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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Peace – Yugoslav »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Third Yugoslavia." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 1 (1998): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis1998101/28.

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This essay offers hope that beyond the specter and tragedy of the Yugoslav civil war lie the prospects for peace, democratization, economic and political reconstruction, and the evolution of a democratic Third Yugoslavia. But, to realize this hope, there is a need for the development of a genuine civic culture and civil society in the Yugoslav successor states based on democratic values, pluralism, and tolerance, rooted in the conception of universal human rights, constitutionalism, and equality before the law. The South Slavs may have to retrieve their historical memory which predates the fat

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Memišević, Hamza, and Ermin Kuka. "Jugoslavenski komunisti između mira i razdora." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (2022): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.189.

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The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party d

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Walgrave, Spyros A. "Mass Communication and the 'Nationalisation' of the Public Sphere in Former Yugoslavia." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (1997): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18591.

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Although the quasi-confederal character of Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of its 1974 constitution did not encourage the development of a genuine Yugoslavian public sphere wherepublic debate could transcend ethnic and republic divisions, it nevertheless allowed the formation of what could be called Yugoslav cultural space, a space within which social and political actors (feminist, peace movements) forged their identities regardless of the ethnic or national diversity that characterised their membership. However, the existence of this 'space' had a limited impact in Yugoslav pol

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Turajlić, Mila. "Filmske Novosti: Filmed Diplomacy." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (2021): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.89.

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AbstractThis article maps out a network of cinematic collaboration established between Yugoslavia and the non-aligned countries in Africa, primarily via the institution of the Yugoslav Newsreels (Filmske novosti). Yugoslav newsreel activities developed to accompany the performative diplomacy of President Tito’s “Voyages of Peace,” playing a role both in cementing his image internationally and his political status at home. By the late 1950s, cinema would become one of the central instruments of Yugoslav information activities abroad, capitalizing on an expanding diplomatic network. In this cont

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Simmons, Cynthia. "Women's Work and the Growth of Civil Society in Post-War Bosnia." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (2007): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601129446.

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Civil society, to the extent that it exists today in Bosnia, has developed alongside the recasting of women's roles in public life. Researchers equate civil society in Bosnia today almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The early post-war NGOs grew out of the peace movement that took shape before and during the open conflict of 1992–1995. Peace organizations evolved to a large extent from feminist organizing and organizations in the Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia. Thus, to study the origins of Bosnian civil society, we must begin with the struggle f

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Monzali, Luciano. "A difficult and silent return Italian exiles from Dalmatia and Yugoslav Zadar/Zara after the Second World War." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647317m.

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The aim of this essay is to offer a brief analysis of the political activity of the Italian exiles from Dalmatia after the Second World War and their relations with their mother?land and their hometown of Zadar/Zara. Their activities failed to bring about a change of the Italian-Yugoslav border established by the 1947 Treaty of Peace with Italy, but they displayed great activism and a strong determination to keep their cultural traditions alive not only in Italy but also in Yugoslav Zadar. After much effort the Italian exiles eventually succeeded in setting up a public Italian club in Zadar in

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Sunga, Lyal. "Noam Chomsky, Yugoslavia: Peace, war and dissolution, Davor Dzalto (ed.), PM press, Oakland, 2018." Filozofija i drustvo 30, no. 3 (2019): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1903433s.

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In this essay, the author reviews and critically assesses the book Yugoslavia: Peace, War, and Dissolution, authored by Noam Chomsky and edited by Davor Dzalto. The author also points to the importance and value of the book for the field of political theory, international relations and Yugoslav studies, examining at the same time particular concepts (such as ?genocide?) within the broader context of legal theory and international law.

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DRAGOSTINOVA, THEODORA. "On ‘Strategic Frontiers’: Debating the Borders of the Post-Second World War Balkans." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (2018): 387–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000243.

