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1
Mees, Ludger. « Ethnogenesis in the Pyrenees : The Contentious Making of a National Identity in the Basque Country (1643–2017) ». European History Quarterly 48, no 3 (juillet 2018) : 462–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418777994.
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Focusing on the Basque case study, this article adopts a historical longue-durée perspective over more than two centuries (nineteenth and twentieth) in order to better identify the dialectic in the process of identity formation and change of a small European, stateless community, separated by a borderline and living in two different political, socioeconomic and cultural settings. The political expression of this long process of Basque ‘ethnogenesis’ (A.D. Smith) was the rise of the nationalist movement in the Spanish Basque Country at the end of the nineteenth century. By tracing the analysis of Basque identity back to pre-modern times and following its path to the present, this article aims to produce new insights into the factors that trigger the crucial moments of identity change that bring to an end previous periods of stability. Its epistemological fundaments are connected to some prominent topics that have been widely discussed by historians and other social scientists concerned with nationalism and national identity (the cultural shape of national identities; ‘modernists’ versus ‘ethno-symbolists’; nationalism and political religion; national identity and political violence).
2
Brachet-Márquez, Viviane. « Explaining Sociopolitical Change in Latin America : The Case of Mexico ». Latin American Research Review 27, no 3 (1992) : 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037237.
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Since Mexico declared its independence from Spanish rule, the country has experienced two extended periods of political stability that are atypical of Latin American societies. The first, known as the Porfiriato, extended from 1875 to 1910. The second, which was heralded by the Revolution of 1910 and consolidated in the 1920s, still holds sway in the last decade of the twentieth century. The weaknesses of the Porfiriato have been analyzed amply, thanks in great part to the hindsight provided by the revolution that ended the era. Until recently, however, most works on twentieth-century Mexico have focused on the exceptional stability of the postrevolutionary regime. This approach has left largely unresearched (Knight 1989) or merely labeled as “crises” (Needier 1987) the recurrent episodes of union insurgency, popular protest, electoral opposition, and other signs of pressure for political change that have punctuated Mexican history since the Revolution. Consequently, analysts who have recently undertaken the arduous task of diagnosing at what points this imposing edifice might “give” have been unable to benefit from insights of work carried out in previous decades.
3
Koscak, Stephanie. « The Royal Sign and Visual Literacy in Eighteenth-Century London ». Journal of British Studies 55, no 1 (janvier 2016) : 24–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.175.
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AbstractThis article argues that the commercialization of monarchical culture is more complex than existing scholarship suggests. It explores the aesthetic dimensions of regal culture produced outside of the traditionally defined sphere of art and politics by focusing on the variety of royal images and symbols depicted on hanging signs in eighteenth-century London. Despite the overwhelming presence of kings and queens on signboards, few study these as a form of regal visual culture or seriously question the ways in which these everyday objects affected representations of royalty beyond asserting an unproblematic process of declension. Indeed, even in the Restoration and early eighteenth century, monarchical signs were the subject of criticism and debate. This article explains why this became the case, arguing that signs were criticized not because they were trivial commercial objects that cheapened royal charisma, but because they were overloaded with political meaning. They emblematized the failures of representation in the age of print and party politics by depicting the monarchy—the traditional center of representative stability—in ways that troubled interpretation and defied attempts to control the royal image. Nevertheless, regal images and objects circulating in urban spaces comprised a meaningful political-visual language that challenges largely accepted arguments about the aesthetic inadequacy and cultural unimportance of early eighteenth-century monarchy. Signs were part of an urban, graphic public sphere, used as objects of political debate, historical commemoration, and civic instruction.
4
Bavaj, Riccardo. « Turning "liberal Critics" ; into "Liberal-Conservatives" ; : Kurt Sontheimer and the Re-coding of the Political Culture in the Wake of the Student Revolt of "1968" ; ». German Politics and Society 27, no 1 (1 mars 2009) : 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270103.
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The student revolt of the late 1960s had far-reaching repercussions in large parts of West German academia. This article sheds light on the group of liberal scholars who enjoyed a relative cohesiveness prior to "1968" and split up in the wake of the student revolt. The case of Kurt Sontheimer (1928-2005) offers an instructive example of the multifaceted process of a "liberal critic" turning into a liberal-conservative. While he initially welcomed the politicization of students and the democratization of universities, he became increasingly concerned about the stability of West Germany's political order and placed more and more emphasis on preserving, rather than changing the status quo. Sontheimer was a prime example of a liberal critic shifting and being shifted to the center-Right within a political culture that became increasingly polarized during the 1970s.
