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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Political party organization – Malawi »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 4 juin 2021
Mis à jour le 1 février 2022

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1

Morehouse, Sarah M. « Dimensions of State Political Party Organization ». American Review of Politics 15 (1 juillet 1994) : 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.123-139.

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A political party is defined in terms of coalition building: collective effort directed toward capturing public office and governing once that office is attained. Party organization thus defined includes factional organization as well as the administrative apparatus. This definition assumes a linkage between the electoral party and the party inside the government.
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Kalua, Phaniso. « The Extent of Political Party Institutionalization in Malawi : The Case of United Democratic Front (UDF) and Malawi Congress Party (MCP) ». Forum for Development Studies 38, no 1 (mars 2011) : 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2010.548078.

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Newell, Jonathan. « ‘A Moment of Truth’ ? The Church and Political Change in Malawi, 1992 ». Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no 2 (juin 1995) : 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021054.

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The immediate origins of the democratic elections held in Malawi in 1994, which brought to an end over 30 years of political dominance by President Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), lie in the unprecedented events which shook the entire nation in 1992. Although that turbulent year was characterised by industrial action, serious urban riots, student demonstrations, the emergence of new domestic political groupings, and the Government's agreement to hold a national referendum on the future of the one-party system in the country, in retrospect perhaps what was most remarkable about these developments was that they were sparked off by the Catholic Church, and that their momentum was sustained at crucial stages by other Christian denominations in Malawi.1
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Coletto, David, Harold J. Jansen et Lisa Young. « Stratarchical Party Organization and Party Finance in Canada ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no 1 (mars 2011) : 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910001034.

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Abstract. Based on an examination of constitutional and other party documents, Canadian political parties have been described as stratarchically organized (Carty, 2002). We identify four models of internal party financial flows that correspond to different models of internal party organization. We then trace the financial flows into and within the four major Canadian political parties from 2004 to 2007 with a view to identifying the model of party organization that these flows indicate. Our evidence in some respects supports Carty's assertion that Canadian parties are stratarchically organized, but it also suggests that changes to the regulatory regime governing political finance have contributed to a centralization of power at the level of the national party and at the expense of candidates and local associations. This centralizing tendency is significant, as it may disrupt the bargain that underlies the stratarchical organization of Canadian parties.Résumé. À la lumière d'une revue des constitutions et de divers autres documents des partis politiques canadiens, ces derniers ont été décrits comme étant organisés de manière stratarchique (Carty, 2002). Nous dégageons quatre modèles de flux monétaires internes des partis qui correspondent à différents modèles d'organisation interne des partis politiques. Nous retraçons les entrées de fonds des quatre principaux partis politiques canadiens et leur distribution interne de 2004 à 2007 en vue d'identifier le modèle d'organisation de parti qui correspond à ces flux monétaires. Sous certains rapports, nos résultats appuient l'argument de Carty affirmant que les partis canadiens sont organisés de manière stratarchique, mais ils suggèrent aussi que les changements apportés au régime régulateur gouvernant le financement politique ont contribué à une centralisation du pouvoir au niveau national des partis et ce aux dépens des candidats et des associations locales. Cette tendance centralisatrice est importante, car elle peut rompre le compromis qui sous-tend l'organisation stratarchique des partis politiques canadiens.
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Borz, Gabriela, et Kenneth Janda. « Contemporary trends in party organization : Revisiting intra-party democracy ». Party Politics 26, no 1 (11 février 2018) : 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754605.

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Party organization has regained a new momentum in the party literature over the past decade. In this context, we review the most important advances in the literature and critically examine issues such as: the link between party organization literature and organizational theory literature, party organization and intra-party democracy, and between party organization on paper and in reality. We ascertain the need for more conceptual clarifications in the field and raise questions for debate. We further outline the contribution of this special issue to the theme of intra-party democracy in representative democracies.
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Pomper, Gerald M. « Party Organization & ; Electoral Success ». Polity 23, no 2 (décembre 1990) : 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235071.

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Clark, John A., et Charles Prysby. « Introduction : Studying Southern Political Party Activists ». American Review of Politics 24 (1 avril 2003) : 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.1-19.

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The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party activists active at the county level. Over 7,000 activists in the eleven southern states were surveyed in 2001. This study is linked to the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Project, which surveyed a similar group of activists, using a similar questionnaire. The following articles both analyze the 2001 data patterns and compare the 2001 results to the 1991 patterns.
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Xiaonai, Xie. « On the Organization of Party Historiography ». Chinese Law & ; Government 19, no 3 (octobre 1986) : 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/clg0009-46091903107.