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This article examines debates between Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia concerning the post-Second World War Balkan borders in preparation for the Paris Peace Conference of 1946. While for most of the twentieth century Greece and Yugoslavia were close allies united in their position against revisionist Bulgaria, after 1944 the communist affiliations of the new Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments determined the rapprochement between the latter two states. As various proposals for border revisions and the possibility of a Balkan Federation were discussed, the Balkans became a prime battlefield in t

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Fournier, Julie. "La crise yougoslave : la genèse du conflit et ses perspectives de paix dans l'après-Dayton." Études internationales 28, no. 3 (2005): 461–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703772ar.

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The present article compares the conditions that sparked the Yugoslav conflict and the prospects for peace following the signing of the Dayton Accords. Analysis suggests that the outbreak of nationalist hostilities in Yugoslavia should he explained through a combination of underlying and proximate factors. Just as the circumstances accompanying the collapse of communism were chiefly responsible for the eruption of violence, the immediate factors associated with the Dayton Accords and, more specifically, the attitude of the political elites will determine the likelihood of a lasting peace. Alth

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Cvetković, Srđan. "Neprijateljska propaganda, napadi na organe reda i propagandno delovanje stranih obaveštajnih službi u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji 1953–1973." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 1 (2023): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.1.cve.121-146.

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The article analyzes the enemy propaganda and the violation of public order and peace, as well as the secret services’ propaganda activities as a form of resistance and subversion towards the regime in Serbia and Yugoslavia by the early 1970s. With illegal forms of active resistance eradicated until the beginning of the 1950s, dissatisfaction mostly manifested itself through an increased number of enemy propaganda acts and the attacks on law and order authorities. Unlike those from the time immediately after the war, the culprits of these deeds were to be found predominantly among the young pe

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Thumann, Michael. "Between Ambition and Paralysis—Germany's Policy toward Yugoslavia 1991–1993." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (1997): 575–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408525.

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The decay of Yugoslavia since 1990 has put an end to the experiment of a state of Southern Slavs. At the same time it has destroyed the myth of a peaceful and strong Western Europe. The continent that had displayed an impressive performance of cooperation and skillful diplomatic maneuvering during the last years of the Cold War proved to be incapable of coping with the problems in its southeastern backyard. In the beginning of the conflict, the European Community assumed responsibility for negotiating cease-fires and a peace settlement for the embattled Yugoslav states. But all efforts were fr

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Tudorache, Florin. "EUROPEAN COMMON DEFENCE A NEW CHALLENGE FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION." STRATEGIES XXI - Security and Defense Faculty 17, no. 1 (2021): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2001-21-19.

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The efforts for peace at the end of the Second World War were based on the belief that only through "European unification" was there hope for an end to a chapter in Europe's recent history of war, bloodshed and destruction. The supreme objectives of safeguarding peace, but also of economic unification, contained in the Constitutive Treaties of the European Communities were impregnated with the fundamental intention of ensuring peace. The Treaties that gave birth to the European Communities and the Union confirm that the goal of peace has succeeded, and that a violent confrontation between Memb

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Wisler, Andria K. "A Peace Research Perspective on the Yugoslav Conflicts." Peace Review 21, no. 2 (2009): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650902877476.

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Savelli, Mat. "‘Peace and happiness await us’: Psychotherapy in Yugoslavia, 1945–85." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118773951.

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Previous accounts of psychiatry within Communist Europe have emphasized the dominance of biological approaches to mental health treatment. Psychotherapy was thus framed as a taboo or marginal component of East European psychiatric care. In more recent years, this interpretation has been re-examined as historians are beginning to delve deeper into the diversity of mental healthcare within the Communist world, noting many instances in which psychotherapeutic techniques and theory entered into clinical practice. Despite their excellent work uncovering these hitherto neglected histories, however,

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Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Bridge to Eternity." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/28.

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This essay considers Medjugorje, a small mountain village in Bosma-Hercegovina, as an icon or a bridge between God and man. The contemporary quest for national roots in the Balkans has led to cultural policies in the Yugoslav successor states which deny all common bonds among the South Slavs, resulting in a Kafkaesque civil war. Drawing on the crisis of liberal democracy and community in the West, the essay explores the prospects for peace in the former Yugoslavia, as reflected in Our Lady of Medjugorje's call for moral and spiritual renewal. It concludes that the quintessential, universal. Ch

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Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Bridge to Eternity." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/28.

