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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Political activists – Psychology »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Vanner, Catherine, and Anuradha Dugal. "Personal, Powerful, Political." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (2020): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130202.

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“Today I met my role model,” tweeted climate change activist Greta Thunberg on 25 February 2020, captioning a picture of herself with girls’ education activist Malala Yousafzai, who also tweeted the picture, proclaiming that Greta was “the only friend I would skip school for.” The proclamations of mutual admiration illustrate a form of solidarity between the two most famous girl activists, who are often pointed to as examples of the power of the individual girl activist in spite of their intentionally collective approaches that connect young activists and civil society organizations around the

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Herbert, Lea, Laurie Campbell, Breahannah Hilaire, and Galaxina Wright. "Pilot Study of the Intersection of COVID 19 and Activist Mental Health." Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 15, no. 1 (2023): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.15.1.32-50.

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Recent tensions in society have led to protests and demonstrations to raise awareness and consciousness ultimately for change. These efforts can be draining. Domestic increases in youth activism has illustrated transformative community action as well as the need to determine themes related to activist sustainability and mental health. Therefore, a phenomenological study was conducted to explore Millennial and Generation Z activist mental health perceptions and engagement during times of protest including COVID-19. The voice of seven youth activists regarding their experience with concurrent ac

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Gildea, Robert. "Utopia and conflict in the oral testimonies of French 1968 activists." Memory Studies 6, no. 1 (2013): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698012463892.

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There are two conflicting cultural memories of 1968: one that celebrates liberation and the other that condemns political violence and sexual excess. This article, based on interviews with five former 1968 activists in France, explores the ways in which they seek to navigate between their personal memories of becoming an activist, positive and negative group memories of being an activist, and the contested cultural memories of 1968, in order to make sense of 1968 and their part in it.

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Hamrick, Ellie, and Haley Duschinski. "Enduring injustice: Memory politics and Namibia’s genocide reparations movement." Memory Studies 11, no. 4 (2017): 437–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017693668.

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This article examines post-colonial memory politics in contemporary Namibia. It analyzes the ways in which ethnic Nama and Herero genocide reparations activists struggle to include Germany’s colonial-era genocide of their communities in the national narrative of the contemporary Namibian state. In this article, we explore the extent to which the dominant political party, SWAPO, defines the state through the production of a hegemonic narrative about the Namibian past. We examine how this political context shapes the reparations movement’s strategies and tactics, with attention to how different

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Taft, Jessica K. "Hopeful, Harmless, and Heroic." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130203.

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There has been a notable increase in the public visibility of girl activists in the past ten years. In this article, I analyze media narratives about several individual girl activists to highlight key components of the newly desirable figure of the girl activist. After tracing the expansion of girl power discourses from an emphasis on individual empowerment to the invocation of girls as global saviors, I argue that girls are particularly desirable figures for public consumption because the encoding of girls as symbols of hope helps to resolve public anxieties about the future, while their more

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Costantini, Edmond, and Linda O. Valenty. "The Motives: Ideology Connection among Political Party Activists." Political Psychology 17, no. 3 (1996): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791966.

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Wahyuni Iskandar, Ida. "WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATIONS IN EAST KALIMANTAN." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (2021): 3175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1223.

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The struggle of women to actualize themselves in the political arena is very difficult since the situation that always accompanies is even an obstacle for them to move freely. Meanwhile, political reform which occurred in Indonesia has certainly given great opportunity to women to participate. In this study, the sampling technique is purposive sampling. The analysis technique used in this study is using interactive model analysis. The results of the research are vote casting the most basic of political participation which women are already involved in general election to vote for governor of E

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Harré, Niki, Sonja Tepavac, and Pat Bullen. "Integrity, Efficacy and Community in the Stories of Political Activists." Qualitative Research in Psychology 6, no. 4 (2009): 330–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14780880903324764.

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Ellerman, D. Andrew. "Student activists 12 years later political and personal career paths." Australian Journal of Psychology 40, no. 3 (1988): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049538808260046.