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Bolleyer, Nicole, Felix-Christopher von Nostitz et Valeria Smirnova. « Conflict regulation in political parties ». Party Politics 23, no 6 (29 avril 2016) : 834–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816642804.

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Independent party tribunals (i.e. intra-party courts) can be used by both the party leadership (e.g. to discipline members) and rank-and-file members (e.g. to challenge the leadership overstepping its authority). Thus, their study offers broad insights into party conflict regulation we know little about. Integrating the literatures on party organization, intra-party democracy and judicial politics, we propose two theoretical rationales to account for tribunal decision-making (whether a case finds tribunal support): tribunal decision-making can be theorized as shaped by elite-member divisions or, alternatively, by how verdicts affect the tribunal’s own position in the organization and organizational stability generally. We test hypotheses derived from these rationales using a new data set covering 243 tribunal decisions made over the life spans of three German parties. While both rationales are empirically relevant, the ‘organizational stability rationale’ proves particularly insightful.
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Aldrich, Andrea S. « Party organization and gender in European elections ». Party Politics 26, no 5 (29 octobre 2018) : 675–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818806630.

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Political parties often monopolize the flow of politicians into elected office making it important to understand when, and under what conditions, parties are more or less likely to promote gender equality in representation. This article argues that party choices to nominate women in elections are conditional on the centralization of candidate selection within the party. Gender quotas and characteristics of the electoral environment have differential effects on candidate lists across party types. Leveraging data at the party level, I test when it is electorally feasible and organizationally possible for parties to nominate women for office. I find that candidate selection procedures condition the effects of party strategy and characteristics of the electoral environment on the percentage of women on electoral lists. The results provide insight into how strategic party choices, attenuated by electoral considerations and organization, impact the diversity of representation in political institutions.
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Van Dyck, Brandon. « Why Party Organization Still Matters : The Workers’ Party in Northeastern Brazil ». Latin American Politics and Society 56, no 2 (2014) : 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00229.x.

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AbstractDoes party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil’s Workers’ Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower-level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid-2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Drawing from underutilized data on party offices, this article shows that organizational expansion contributed substantially to the PT’s electoral advances in the Northeast. While President Lula da Silva’s (PT) 2006 electoral spike in the Northeast resulted from expanded conditional cash transfers, the PT’s improvement at lower levels followed from top-down organization building. The PT national leadership deliberately expanded the party’s local infrastructure to deliver electoral gains.
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Gilman, Lisa. « Purchasing Praise : Women, Dancing, and Patronage in Malawi Party Politics ». Africa Today 48, no 4 (décembre 2001) : 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2001.48.4.42.

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Gilman, Lisa. « Purchasing Praise : Women, Dancing, and Patronage in Malawi Party Politics ». Africa Today 48, no 4 (2001) : 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2001.0069.

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VanDusky-Allen, Julie, et William B. Heller. « Bicameralism and the Logic of Party Organization ». Comparative Political Studies 47, no 5 (29 mai 2013) : 715–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414013488547.

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Appleton, Andrew M., et Daniel S. Ward. « Measuring Party Organization in the United States ». Party Politics 1, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068895001001005.

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Heersink, Boris. « Trump and the Party-in-Organization : Presidential Control of National Party Organizations ». Journal of Politics 80, no 4 (octobre 2018) : 1474–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/699336.

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Bolleyer, Nicole. « New party organization in Western Europe : Of party hierarchies, stratarchies and federations ». Party Politics 18, no 3 (18 mars 2011) : 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810382939.

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Mpesi, Andrew Mabvuto. « Political Parties and their Manifestos : Inferring Party Policy Positions in Malawi since 1994 ». Forum for Development Studies 38, no 1 (mars 2011) : 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2011.560182.

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Forster, Peter G. « Culture, Nationalism, and the Invention of Tradition in Malawi ». Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no 3 (septembre 1994) : 477–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015196.