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This essay considers Medjugorje, a small mountain village in Bosma-Hercegovina, as an icon or a bridge between God and man. The contemporary quest for national roots in the Balkans has led to cultural policies in the Yugoslav successor states which deny all common bonds among the South Slavs, resulting in a Kafkaesque civil war. Drawing on the crisis of liberal democracy and community in the West, the essay explores the prospects for peace in the former Yugoslavia, as reflected in Our Lady of Medjugorje's call for moral and spiritual renewal. It concludes that the quintessential, universal. Ch

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Grcic, Mirko, and Rajko Gnjato. "The role of Michael Pupin in solving of Serbian national question." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 84, no. 2 (2004): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0402071g.

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Michael I. Pupin was a professor at the University of Columbia, member and the president of Academy of Science in New York; one of the esteemed members of USA National Academy of Science; member and president of many experts and scientific institutions and societies in the USA; member of State Council for Scientific Research by president of the USA during the World War I. Of the great importance for political geography and geopolitics was his activity in Paris during the Peace Conference after the World War I in 1919 also as his great contribution to establishment of state borders of Kingdom o

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Čavoški, Jovan. "The Sands of Non-Alignment." Journal of Cold War Studies 27, no. 1 (2025): 31–53. https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01261.

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Abstract This article examines Yugoslavia's and India's peacekeeping operations in the Sinai peninsula of Egypt after the end of the 1956 Suez Crisis. The Suez Crisis was the first major international conflict involving one of the key nonaligned countries, Egypt. The bulk of the subsequent peacekeeping force was provided by two other key nonaligned countries, Yugoslavia and India. This effort was part of the UN's active involvement during the Suez Crisis to push for a solution that would safeguard world peace and stability. The crisis and the subsequent deployment of Yugoslav and Indian peacek

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Wisler, Andria K. "Portraits of peace knowledge in post‐Yugoslav higher education." Journal of Peace Education 7, no. 1 (2010): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400200903370886.

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Zhou, Yuguang. "Shared Victimhood: The Reporting by the Chinese Newspaper the People’s Daily on the 1999 NATO Bombing of Yugoslavia." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (2022): 202–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0027.

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Abstract This article examines the reporting by China’s most important newspaper, People’s Daily, on the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. The 1999 intervention was significant in China, as its embassy in Belgrade was bombed. The author looks at the newspaper’s bombardment-related reports of and commentaries on Yugoslavia, NATO, Russia, and China, as well as other countries, and its reporting on the embassy bombing itself. The author shows that there was clear sympathy for Yugoslavia and “the Yugoslav people”, a term used synonymously with Serbs. The 1999 conflict was portrayed as a struggle be

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Griesser Pečar, Tamara. "Preganjanje duhovščine v priključenem delu Primorske in coni B Svobodnega tržaškega ozemlja." Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine 7, no. 1 (2023): 123–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.23.4.

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In line with the provisions of the peace treaty with Italy, a large part of the Archdiocese of Gorizia became part of Yugoslavia on 15 September 1947; the same applies to the Diocese of Rijeka and part of the Diocese of Trieste-Koper. Franc Močnik became the apostolic administrator for the Yugoslav part of the dioceses of Gorizia and Trieste-Koper. Even before the annexation, activities of the Church in Zone B under Yugoslav administration had been under close surveillance; violence against priests had started and was further exacerbated after the annexation. Udba, the secret political police,

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Gatalović, Miomir B. "Ekonomska ulaganja u razvoj Kosova i Metohije u svetlosti političkog odnosa jugoslovenske federacije prema Srbiji do sedamdesetih godina 20. veka." Tokovi istorije 32, no. 2 (2024): 269–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2024.2.gat.269-291.