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Gupta, Abhinav, and Forrest Briscoe. "Organizational Political Ideology and Corporate Openness to Social Activism." Administrative Science Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2019): 524–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839219852954.

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This paper argues that organizations tend to be more “open” or “closed” as a function of their members’ political ideologies and that this variation can help explain firms’ responses to social activism. Integrating research on social activism with political psychology, we propose that when firms experience activists’ protests, a liberal-leaning firm will be more likely to concede to activists’ demands than its conservative-leaning counterpart, because its decision makers will more readily accept the interconnectedness of the firm’s activities with the activists’ claims. Building on this core c

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Swann, Marj. "Advice for Activists." Journal of Humanistic Psychology 29, no. 3 (1989): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022167889293016.

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Reynolds (Taewon Choi), Jason D., Bridget M. Anton, Chiroshri Bhattacharjee, and Megan E. Ingraham. "The work of a revolutionary: A psychobiography and careerography of Angela Y. Davis." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 17, no. 3 (2021): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.5507.

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Dr. Angela Y. Davis is a political activist, academician, and writer who has navigated and discussed issues of race, class, gender, and USA social policies across her 75 years of life. Davis’s activism established her as the icon of a larger social movement and further related to her decision-making and legacy. Using psychobiographical methods, data were gathered through publicly available sources to explore Davis’s personal, professional, and representational life, as well as understand Davis’s lived experience through a socio-cultural-historical perspective. Two established theories, Social

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Cornish, Flora, Catherine Campbell, and Cristián Montenegro. "Activism in changing times: Reinvigorating community psychology: Introduction to the Special Thematic Section." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 6, no. 2 (2018): 526–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v6i2.1111.

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The field of community psychology has for decades concerned itself with the theory and practice of bottom-up emancipatory efforts to tackle health inequalities and other social injustices, often assuming a consensus around values of equality, tolerance and human rights. However, recent global socio-political shifts, particularly the individualisation of neoliberalism and the rise of intolerant, exclusionary politics, have shaken those assumptions, creating what many perceive to be exceptionally hostile conditions for emancipatory activism. This special thematic section brings together a divers

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Romer, Nancy. "Is Political Activism Still A “MASCULINE” ENDEAVOR?: Gender Comparisons among High School Political Activists." Psychology of Women Quarterly 14, no. 2 (1990): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1990.tb00016.x.

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Scardaville, Melissa C. "Accidental Activists." American Behavioral Scientist 48, no. 7 (2005): 881–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764204273174.

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Wollman, Neil, and Michael Wexler. "A Workshop for Activists." Journal of Humanistic Psychology 32, no. 4 (1992): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022167892324009.

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Takovski, Aleksandar. "Coloring social change: Humor, politics, and social movements." HUMOR 33, no. 4 (2019): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2019-0037.

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AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving t

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Cole, Elizabeth R., Alyssa N. Zucker, and Joan M. Ostrove. "Political Participation and Feminist Consciousness Among Women Activists of the 1960s." Political Psychology 19, no. 2 (1998): 349–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00108.

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Huddart Kennedy, Emily, John R. Parkins, and Josée Johnston. "Food activists, consumer strategies, and the democratic imagination: Insights from eat-local movements." Journal of Consumer Culture 18, no. 1 (2016): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540516659125.

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Scholars remain divided on the possibilities (and limitations) of conceptualizing social change through a consumer-focused, “shopping for change,” lens. Drawing from framing theory and the concept of the democratic imagination, we use a case study of “eat-local” food activism to contribute to this debate. We ask two questions: first, how do activists in the local food movement come to diagnose and critique the conventional industrial food system? and second, what roles do they envision for participants in the sustainable food movement? We address these questions by drawing from activist interv

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Shapiro, Kenneth. "The Caring Sleuth: Portrait of an Animal Rights Activist." Society & Animals 2, no. 2 (1994): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853094x00153.