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Freij, Hanna Y. « LIBERALIZATION, THE ISLAMISTS, AND THE STABILITY OF THE ARAB STATE : JORDAN AS A CASE STUDY ». Muslim World 86, no 1 (janvier 1996) : 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1996.tb03629.x.
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Khan, Sultan. « Socio-Economic and Political Impact of Pandemics in the African Continent and Regional Mechanisms to Mitigate it ». International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (24 décembre 2021) : 1613–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.184.
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Throughout the history of African societies, pandemics have claimed, in some instances more lives than warfare. Africa is susceptible to many pandemics. Given the state of underdevelopment amongst African nation-states characterised by low levels of education, poor health care facilities, lack of basic infrastructure, poverty, low levels of income, lack of skilled health care workers, and many more factors, it is not sufficiently equipped to handle pandemics that are life-threatening. Hence, it is prone to outbreaks of infectious diseases. Pandemics cause the socio-economic crisis, which in turn affects political stability. In the history of Africa, the Ebola disease, HIV/Aids, Cholera are some of the major diseases that have ravished nation-states in contemporary times. Now, just like other parts of the world, it has to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic that has far-reaching consequences. This article seeks to interrogate the nature and causes of major pandemics in the globe and the African continent and the steps taken to ameliorate these. It further examines the impact of pandemics on the socio-economic and political spheres of life in the continent.
7
Coelho, Joseph. « Seizing the State under International Administration ». Southeastern Europe 42, no 1 (9 avril 2018) : 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04201006.
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State capture is a form of institutionalized particularism whereby elite actors manipulate policy formation to their own material and political interests at the expense of the public good. In Kosovo, a competitive form of state capture emerged during the postwar period as the country’s main political parties fiercely compete for control over state spoils. What makes the case of state capture in Kosovo stand apart from most countries in the region is the extensive international dimension of Kosovo’s state-building process. This raises an important question: given the extraordinary levels of international involvement in post-conflict reconstruction and the strengthening of state institutions, how has corruption become increasingly pervasive in Kosovo under international administration and supervision? The central argument of this article is that the stability paradigm has driven certain international policies and practices that have created conditions favorable to state capture, which indirectly contributes to widespread corruption in Kosovo. The West’s choice of stability and security over democracy and rule of law will have long-term and adverse consequences for Kosovo’s state formation.
8
Rath, Thomas. « Burning the Archive, Building the State ? Politics, Paper, and US Power in Postwar Mexico ». Journal of Contemporary History 55, no 4 (29 juillet 2020) : 764–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419881189.
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This article explores how the Mexican state gathered, archived and destroyed information. It focuses on the US–Mexico campaign against foot-and-mouth disease between 1947 and 1952, whose paper archive Mexican officials burned near the successful conclusion of the campaign. This article argues that several factors shaped the context for this documentary bonfire and made the 1940s a key point of inflection in Mexico’s history of official information-gathering: the dominant party’s system of elite power-sharing, the growth of a reading public and the regime’s drift rightward. At the same time, the nature of the foot-and-mouth disease campaign itself ensured that, despite its possible uses, the archive was particularly sensitive, providing evidence of the embarrassing gaps that began to yawn between the state’s language of revolutionary nationalism and its political practise. Indeed, the bonfire represented the culmination of practises Mexican officials had already developed throughout the campaign to reconcile the demands of legibility and deniability, hemispheric integration and nationalism, political stability and state capacity. More broadly, the case illustrates the uneven effects of US assistance on the development of state capacity, the authoritarian but institutionally weak character of the early PRIísta state, and the role of archives in maintaining a coherent image of state sovereignty.
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Chinn, Stuart. « Institutional Recalibration and Judicial Delimitation ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 37, no 03 (2012) : 535–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01272.x.
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Throughout American history, a peculiar and recurrent disjunction has often arisen between the substance of transformative reforms and the decidedly less-radical governing arrangements that arise in the aftermath of reform. To account for this disjunction, this article puts forth a theory of postreform “recalibration.” Political processes of recalibration are the means by which vague, indeterminate principles of reform are given operational meaning and translated into new governing arrangements. This article illuminates recalibration processes by examining two case-studies: African American rights in the post-Reconstruction era of the 1870s and 1880s, and labor rights in the post–New Deal era of the late 1930s. Finally, the article also highlights the crucial role of the Supreme Court in recalibration processes and sets forth a theory of judicial behavior as driven by an institutional interest in stability.