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Based on available archival records and relevant literature, this article provides an overview of the economic investments of the Yugoslav Federation and the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija, as an autonomous area, i.e. Province, from the end of the Second World War to the 1970s. Following the analysis of the competent Party and State bodies, the political influence of the leadership of the Yugoslav Federation on the adoption and implementation of long-term unsustainable and populist measures aimed at preserving peace in Kosovo and Metohija is described.

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Kapor, Predrag. "German war reparations in wider context." Drustveni horizonti 2, no. 4 (2022): 167–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/drushor2204167k.

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Recently, the issue of war reparations from Germany, which was raised first by Greece (2011), then by Poland (2022), as well as compensation by Germany to the victims of its genocidal colonial rule in Africa (Namibia), has become topical. At the same time, possible requests for war damage compensation from Serbia/ FR Yugoslavia due to the events in the Yugoslav territories in the nineties of the last century, as well as our request for compensation for our damage from NATO aggression in 1999, are also mentioned. From this aspect, it is good to familiarize with the practice of the area of war r

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Vidmar Bašin, Jernej. "Krajši pregled represije jugoslovanskega režima ob zahodni meji od konca vojne 1945 do srede petdesetih let." Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine 6, no. 2 (2022): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.22.9.

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This paper presents a brief overview of various aspects of the repression performed by the Communist regime in the Primorska region between the end of the World War II in 1945 and the mid-1950s. The paper covers three periods: the period of the forty-day Yugoslav government in the Julian March in May 1945, the periods of Zone A and Zone B of the Julian March (from 12 June 1945 to 15 September 1947) and the first years after the delimitation following 15 September 1947, when the Primorska region was annexed to the People’s Republic of Slovenia, then part of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugo

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Gow, James, and Ivan Zveržhanovski. "The Milošević Trial: Purpose and Performance." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (2004): 897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296159.

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The trial of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague is a vehicle both for achieving justice and for pursuing historical truth. At this first-ever trial of a former head of state before an international tribunal, the same evidence serves two purposes: the quests for “truth” by those involved in the judicial process, on one side, and those engaged in academic historical interpretation, on the other. In each sphere, there are expectations to be satisfied. Those of the peoples of Serbia and the other for

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Potiekhin, Oleksandr. "The International Context of Wars in the Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1991–1995)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-9.

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The article attempts to explain the reasons of the Yugoslav tragedy, which claimed about 300,000 lives and led to the displacement of more than 2 million people. The author boils the answer down to the simplified and biased Western interpretation of the in-fluence of Balkan history on the situation after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), systemic uncertain-ty in European and transatlantic relations after the end of the Cold War, adventurous and irresponsible behaviour of the leaders of several independent countries established on the ruins of the former SFRY,

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Narai, Eusebiu. "Aspecte privind activitatea Micii Înţelegeri în intervalul iulie‑septembrie 1933, oglindite în paginile ziarului timişorean “Vestul”." Banatica 1, no. 34 (2024): 507–27. https://doi.org/10.56177/banatica.34.2024.art.27.

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The second half of 1933 wasn’t a promissing one at all for European and even international peace. The Nazi dictatorship was entirely set up. Arming of the Soviet Union undoubtedly represented a notyfing to the Four-Powers Pact (Germany, Italy, France, and the United Kingdom), a minimized one as concerning its intentions by the states that succeeded the Dual Monarchy. Germany already pressed Austria, there were lots of territorial disputes Yugoslav-Hungarian, Yugoslav-Italian, Yugoslav-Bulgarian, Hungarian-Czechoslovak, and Polish-Czechoslovak and the the Geneva Disarmament Conference was on th

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Nika, Lulzim. "The Democratic Values of the Student Movement in Kosovo 1997/1999 and Their Echoes in Western Diplomacy." Review of European Studies 10, no. 2 (2018): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v10n2p167.