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AbstractThe present study of the psychology of animal rights activists utilizes a qualitative analytic method based on two forms of data: a set of questionnaire protocols completed by grassroots activists and of autobiographical accounts by movement leaders. The resultant account keys on the following descriptives: (1) an attitude of caring, (2) suffering as an habitual object of perception, and (3) the aggressive and skillful uncovering and investigation of instances of suffering. In a final section, the investigator discusses tensions and conflicts arising from these three themes and various

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Mitchell, Claudia. "A Girl Activist Inventory." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (2020): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130201.

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In March 2019, I had the pleasure of giving a talk at Peter Green College at the University of British Columbia that I called “The Politics and Possibilities of Girl-led and Youth-led Arts-based Activism to Address Gender Violence.” I wanted to highlight in particular the activist work of numerous groups of Indigenous girls and young women in a current project and the youth AIDS activist work of the Fire and Hope project in South Africa but I also wanted to place this work in the context of girls’ activism and youth activism more broadly. To do this I started out with a short activity called “

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Biglia, Barbara. "II. Some ‘Latin’ Women Activists’ Accounts: Reflections on Political Research." Feminism & Psychology 16, no. 1 (2006): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959-353506060816.

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Yang, Emilia. "Collectivizing justice: Participatory witnessing, sense memory, and emotional communities." Memory Studies 16, no. 3 (2023): 621–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980231162328.

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This article describes and analyzes the practices made possible by the temporary exhibition of AMA y No Olvida, Museum of Memory Against Impunity, a community and transmedia museum project in Nicaragua, in tandem with the embodied performances of the families of the victims of state violence and visitors during repression and a state of exception. I theorize how the witnessing performed by the audience surpasses the framework of memory museums for human rights with a participatory framework that uses activist and performative expressions. Participatory witnessing is made possible by expanding

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Zamponi, Lorenzo. "The “Precarious Generation” and the “Natives of the Ruins”: The Multiple Dimensions of Generational Identity in Italian Labor Struggles in Times of Crisis." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (2019): 1427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831740.

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Focusing on mobilizations around work, this article sheds light on generational identity as it emerges in activists involved in labor struggles in Italy in the past few years. Do Italian “millennial” activists perceive themselves as part of the same political generation? What are its main traits? And are the contextual elements that define it linked more to socioeconomic context or to experiences of collective action? The analysis shows a clear self-identification of Italian millennials, in the context of labor struggles, as “the precarious generation”: a generation mostly affected by the soci

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Roberts, Tangela. "African Americans and Activism." Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 15, no. 1 (2023): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.15.1.14-31.

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This study aimed to investigate the relationship between psychological well-being and PTSD symptoms in relation to activism orientations among African Americans. Additionally, the study explored the moderating roles of activist self-identity and length of activism involvement in these relationships. A national sample of 298 African American adults was examined, and the following findings were observed: African Americans with a greater inclination toward conventional activism reported higher levels of psychological well-being. Those who self-identified as activists displayed a nearly fourfold d

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CESARINI, PAOLA, and SHAREEN HERTEL. "Interdisciplinary Approaches to Human Rights Scholarship in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 4 (2005): 793–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x05009879.

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Human rights are the focus of research and teaching in multiple fields including law, philosophy, political science, sociology, anthropology, economics, psychology, history, literature and public health. Human rights are also the focus of advocacy and on-the-ground investigation by activists affiliated with nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), labour unions and social movements. Scholars interested in rights-based issues thus often face a dual challenge: that of crossing disciplinary boundaries in order to explore human rights questions, and that of bridging the academic-practitioner divide.

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Huang, Tsun-Chueh, and Emily Bent. "When Girls Lead." Girlhood Studies 15, no. 2 (2022): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2022.150204.

