brokered by all the cantons (except Glarus) in reality these treaties achieved little, though the vidomat was restored to Savoy, and Geneva’s Burgrecht acknowledged. Yet any failure by Savoy to abide by their terms would entail the Vaud being surrendered to Bern and Fribourg. For its part, Geneva insisted on its status as an imperial city, not beholden to Savoy. Savoy was ordered to pay considerable reparations, on which it repeatedly defaulted. Bern was angry at Geneva for failing to reimburse its war costs.
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Scott, Tom. A Contested Outcome. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198725275.003.0017.

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Peace negotiations left Bern and Fribourg in control of the Vaud, barring three strongholds, while Geneva was to pay a hefty ransom for ‘protection’. Savoy doubted whether Geneva could afford the ransom and suggested that France might administer the Vaud. Arguments over the distribution of Burgundian booty and the failure of Geneva to pay up led to a band of Swiss youths from the Inner cantons marching on Geneva in revenge under a banner showing a wild boar (Saubannerzug). Geneva was obliged to sign a Burgrecht with Bern and Fribourg for protection. In the end, the Vaud was restored to Savoy for 50,000 fl, Bern and Fribourg retaining three enclaves (Morat, Grandson, and Orbe-Echallens) which they ruled as common lords, allegedly presaging Bern’s conquest of the Vaud in 1536.
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Imlay, Talbot C. The Quest for Disarmament, 1925–1933. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the efforts of European socialists to grapple with disarmament, one of the most fraught international issues of the interwar period. From the outset, European socialists supported the quest for disarmament, and during the second half of the 1920s they not only pressured governments to pursue international negotiations but also strove to work out their own proposals. Ultimately, however, socialists failed to work out a practical programme for disarmament, a failure that underscores the near-impossibility of anyone doing so. After all, if such fervent proponents of disarmament as European socialists could not reach a consensus, then who could? The experience of socialists also highlights the complex ways in which the national and international realms interacted. For European socialists, disarmament was maddeningly complex not only because it was inseparable from other issues, most notably security; but also because it raised unresolved questions regarding the meaning of international socialism.
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Han, Enze. Asymmetrical Neighbors. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688301.001.0001.

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Asymmetrical Neighbors explains the variations in state building across the borderland area between China, Myanmar, and Thailand. It presents a comparative historical account of the state and nation-building processes in the ethnically diverse and geographically rugged borderland area where China meets Southeast Asia. It argues the failure of the Myanmar state to consolidate its control over its borderland area is partly due to the political and military meddling by its two more powerful neighbors during the Cold War. Furthermore, both China and Thailand, being more economically advanced than Myanmar, have exerted heavy economic influence on the borderland area at the cost of Myanmar’s economic sovereignty. The book provides a historical account of the borderland that traces the pattern of relations between valley states and upland people before the mid-twentieth century. Then it discusses the implications of the Chinese nationalist KMT troops in Burma and Thailand and Burmese and Thai communist insurgencies since the mid-1960s on attempts by the three states to consolidate their respective borderland areas. The book also portrays the dynamics of the borderland economy and the dominance of both China and Thailand on Myanmar’s borderland territory in the post-Cold War period. It further discusses the comparative nation-building processes among the three states and the implications for the ethnic minority groups in the borderland area and their national identity contestations. Finally, the book provides an updated account of the current ethnic conflicts along Myanmar’s restive borderland and its ongoing peace negotiation process.
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Gartzke, Erik A., et Paul Poast. Empirically Assessing the Bargaining Theory of War : Potential and Challenges. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.274.

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What explains war? The so-called bargaining approach has evolved quickly in the past two decades, opening up important new possibilities and raising fundamental challenges to previous conventional thinking about the origins of political violence. Bargaining is intended to explain the causes of conflict on many levels, from interpersonal to international. War is not the product of any of a number of variables creating opportunity or willingness, but instead is caused by whatever factors prevent competitors from negotiating the settlements that result from fighting. Conflict is thus a bargaining failure, a socially inferior outcome, but also a determined choice.Embraced by a growing number of scholars, the bargaining perspective rapidly created a new consensus in some circles. Bargaining theory is radical in relocating at least some of the causes of conflict away from material, cultural, political, or psychological factors and replacing them with states of knowledge about these same material or ideational factors. Approaching conflict as a bargaining failure—produced by uncertainty and incentives to misrepresent, credible commitment problems, or issue indivisibility—is the “state of the art” in the study of conflict.At the same time, bargaining theories remain largely untested in any systematic sense: theory has moved far ahead of empirics. The bargaining perspective has been favored largely because of compelling logic rather than empirical validity. Despite the bargaining analogy’s wide-ranging influence (or perhaps because of this influence), scholars have largely failed to subject the key causal mechanisms of bargaining theory to systematic empirical investigation. Further progress for bargaining theory, both among adherents and in the larger research community, depends on empirical tests of both core claims and new theoretical implications of the bargaining approach.The limited amount of systematic empirical research on bargaining theories of conflict is by no means entirely accident or the product of lethargy on the part of the scholarly community. Tests of theories that involve intangible factors like states of belief or perception are difficult to pursue. How does one measure uncertainty? What does learning look like in the midst of a war? When is indivisibility or commitment a problem, and when can it be resolved through other measures, such as ancillary bargains? The challenge before researchers, however, is to surmount these obstacles. To the degree that progress in science is empirical, bargaining theory needs testing.As should be clear, the dearth of empirical tests of bargaining approaches to the study of conflict leaves important questions unanswered. Is it true, for example, as bargaining theory suggests, that uncertainty leads to the possibility of war? If so, how much uncertainty is required and in what contexts? Which types of uncertainty are most pernicious (and which are perhaps relatively benign)? Under what circumstances are the effects of uncertainty greatest and where are they least critical? Empirical investigation of the bargaining model can provide essential guidance to theoretical work on conflict by identifying insights that can offer intellectual purchase and by highlighting areas of inquiry that are likely to be empirical dead ends. More broadly, the impact of bargaining theory on the study and practice of international relations rests to a substantial degree on the success of efforts to substantiate the perspective empirically.
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