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After the fall of east orientated political system and coming of the pluralistic system in the Yugoslav federation, the nationalisms that claimed to dominate Yugoslavia, such as Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian nationalism came to the surface, which also led to the overthrow of Yugoslavia. Following the abolition of Kosovo's limited autonomy of 1974, in March 1989, the Milosevic Serb regime during the 1990s imposed violent measures in all Kosovo institutions by removing Albanian workers from their jobs. Thus, Kosovo, Albanians were expelled collectively from the education process in the Albania

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Antonić, Slobodan. "Could a Confederation have Saved Yugoslavia?" Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (1997): 469–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408519.

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Today, after the signing of the peace agreement in Paris, when the end of the Yugoslav war is in sight, one frequently hears the questions: Could the war have been avoided and could a confederation have saved Yugoslavia? Namely, in late 1990 and early 1991, the republics now outside Yugoslavia (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia) proposed that Yugoslavia be reorganised as a confederation which would, as they claimed, have fulfilled their main political aspirations. The Serbian side refused resolutely, and, soon afterwards, war started in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovin

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Jaugaitė, Rimantė. "(Not) Dealing with War Crimes on Film." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 3 (2021): 314–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030003.

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Abstract This article argues that contemporary post-Yugoslav cinema contributes to a better understanding of the deeply divided societies in the aftermath the Yugoslav Wars (1991–2001), in terms of stimulating empathy for the Other, and, more specifically, raising awareness of the loss of human lives, thus memorializing and commemorating these experiences. It also explores how film directors deal with social issues, including war crimes, and how they appear as activist citizens while their governments struggle to take relevant action. The research aims to bridge the gap between the more theore

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Bilic, Bojan. "Bourdieu and social movements theories: Some preliminary remarks on a possible conceptual cross-fertilization in the context of (post-)Yugoslav anti-war and peace activism." Sociologija 52, no. 4 (2010): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1004377b.

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This paper puts forth and calls for further unpacking of a potentially fruitful conceptual cross-fertilization between various social movements theories and Bourdieu?s sociology of practice. Following some of my most important predecessors, I argue that this theoretical hybridization could accommodate many threads of social movements research that otherwise would not cohere into a rounded theory. Bourdieu?s powerful conceptual armoury is both parsimonious and flexible and seems particularly well-suited to address the problematic issues pertaining to agency and structure in the field of social

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Jovanović, Vladislav. "The destruction of SFRY and Serbia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34635.

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The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999

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Bajagić, Dušan. "Glasnik: The Official Newspaper of the Serbian Orthodox Patriarchate on the Concordat of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Holy See, Signed in 1935." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 19, no. 3-4 (2024): 67–95. https://doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2024.19.3-4.04.

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By means of basic scientific methods – analysis and synthesis – the materials of the «Glasnik: The Official Newspaper of the Serbian Orthodox Patriarchate» on the Concordat, which the Yugoslav Minister of Justice Ludevit Auer and representatives of the Holy See signed in Rome on July 25, 1935, are analyzed. The article examines the texts published in the «Bulletin» since November 23, 1936, when Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović at a government meeting officially announced the transfer of the Concordat for ratification to the People's Assembly – the lower house of the People's Representation. R

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Kardum, Marijana. "Life Writing between Fact and Fiction: Croatian World War II Women Diarists." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 55, no. 1 (2023): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.55.17.

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This article initiates the discussion of intellectual women’s experiences of the Second World War in Croatia/Yugoslavia with the introduction of the recently discovered war diaries of Jewish intellectual Ina Juhn Broda (1899–1983) and journalist Vinka Bulić (1884–1965), along with the war diary of the nurse Lujza Janović Wagner (1907–1945). These scattered examples of intellectual women’s life-writing and their role in women’s transition from one to another totalitarian regime lack a thorough analysis and theoretical interpretation. This article therefore analyses how World War II represented

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Buja, Dr Sc Ramë. "Kosovo – from Dayton to Rambouillet." ILIRIA International Review 1, no. 1 (2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v1i1.196.