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Greta Thunberg’s prominence in the climate justice movement symbolically positions girls at the epicenter of geopolitical resistance, but, while she is given immediate authority across media outlets, other girls’ visions of a more equitable future are often disregarded; this demands our careful attention. We discuss the work of five New York City-based girl activists of color engaged in this movement. We explore the ways in which their intersectional identities and social positions shape their mobilization strategies and draw connections to other popular social justice movements; their activis

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Liddick, Don. "Techniques of Neutralization and Animal Rights Activists." Deviant Behavior 34, no. 8 (2013): 618–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2012.759048.

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Collins, Charles R., Danielle Kohfeldt, and Mariah Kornbluh. "Psychological and political liberation: Strategies to promote power, wellness, and liberation among anti‐racist activists." Journal of Community Psychology 48, no. 2 (2019): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jcop.22259.

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O’Dwyer, Emma, and Neus Beascoechea Seguí. "Stretching the elastic: UK peace activists’ understandings of social change." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 11, no. 1 (2023): 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11497.

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While much research has been conducted on the antecedents and outcomes of activism, relatively lesser attention has been paid within social and political psychological research to the understandings of people themselves about their involvement in activism or the ways in which they conceptualise social change. Informed by social representations theory, we conducted interviews with UK peace activists, to examine how they made sense of social change dynamics in the context of their activism, and how the beliefs, opinions, and perceptions of other people (meta-representations) were implicated in t

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Giersch, Jason. "Punishing campus protesters based on ideology." Research & Politics 6, no. 4 (2019): 205316801989212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019892129.

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Recent protests on university campuses have inspired conservative claims that liberals allow partisanship to color their judgement of disorderly activists. Prior research suggests, however, that both ideologies are prone to political bias. Furthermore, because conservatives are typically more concerned with orderliness and authority, there are theoretical reasons to expect conservatives to respond more forcefully to protests than liberals, especially when those protesters are political opponents. Using an experimental design with two samples, one with Mechanical Turk participants and the other

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Besta, Tomasz, and Anna Maria Zawadzka. "Expansion of the self of activists and nonactivists involved in mass gatherings for collective action." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 2 (2017): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217735903.

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Three studies were carried out in natural settings of mass gatherings to examine the interplay between activist identity and self-expansion and their relationship with willingness to engage in future collective actions. Study 1 was conducted among activists and supporters of equal rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals; Study 2 involved participants in a nationwide charity event; and Study 3 included members of a religious group. The results showed a statistically significant positive relationship between self-perceived activist identity and collective action (CA

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Parigi, Paolo, and Rachel Gong. "From grassroots to digital ties: A case study of a political consumerism movement." Journal of Consumer Culture 14, no. 2 (2014): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540514526280.

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New grassroots organizations that target ethical consumer choices and behavior represent a departure from traditional social movement organizations. In this article, we study the activists of one of these organizations and show that social network ties formed mainly online greatly reinforce commitment toward the goals of the movement. We suggest that online ties, that is, digital ties, are important for political consumerism movements because they create audiences for private actions. It is because of the presence of these audiences that the individual participants can reinterpret their action

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Rizvi, Sajjad H. "Islamic Political Radicalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (2008): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.1477.

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As jihadi ideology shifts from articulating a perpetual conflict against the“far enemy” (read: the United States and its allies) and the “near enemy”(read: the United States’ clients) within the Middle East and the wider Muslimworld to taking the conflict to the heart of the far enemy in NorthAmericaand Western Europe, it is time for academics to take stock of what hashappened, how it has happened, and why. The “radicalization” debate, as itis called, tries to ask the pertinent question of why some Muslim male citizensof these “western” states feel so disenchanted, dis-integrated, and alienate

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Bertuzzi, Niccolò. "Political Generations and the Italian Environmental Movement(s): Innovative Youth Activism and the Permanence of Collective Actors." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 11 (2019): 1556–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831735.

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During recent years, Italian social movements have experienced a period of crisis, in part due to diffuse antipolitical feelings and latent social conflict. However, environmental issues and especially territorial mobilizations remain relevant, due to the appearance of new contentious actors and to the permanence of long-standing organizations and important local grassroots campaigns. Based on 19 semistructured interviews with activists belonging to informal groups and formal associations, this article discusses the role of age and generations within the variegated Italian environmental archip

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Hall, Bogumila. "Coming of Age in the “State of Emergency”: Race, Religion, and Political Imagination Among Britain’s Youth of Color." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 11 (2019): 1539–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831728.