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In May 1994 the Life President of Malawi, Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, the world's oldest Head of State, was peacefully defeated in the country's first multi-party elections after having been in power since February 1963. During that 31 year era his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) régime had been characterised by a remarkably high degree of legitimacy. It can of course be argued that this was simply based on political repression, which certainly existed, notably during periods of excessive sensitivity to various criticisms and actions that were interpreted as threats to the prevailing stability. This could be seen in the activities of Banda's strong-arm organisations (such as the Young Pioneers and the Youth League), and in the omnipresent secret police, who did their best to identify dissidents and rebels. Punishments included detention without trial, or much worse, and disloyalty was often vaguely and broadly defined.
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Hellmann, Olli. « A Historical Institutionalist Approach to Political Party Organization : The Case of South Korea ». Government and Opposition 46, no 4 (2011) : 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01346.x.

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AbstractThe existing literature on party organization is deeply divided over the question of how much freedom of choice decision-makers in a party enjoy in relation to their environment. Although the resulting theoretical deadlock seriously weakens our understanding of party formation and change, no attempt has been made to reconcile the different approaches. This article aims to do just that by offering a historical institutionalist perspective on party organization. Studying the development of political parties in South Korea, it argues that party organizations are best understood as strategic responses to electoral markets. Party organizations reproduce and change, as advantaged factions defend the status quo, while disadvantaged factions work towards organizational reform.
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Ibenskas, Raimondas, et Nicole Bolleyer. « Forms of Inter-party Cooperation : Electoral Coalitions and Party Mergers ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 32, no 3 (29 avril 2018) : 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418755299.

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This article is part of the special cluster titled Parties and Democratic Linkage in Post-Communist Europe, guest edited by Lori Thorlakson, and will be published in the August 2018 issue of EEPS Various forms of inter-party cooperation have important effects on party system fragmentation and stability in young democracies. However, the conceptualisation and measurement of these forms of inter-party cooperation and the examination of their consequences on party system development remain limited in the literature on parties and party systems. This research addresses this gap in the scholarship in three ways. First, we present the analytical scheme of different types of party cooperation. We argue that the forms of inter-party cooperation vary on two dimensions. The first dimension refers to their structural basis: the stability of the cooperation as captured by whether it is rule-based or, in other words, underpinned by shared rules that are mutually accepted. The second dimension refers to their scope: the number of functional areas of party life subject to cooperation. The two dimensions lead us to four basic forms of inter-party cooperation: (1) non-rule-based, functionally restricted coalitions; (2) rule-based, functionally restricted coalitions; (3) non-rule-based organization-wide mergers; and (4) rule-based organization-wide mergers. Second, we develop theoretical expectations on the frequency of these forms of inter-party cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. Third, to test these expectations, we present empirical evidence on the number of electoral coalitions and mergers in the first six electoral periods in 10 countries in the region. The results of the analyses support our expectations: non-rule-based organization-wide mergers are rare. The other three forms of party cooperation (non-rule-based coalitions; rule-based coalitions; rule-based mergers) are fairly common in most countries in the region, although less so in the more recent electoral periods.
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Schlesinger, Joseph A. « The New American Political Party ». American Political Science Review 79, no 4 (décembre 1985) : 1152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956253.

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To understand changes taking place within political parties we must work from a realistic theory, one that accepts these parties as office-seeking coalitions. On that premise I lay out three interacting sets of variables: 1) The structure of political opportunities, or the rules for office seeking and the ways they are treated, and 2) the party system, or the competitive relations among parties, define the expectations of politicians, and thus lead them to create 3) party organizations, or the collective efforts to gain and retain office. Hypotheses derived from the relations among these variables allow us to examine changes in American parties in the twentieth century. They explain why the Progressive era reforms, in tandem with the post-1896 party system, produced an uneven distribution of party organization and weak linkages among candidates and officeholders. The same theory also explains why changes taking place since the 1950s are producing greater organizational effort and stronger partisan links among candidates and officeholders.
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Baer, Denise L. « Who Has the Body ? Party Institutionalization and Theories of Party Organization ». American Review of Politics 14 (1 avril 1993) : 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.1-38.

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This analysis seeks to codify and elucidate an emerging consensus among party scholars concerning the phenomenon and significance of the institutionalized party. More than the mere bureaucratization of party organizations, by adapting to environmental challenge an evolving “web of party” has sprouted new linkages between elites and non-elites, as well as among national and subnational executives and legislatures. Party scholarship, dominated until recently by non-institutional perspectives such as progressivism, behavioralism, and pluralism, needs to examine party institutionalization in a broader institutional context, i.e., as compared with Congress, the Presidency, and other prime political institutions, for which the advent of the institutionalized party has far-reaching implications.
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Clark, Alistair. « Party organization and concurrent multi-level local campaigning ». Party Politics 18, no 4 (14 mars 2011) : 603–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810386840.