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A mature, wise, successful and concluding diplomatic action would be recorded if the international community would not have ignored the Yugoslav crisis in its beginning, and if it would conference less for the same matter without finding a solution, but it would hold a single international conference for the serious crisis in Yugoslavia, with serious partners and allies, lead by the USA.Why did this not happen, at least in Dayton, when such a crisis had already passed four years since its inception? The answer is rather flagellant for the international community, because unfortunately, in rele

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Šadinlija, Mesud. "The participation of the Yugoslav Army in the attacks on Sarajevo in december 1993 and january 1994 – Operation “Pancir-2”." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (2020): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.287.

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Before the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Yugoslavia had created, organized and armed a powerful military structure within the 2nd military area of the Yugoslav People’s Army, which was renamed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in May of 1992. It had also never ceased to fill the ranks, arm, supply, train, equip and finance the Serb army which it had created in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from that, abundant undeniable evidence exists which confirms the direct involvement of the Yugoslav Army as well as the special detachments of the Ministr

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Akhavan, Payam. "The Yugoslav Tribunal at a Crossroads: The Dayton Peace Agreement and Beyond." Human Rights Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1996): 259–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.1996.0015.

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Lukic, Reneo, and Allen Lynch. "La paix américaine pour les Balkans." Études internationales 27, no. 3 (2005): 553–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703629ar.

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Yugoslavia's loss of strategic value since the end of the cold war has determined the scope of us engagement in the War s of Yugoslav Succession. In June 1991, therefore, the us allowed the EC and the UN to preserve Yugoslav unity and then contain the effects of the several wars launched by Serbia in the region. Bill Clinton, after rejecting George Bush's policy of "Realpolitik" during the 1992 election campaign in favor of defending the victims of aggression, quickly confirmed the essential continuity of us policy in the Balkans. Throughout the Clinton Presidency, the us has sought to contain

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Životić, Aleksandar, and Jovan Čavoški. "On the Road to Belgrade: Yugoslavia, Third World Neutrals, and the Evolution of Global Non-Alignment, 1954–1961." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 4 (2016): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00681.

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Attempts by Yugoslav leaders to redirect their country's foreign policy orientation and redefine their priorities came to the fore in 1954. Yugoslav officials explicitly affirmed a long-term foreign policy goal of strengthening and developing relations with Arab countries, India, and other Asian and African countries that had no ties to existing political blocs. The idea of creating a wide movement deprived of hierarchical relations and centers of decision-making was much more acceptable for the Third World. The movement promoted peace and stability, opposed tensions and conflicts, and sought

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Dabižinović, Ervina. "Between Resistance and Repatriarchalization. Women’s Activism in the Bay of Kotor in the 1990s." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 1 (2021): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-2002.

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Abstract The author offers an account of women’s activism in the Bay of Kotor in the 1990s, thereby filling a gap in the academic literature on antiwar and peace activism in Montenegro during the Yugoslav wars. Although the Bay of Kotor saw regular antiwar and peace initiatives organized and led by women, these were unregistered grassroots activities. They went largely unnoticed by the media, which effectively erased them from the view of Montenegrin citizens and hid them from domestic and international historians and social scientists. The author compares the work of two non-governmental orga

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Ebaye, Sunday Esoso Nsed, and Aimimi Paul Bassey. "The Utility of Collective Security in the Context of Human Security: The Yugoslav and Somali Experiences." Journal of Advance Research in Social Science and Humanities (ISSN: 2208-2387) 6, no. 12 (2020): 01–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/nnssh.v6i12.931.

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When one examines closely the record of performance/non-performance of the UNSC at the crucial moments of the post-Cold War era, where major issues of peace and security are involved, including cases of human security crises, one finds that there is almost always tragic dilatoriness and/or lamentable inactions. While the UN was formed to ‘save succeeding generations from the scourge of war’ the list of scourges is growing. The real threats to international peace and security are no longer confined to violations of state sovereignty. Rather, new assertions of nationalism and sovereignty have sp

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Zivojinovic, Dragoljub. "Douglas Wilson Johnson a forgotten member of the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748219z.

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The paper presents a little-known foreign member of the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences, the American geomorphologist Douglas Wilson Johnson (1876-1944), his role as an expert on border delimitation issues in support of the claims of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919, his collaboration with Yugoslav experts, notably Jovan Cvijic, and his election to the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences shortly after the First World War.