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Korten, C. « Religious Proselytism in Statecraft : A Past and Present Comparison of Russia and the United States ». International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no 2 (2022) : 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.1.
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This article seeks to understand the use of religious proselytizing in the Statecraft of the United States and Russia. The different perspectives on this activity is first assessed historically. The experiences that both countries had (or did not have, in the case of the US), provide insights into the disparity of opinion and practice between the two countries today. This historical view reveals how politically important and influential such activity was for Russia. Good relations with religious leaders and their religious movements helped to ensure stability in far flung regions of its territory, and active attempts to convert other people, i.e. proselytizing, was seen as politically aggressive and socially disruptive. The second part of this article looks at the contemporary implications of statecraft and proselytization. One sees a continuity between the imperial, Soviet and contemporary periods regarding proselytism, despite the political diversity of the periods. Domestically, Russia has clamped down on religious organizations with ties to the US and whose practices included active proselytizing. In this way, one can see how it believes religion, and proselytizing in particular, can be politicized or weaponized and used in foreign policy. Beyond its borders, Russia has employed the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) in proselytizing or quasi-proselytizing activities to help carry out its political agendas. For the US, religious conversions were traditionally never part of the national or political discourse, and so there is still a tendency to view such activity as innocuous, individual experiences. Meanwhile, Russia continues its crackdown on religions which promote an aggressive proselytizing agenda, and especially US-based ones, such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses, whose members are often treated as enemies of the state.
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Smyth, Regina, et Sarah Wilson Sokhey. « Constitutional Reform and the Value of Social Citizenship ». Russian Politics 6, no 1 (30 mars 2021) : 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00601006.
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Abstract Viewed through the lens of social policy, Russia’s 2020 constitutional reform codifies existing priorities without addressing the issues that have fragmented the meaning of social citizenship. Placing these changes in theoretical and historical context, we identify the core causes of inequity in the social welfare system, the sustained gap between state promises, and Russians’ lived experience. Our case studies highlight the sources of shared social grievances and the obstacles to national collective action that maintain stability in the facing of increased localized protest actions. We conclude by emphasizing the importance of observing the opposing forces of continuity and change in Russian politics as they define and redefine the meaning of social citizenship.
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Ramos, Jennifer M., et Nigel Raab. « Russia Abroad, Russia at Home : The Paradox of Russia’s Support for the Far Right ». Russian Politics 7, no 1 (8 mars 2022) : 69–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604012.
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Abstract The rise of the Far Right has been a steady global phenomenon, illustrated by political leaders such as Narendra Modi, Geert Wilders and Jair Bolsonaro. One of the main facilitators of this rise is Russia, supporting Far Right campaigns and movements in various regions of the world. Moreover, the Far Right parties around the world look to Russia as a beacon of hope, enticed by the messaging of Russia Today, Russia’s state-run international news network, and other curated social media platforms. While some argue that Russia’s support of the Far Right is an extension of its domestic values, we posit that this support is mainly to serve Russia’s strategic foreign policy and that the Far Right ideology has little to do with Russia’s domestic values and policy. In fact, Russia’s domestic stability depends on values that are contrary to classic understandings of the Far Right. Given the multi-ethnic and multi-religious composition of the Russian Federation, the classic parameters of Far Right discourse would undermine the stability so dear to Putin. To support our propositions, we use comparative case studies of Russia’s messaging abroad in Germany and the U.S. We then contrast this messaging and support with Russia’s domestic rhetoric. In all cases, we engage in a systematic analysis of relevant documents, transcripts of elite speeches and media.
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Buccino, Laura. « Ritratti di Leptis Magna : modelli, produzione, contesto tra la dinastia flavia e gli Antonini ». Libyan Studies 45 (novembre 2014) : 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2014.3.