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Giger, Nathalie, et Gijs Schumacher. « Bringing party organization back in : a comparative analysis of party representation in Europe ». Political Science Research and Methods 8, no 4 (28 novembre 2019) : 692–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2019.54.

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AbstractIn this study we focus on party organizational characteristics as key determinants of party congruence. We examine how the horizontal and vertical integration of parties is linked to representation in comparative perspective. We further focus on how congruence is achieved by detailing our expectation regarding effects on the uncertainty versus bias in the estimates of party constituents' opinion. Exploiting a comparative database on political parties and data from Comparative Studies of Electoral Systems, we show that having a complex organizational structure and being leadership dominated makes parties less representative of their constituencies. These findings carry important implications for the study of political representation but also for the literature on political parties in crisis.
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Bravo, Rosa Borge, et Marc Esteve Del Valle. « Organization Still Matters ». International Journal of E-Politics 8, no 1 (janvier 2017) : 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2017010103.

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Use of social media by political parties has become a part of their communication strategies. In Catalonia, where around 20% of Internet users obtain political information through Facebook and Twitter, parties use these channels widely. This article has examined 814 posts, 5,772 comments, 52,470 likes and 25,907 shares from the official Facebook pages of Catalan parties in order to ascertain the relevance of the classical party characteristics (party size, level of institutionalization, centralization of decision-making, position at the ideological cleavages) on how parties and their followers behave on Facebook. The data sustain that the characteristics of Catalan parties have an influence on their posting behaviour on Facebook, and mould the reactions (comments, likes and shares) of their Facebook followers to these posts. The results further show that small and new parties achieve greater engagement than bigger and more institutionalized parties.
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Tudor, Maya, et Adam Ziegfeld. « Social Cleavages, Party Organization, and the End of Single-Party Dominance : Insights from India ». Comparative Politics 52, no 1 (1 octobre 2019) : 149–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041519x15698352040132.

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GASH, NORMAN. « THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY, 1832-1846* ». Parliamentary History 1, no 1 (17 mars 2008) : 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1982.tb00639.x.

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Gunde, Anthony M. « Online News Media, Religious Identity and Their Influence on Gendered Politics : Observations from Malawi’s 2014 Elections ». Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 4, no 1 (14 mai 2015) : 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-90000100.

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The rise of the internet has offered the opportunity for the news media to communicate with audiences in many significant ways that may have profound consequences in the shaping of public opinion and transforming lives in the global sphere. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article examines ways in which online news media could be used to reinforce gender stereotypes by promoting patriarchal religious beliefs and how this may have huge implications on women’s empowerment with regard to political leadership roles in developing democracies. The analysis is drawn from the 2014 Malawi elections, in which a major opposition party used a campaign slogan peppered with sexist religious and cultural connotations to ridicule and vote out of office southern Africa’s first ever female President – Joyce Banda and her People Party (PP). In May 2014, Malawi held national elections and the main contestants were former President Banda representing the PP, Peter Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Lazarus Chakwera of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and Atupele Muluzi of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Mutharika and the DPP won the elections to wrestle away the presidency from Banda and her People’s Party. This article discusses the campaign slogan – Sesa Joyce Sesa – created by the DPP to attack former President Banda in which Malawi’s significant online news media sites played a critical role in the diffusion of the gendered campaign mantra to resonate with the religious identity of majority the electorate. The article reflects on the potential of new media to consolidate deep-rooted religious and cultural beliefs that marginalise women for leadership positions and the effect this may have on bridging gender inequalities, particularly in political representation in developing democracies.
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Tavits, Margit. « Party organizational strength and party unity in post-communist Europe ». European Political Science Review 4, no 3 (16 novembre 2011) : 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000257.

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The existing comparative literature focuses on political institutions to explain party unity in parliament, and largely ignores the role of party characteristics in this process. This study argues that the strength of political party organization directly and independently influences the level of party unity. Organizational strength makes the party a valuable asset to individual legislators, thus increasing their willingness to be disciplined. Therefore, parties with strong organizations are likely to be more unified in parliament than those with weak organizations. I find support for this argument with data from four post-communist democracies: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, and Poland. Narratives suggest that the proposed causal mechanism is plausible.
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Kalinga, Owen. « Independence Negotiations in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia ». International Negotiation 10, no 2 (2005) : 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741001.