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Loupas, Athanasios. "From Paris to Lausanne: Aspects of Greek-Yugoslav relations during the first interwar years (1919-1923)." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647263l.

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This paper looks at the course of Greek-Yugoslav relations from the Paris Peace Conference to the Treaty of Lausanne. Following the end of the First World War Greece and the newly-created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes formed a common front on an anti-Bulgarian basis, putting aside unresolved bilateral issues. Belgrade remained neutral during the Greek-Turkish war despite the return of King Constantine. But after the Greek catastrophe in Asia Minor the relations between Athens and Belgrade were lopsided.

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Belloni, Roberto, and Roberto Morozzo della Rocca. "Italy and the Balkans: The rise of a reluctant middle power." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (2008): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962108.

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Since the early 1990s Italy has been engaged in promoting peace and stability in the Balkans with a growing amount of political, economic and military resources. At the beginning of the process of Yugoslav dissolution, the Italian polity was torn apart by a set of political and financial scandals that prevented the development of an assertive foreign policy. Over time, however, Italy was able to play a more relevant and constructive role. This article traces Italy's policy towards the Balkans from its modest beginnings to the present day, focusing on four key political/economic events: the war

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Lukić, Jasmina. "Protected by Friendship and Caring: Women and Peace in the Former Yugoslav Countries." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 36, no. 3 (2011): 532–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/657486.

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Kennedy, Thomas. "Using Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to predict the outcome of the dissolution of states: factors that lead to internal conflict and civil war." Open Political Science 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2020-0001.

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AbstractDuring the process of the dissolution of countries, there exist multiple critical junctures that lead to the partition of the territory, where the different groups cannot find a consensus on who rules and how to organize the government. The outcome of these crossroad decisions and political dynamics, who are often set-up centuries ago, either lead to conflict or relative peace between the nations and peoples who express opprobrium towards each other. The most recent cases of the divorce of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia have many similitudes and are therefore appropriate to attempt to t

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Markovich, Slobodan. "The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919-1940)." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 261–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950261m.

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The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularl

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Vajagić, Predrag. "Yugoslav-Romanian alliance between the two world wars (Little Entente and Balkan Pact)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 2 (2022): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-30988.

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With the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes after the First World War, the new state got the Kingdom of Romania as a neighbour. Disagreements that existed between the two countries regarding the demarcation in Banat were resolved by the marriage of the King Alexander I Karađorđević and the Romanian Princess Maria Hohenzollern. The royal marriage was the basis for further development of allied relations between the states in the period between the two world wars. The partnership was strengthened by military-political pacts within the framework of the Little Entente and the B

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Djeric, Gordana. "Others in post-conflict contexts." Filozofija i drustvo 19, no. 3 (2008): 259–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0803259d.

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Researches conducted so far within the project Spinning out of control: rhetoric and violent conflict. Representations of 'self' - 'other' in the Yugoslav successor states focused on exploring the relations towards the Other in a state of conflict. Moreover: most of the author's and coauthors' contributions were oriented towards discourse analysis in the context of violence. Except for the peaceful dismemberment of Montenegro and Serbia, proclamation of independence of other Yugoslav states did not go without violence, to a greater or lesser extent. The Other in these situations was predominan

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Kuljic, Todor. "Grave and power: A thanato-sociological analysis of the funerals of Tito, F. Tudjman and S. Milosevic." Sociologija 54, no. 4 (2012): 595–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1204595k.

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The paper offers a thanato-sociological analysis of the funerals of Tito, F. Tudjman and S. Milosevic, documenting various ideological contents and various political roles of the funerals of heads of state. Tito?s charisma was class-based, supranational and Yugoslav, while the other two were national authorities. Tito?s funeral was a symbol of peace, Tudjman?s of national liberation, and Milosevic?s a symbol resistance to imperialism. In the paper group symbols at the funerals are analyzed, along with the content of laudatio funebris, dimensions of authority of the deceased, key rhetorical fig

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