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In a racial security state, Britain’s black and brown youth have been excluded from the national narrative. Construed as foreign, threatening, and alienated, young people of minority backgrounds have been the prime targets of the state’s counterterrorism legislation as well as surveillance, policing, and disciplining programs. At the same time, communities of color are among the most severely affected by austerity measures, suffering from the highest rates of unemployment, shoddy housing, cuts to public services, and closure of community centers. This article reveals how generational identity

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Hegasy, Sonja. "Archive partisans: Forbidden histories and the promise of the future." Memory Studies 12, no. 3 (2019): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698019836187.

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Remembering past injustices has been regarded as central to overcoming intra-societal conflicts with the end of World War II. Since, memory has increasingly been charged as a means to achieve reconciliation. But only in recent years have archives, and here especially human rights archives, in the Mashreq and Maghreb moved from being semi-functional repositories for academics to become important loci for political activists to reappraise violence and injustice. The role of the archive in preserving or erasing personal memories is critically investigated by such activists. This article covers an

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D’Errico, Francesca. "“Imagine” – Participative strategies of two online minorities within Italian context." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 6 (2016): 688–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.6.02der.

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Abstract Within the field of political psychology studies, the main goal of the present study is to investigate in depth the role played by two different forms – E-Tactics vs E-Movement – of social media activism on the quality of discourses and their possible level of acquired empowerment. Two Italian cases of e-minorities (Teatro Valle Occupato and Roars) will be analysed in terms of argumentative moves following a pragma-dialectic perspective in order to observe how they can construct a possible process of conscientization. Results, achieved by means of quanti-qualitative methods, highlight

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Siswantini, Siswantini, Tri Adi Sumbogo, Meilani Dhamayanti, and Maryani Maryani. "CASCARA PRODUCTIONS AS A MODEL OF BRAND ACTIVISM FOR COFFEE FARMER GROUP IN MOUNT PUNTANG, WEST JAVA INDONESIA." SEEIJ (Social Economics and Ecology International Journal) 9, no. 1 (2025): 58–66. https://doi.org/10.21512/seeij.v9i1.12722.

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Cascara is considered a healthy drink and one way to encourage sustainable coffee production by-products. Cascara production activities by the Rumah Kopi Palalangon can be categorized as brand activism, namely a brand that uses activist strategies with the desire to improve the quality of life of the community. The essence of brand activism is action that involves all stakeholders to make changes in social, economic, political and environmental quality. This research aims to develop a basic training plan for empowering farmers who are members of the rumah Kopi Palalangon led by Ayi Suteja in M

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Park, Jun Won, Preeti Vani, Sidney Saint-Hilaire, and Michael W. Kraus. "Disadvantaged group activists' attitudes toward advantaged group allies in social movements." Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 98 (January 2022): 104226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2021.104226.

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Paddock, Joel. "Interest group influence on the ideological orientations of local party activists." Social Science Journal 44, no. 4 (2007): 734–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2007.10.002.

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Zelinska, Olga. "How Protesters and the State Learn From One Another: Spiraling Repertoires of Contention and Repression in Ukraine, 1990-2014." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 9 (2020): 1271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220941223.

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This article employs a contentious politics framework to examine the mobilization–repression nexus as it occurred in Ukraine from the 1990 Revolution on Granite, through the 2000-2001 Ukraine without Kuchma campaign and the 2004 Orange Revolution, to the 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement. Comparative analysis of these four cases suggests that developments in both the contentious and repressive repertoires resembled spirals: each campaign became more complex and of longer duration than the last, and each was driven by the repeated protester–government interactions and by the political, economic, an

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Lee, Francis LF, Joseph Man Chan, and Dennis KK Leung. "When a historical analogy fails: Current political events and collective memory contestation in the news." Memory Studies 12, no. 2 (2017): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017703809.