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AbstractThis article examines the processes of negotiations for autonomy from British rule in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It shows that developments in the Zambezia region, in particular African resistance to the Central African Federation, influenced the nature and pace of the negotiations. African nationalists conducted horizontal negotiations among themselves in addition to intense negotiations with colonial authorities divided between the Federation and London. In the end, the negotiations succeeded in transferring power to the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) led by Kamuzu Banda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) under Kenneth Kaunda.
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Hopkin, Jonathan. « Party Matters ». Party Politics 15, no 2 (mars 2009) : 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099980.

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This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.
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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik, et Gang Chen. « The Chinese Communist Party since 1949 : Organization, Ideology, and Prospect for Change ». Brill Research Perspectives in Governance and Public Policy in China 3, no 1-2 (4 septembre 2018) : 1–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519227-12340004.

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AbstractResearch on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the world’s largest political party, has seen a revival in recent years. Today, studies of the CCP are a key part of any attempt to understand China’s development trajectory in the post-1949 era. This review takes a new and closer look at how the study of the CCP has evolved in terms of themes, concepts, and areas of research. In the following we explore nine topics: Party organization, cadre management, cadre advancement and training, Party ideology, Party reform and adaptation, local Party work, the Party and business, the Party and corruption, and the Party and the law. Combining the pieces of the puzzle provides the picture of a political machine and organization of amazing durability.
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Carty, R. Kenneth, et Munroe Eacles. « Electoral Cycles, Party Organization and Mobilization in Canada ». Australian Journal of Politics and History 50, no 4 (décembre 2004) : 556–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2004.00353.x.

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Feigenbaum, James J., Alexander Fouirnaies et Andrew B. Hall. « The Majority-Party Disadvantage : Revising Theories of Legislative Organization ». Quarterly Journal of Political Science 12, no 3 (24 octobre 2017) : 269–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00015112.

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DIERMEIER, DANIEL, et RAZVAN VLAICU. « Parties, Coalitions, and the Internal Organization of Legislatures ». American Political Science Review 105, no 2 (mai 2011) : 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000104.

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We present a theory of parties-in-legislatures that can generate partisan policy outcomes despite the absence of any party-imposed voting discipline. Legislators choose all procedures and policies through majority-rule bargaining and cannot commit to vote against their preferences on either. Yet, off-median policy bias occurs in equilibrium because a majority of legislators with correlated preferences has policy-driven incentives to adopt partisan agenda-setting rules—as a consequence, bills reach the floor disproportionately from one side of the ideological spectrum. The model recovers, as special cases, the claims of both partisan and nonpartisan theories in the ongoing debate over the nature of party influence in the U.S. Congress. We show that (1) party influence increases in polarization, and (2) the legislative median controls policy making only when there are no bargaining frictions and no polarization. We discuss the implications of our findings for the theoretical and empirical study of legislatures.
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GASH, NORMAN. « THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY 1832-1846 PART II : THE ELECTORAL ORGANIZATION ». Parliamentary History 2, no 1 (17 mars 2008) : 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1983.tb00518.x.

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Krašovec, Alenka, et Tim Haughton. « Money, organization and the state : The partial cartelization of party politics in Slovenia ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no 3 (11 août 2011) : 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.07.003.

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A detailed analysis of party organization, party funding and voting behaviour in parliament in Slovenia indicates a partial cartelization of Slovene party politics. In line with the cartel thesis, parties in Slovenia are heavily dependent on the state for their finances and there is evidence that parties have used the resources of the state to limit competition. Nonetheless, there is much less evidence of cartelization in terms of party organization indicating more cartelization in the party system as a whole than within individual parties.
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Luebke, Paul, et Mildred A. Schwartz. « The Party Network : The Robust Organization of Illinois Republicans. » Contemporary Sociology 23, no 3 (mai 1994) : 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075322.

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Wellhofer, E. Spencer. « The Electoral Effectiveness of Party Organization : Norway, 1945?1977 ». Scandinavian Political Studies 8, no 3 (septembre 1985) : 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1985.tb00319.x.

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Figueiredo, Argelina Cheibub, et Fernando Limongi. « Presidential Power, Legislative Organization, and Party Behavior in Brazil ». Comparative Politics 32, no 2 (janvier 2000) : 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422395.

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Carty, R. Kenneth, et D. Munroe Eagles. « Preface : Party Organization and Campaigning at the Grass Roots ». Party Politics 9, no 5 (septembre 2003) : 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688030095001.

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Bolleyer, Nicole, Patricia Correa et Gabriel Katz. « Political Party Mortality in Established Party Systems : A Hierarchical Competing Risks Approach ». Comparative Political Studies 52, no 1 (21 mars 2018) : 36–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758764.

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Existing scholarship offers few answers to fundamental questions about the mortality of political parties in established party systems. Linking party research to the organization literature, we conceptualize two types of party death, dissolution and merger, reflecting distinct theoretical rationales. They underpin a new framework on party organizational mortality theorizing three sets of factors: those shaping mortality generally and those shaping dissolution or merger death exclusively. We test this framework on a new data set covering the complete life cycles of 184 parties that entered 21 consolidated party systems over the last five decades, resorting to multilevel competing risks models to estimate the impact of party and country characteristics on the hazards of both types of death. Our findings not only show that dissolution and merger death are driven by distinct factors, but also that they represent separate logics not intrinsically related at either the party or systemic level.
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Osei‐Hwedie, Bertha. « The role of ethnicity in multi‐party politics in Malawi and Zambia ». Journal of Contemporary African Studies 16, no 2 (juillet 1998) : 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589009808729629.

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Ishiyama, John. « Explaining Change in Communist Successor Parties : Political Environment versus Party Organization ? » American Review of Politics 23 (1 janvier 2003) : 319–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.319-336.

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The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the transformation of the formerly dominant communist parties has provided an opportunity to test some of the major propositions regarding party change. This article focuses on the relationship between external and internal factors, and evolution of the communist successor parties in seventy-nine countries across the world. The most important factor explaining the electoral success of the communist successor parties is the degree of organization, a finding that provides broader support for the literature arguing that communist successor party electoral performance is primarily a result of the organizational features these parties inherited from the past.
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Kennedy Hussein, Mustafa, et Gift Sambo. « The Key Drivers of Party Discipline and Democratic Political Culture in Malawi`s ruling parties ». African Journal of Democracy and Election Research 1, no 1 (17 juin 2021) : 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2752-602x/2021/v1n1a3.

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Carty, R. K., et Munroe Eagles. « The political ecology of local party organization : the case of Canada ». Political Geography 17, no 5 (juin 1998) : 589–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(97)00033-4.

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Ishiyama, John T. « Party Organization and the Political Success of the Communist Successor Parties ». Social Science Quarterly 82, no 4 (décembre 2001) : 844–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0038-4941.00063.

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Ishiyama, John, et Michael Marshall. « What explains former rebel party name changes after a civil conflict ends ? External and internal factors and the transition to political competition ». Party Politics 23, no 4 (28 août 2015) : 364–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815600913.

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The transformation of rebel groups into political parties has captured the attention of scholars of both conflict studies and of party transformation. In this paper we examine the question of rebel party image change by investigating the causes of name changes adopted by a rebel organization as it transforms into a political party after the end of a civil conflict. We develop an analytical framework based upon the extensive literature on party identity change in the West, and apply it to the name changes of rebel parties. Using an original data set of 54 former rebel organizations, we find that factors internal to the organization (such as the degree of inclusivity and the origins of the rebel organization) explain name change more than factors related to the post conflict environment.
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Fujimura, Naofumi. « Electoral incentives, party discipline, and legislative organization : manipulating legislative committees to win elections and maintain party unity ». European Political Science Review 4, no 2 (11 juillet 2011) : 147–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000166.

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Political parties are often faced with seemingly opposing goals when trying to secure members’ reelection and maintain party unity. On one hand, a party needs to fulfill members’ diverse electoral needs for their reelection, and on the other hand, the party must force members to vote in unison according to party lines for collective decisions. How does a party influence its members to take unified action while meeting their individual electoral needs? Through an analysis of the Japanese Diet, this study argues that parties attempt to achieve the reelection of their members and maintain party unity by manipulating legislative committee assignments and deliberations. In particular, the study demonstrates that a party shapes committees in a different way according to policy areas over which committees have jurisdiction. A party tends to accept its members’ requests for affiliation and allow their self-management in committees concerned with particularistic benefits so that they can deliver specific benefits to each electoral district. In addition, a party tends to assign members who have average policy positions in the party to committees concerned with general benefits to make policies that satisfy many constituencies.
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