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Collective memory studies have emphasized how people can utilize important historical events as analogies to make sense of current happenings. This article argues that the invocation of historical analogies may, under certain circumstances, become an occasion for people to negotiate and contest the significance of the historical events. Focusing on Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement in 2014, this article analyzes how references to the 1989 Tiananmen Incident emerged in the news as a dominant historical analogy when the movement began, foregrounding the possibility of state violence. But when state

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Başoğlu, Metin, Murat Paker, Erdoğan Özmen, et al. "Appraisal of self, social environment, and state authority as a possible mediator of posttraumatic stress disorder in tortured political activists." Journal of Abnormal Psychology 105, no. 2 (1996): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0021-843x.105.2.232.

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Portos, Martin. "Divided We Stand, (Oftentimes) United We Fight: Generational Bridging in Spain’s Feminist Movement and the Cycle of Antiausterity Mobilizations." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (2019): 1447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831730.

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After a general campaign that aimed at changing the political and socioeconomic system, the 15M/Indignados abandoned the visible occupation of central squares decentralized through neighborhood assemblies, and specialized around different issues, such as housing, and the health and public education systems. Although often cohabitating amid tension, feminist activists of different generations forged internal and autonomous spaces that prioritized feminist aspirations and permeated dissent in the shadow of the Great Recession, sharing arenas with people who would not have been reached otherwise.

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Doerr, Nicole, and Massimiliano Andretta. "Imagining Europe: Internal and External Non-State Actors at the European Crossroads." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 3 (2007): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007032.

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This article studies the construction of ideals and images associated with Europe and the European Union by non-state actors (social movements, trade unions and NGOs) based outside Europe. First, we analyse the external image of Europe and the EU through the content analysis of meaning attributed to the EU and EU politics on the homepages of non-EU NGOs, trade unions and social movements within the global justice movements. Secondly, we study the perspective of non-Western European activists within the European Social Forum process as a transnational forum ‘from below’ for ‘another’ Europe. Th

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Wasielewski, Patricia L. "Not quite normal, but not really deviant: Some notes on the comparison of elite athletes and women political activists." Deviant Behavior 12, no. 1 (1991): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.1991.9967867.

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Taylor, Randon R., and William T. Hoston. "A People's War on Poverty: Urban Politics and Grassroots Activists in Houston." Social Science Journal 53, no. 1 (2016): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2016.02.004.

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Hopke, Jill E., and Molly Simis. "Response to ‘Word choice as political speech’: Hydraulic fracturing is a partisan issue." Public Understanding of Science 26, no. 1 (2016): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662516643621.

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In 2015, Hopke & Simis published an analysis of social media discourse around hydraulic fracturing. Grubert (2016) offered a commentary on the research, highlighting the politicization of terminology used in the discourse on this topic. The present article is a response to Grubert (2016)’s commentary, in which we elaborate on the distinctions between terminology used in social media discourse around hydraulic fracturing (namely, ‘frack,’ ‘fracking,’ ‘frac,’ and ‘fracing’). Additionally preliminary analysis supports the claim that industry-preferred terminology is severely limited in its re

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Wright, Anthony Gerard, and Jurhamuti José Velázquez Morales. "“Where Your Voice Burns Like Fire”: Visual art and radio broadcasting as semiotic practices of intergenerational political socialization among the Purépecha of Cherán, México." Global Studies of Childhood 11, no. 2 (2021): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20436106211008647.

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This article analyzes visual art and radio broadcasting as semiotic practices that serve as crucial sites of child and youth participation in Indigenous social movements. Looking specifically at a movement against organized crime, political corruption, and environmental exploitation that emerged in 2011 among the Purépechan people of Cherán, Michoacán, México, we show how young people’s creative practices present a significant challenge to hegemonic models of adult- directed political socialization and participation, although they do not result in a total flattening of age-based hierarchies. D

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