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AbstractDifferent types of marble portraits are discussed: both official Imperial images as well as private portraits, with the intention of illustrating the relationship to Roman models and to highlight stylistic and technical characteristics belonging to local sculptors. The portraits belonged to honourific statues dedicated in Lepcis Magna in public prestigious areas (Old Forum, Theatre, Serapeum, Hadrianic Baths). In these public meeting places the Imperial government officials, civic authorities and the privateevergeteshad the opportunity of celebrating the central power and its representatives, from the Emperor and the members of his family to provincial functionaries; personal aspirations of Romanisation and of making a political and administrative career; one's own generosity, personal wealth, preeminent role in civic society, as well as accumulating honours, visibility and social prestige. In the case of some statues of private individuals it is uncertain whether they were intended to be honourific or funerary. The chronological span, extending from the Flavian to the end of the Antonine period, corresponds to the period of greatest social stability and economic prosperity in Tripolitania and in Lepcis Magna in particular. From the analysis carried out, certain distinctive traits of Lepcitan portraiture between the first and second century AD emerge. The influence of the Graeco-Alexandrine tradition, more or less filtered through Cyrene, which held a significant role throughout the early Imperial age, tends to weaken and, at the latest by the end of the Flavian period, to disappear altogether. Local workshops, by now well trained, and in some cases identifiable through a distinctive formal language, become strongly influenced by Rome, either directly or through Carthage, capital of the province of Africa Proconsularis. Alongside this component is the growing influence of Asia Minor, fed by the increasing importation of marble from the eastern part of the empire, which would also have a great deal of influence on architectural decoration. The presence of a masterpiece in the Asiatic style, the female portrait-statue from the Serapeum, is the most striking testimonial of this evolutionary trend.
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Sheline, Annelle R. « Constructing an Islamic Nation : National Mosque Building as a Form of Nation-Building ». Nationalities Papers 47, no 1 (janvier 2019) : 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.15.
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AbstractA majority of national mosques were built in the 1980s, 1990s, and early 2000s. Why did national mosque construction become important to Islamic states during this period, when it had not been a priority in earlier decades when many of these states achieved independence? This article suggests that national mosque construction was the result of political elites’ anxieties regarding the threat to regime stability posed by Islamist activists. Drawing on a mediumNdataset of all 25 states that recognized Islam as their official religion, the article shows that mosque construction increased after 1979 when political elites adopted a strategy of Islamic nation-building, with one expression of this strategy taking the form of national mosque-building in order to visually manifest the regime’s religious authority. In addition to mediumNanalysis, the article uses process tracing to examine national mosque building in three case studies, as well as interview data, to evaluate whether mosque construction achieved the desired effect of bolstering regimes’ religious legitimacy in these contexts. The findings have implications for understanding the use of symbolic religious structures as tools for nation-building that have often been overlooked due to the tendency to associate nationalism with secular visions of modernity.
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Karl, Terry Lynn. « Petroleum and Political Pacts : The Transition to Democracy in Venezuela ». Latin American Research Review 22, no 1 (1987) : 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016435.
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The tentative reemergence of democracy in Latin America in the first half of the 1980s has encouraged scholars and policymakers to take a new look at the “older” democratic experiences on the continent in their search for viable political models. Just as Chile and Uruguay were once considered the “Switzerlands of Latin America,” so Venezuela has now become the political darling of the development set. As Peter Merkl wrote in 1981, “It appears that the only trail to a democratic future for developing societies may be the one followed by Venezuela…. Venezuela is a textbook case of step-by-step progress.” Praxis, however, has produced a certain wariness toward “textbook cases” of this sort. The demise of past democratic regimes whose stability had been unquestioned for decades warns that the search for models is fraught with perils. Despite its having an established party system, Venezuela should not be expected to provide a formula for those who seek paths to democratization.
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Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. « The Shaping of Party Preferences in Turkey : Coping with the Post-Cold War Era ». New Perspectives on Turkey 20 (1999) : 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003137.
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An overview of general elections and the party system from the beginning of multi-party politics in Turkey would indicate a proclivity towards an increasing number of major parties coupled with fragmentation of the party system. The predominant party system of the 1950s favored stability over representativeness (see Table 1). The 1961 Constitution established new electoral rules and a liberal political regime, which provided for more opportunity for representativeness. The 1965 and 1969 elections produced party governments, with a proportional representation formula that wasted almost no votes; even those parties with the smallest number of followers won some seats in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) (see Table 1). For a while in the 1960s Turkey therefore appeared to have discovered the optimal ground of converging stable governments with consummate representativeness. The party governments of the 1960s, however, gave way to the unstable coalition governments of the 1970s, which coincided with a wave of terror and political instability. Coalition governments came to be equated with political instability and terror in the minds of not only the masses, but also the most powerful political forces in the country.
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Mitter, Rana. « Civil Government in Warlord China : Tradition, Modernization and Manchuria. By Ronald Suleski. [Bern and New York : Peter Lang, 2002. xvi+302 pp. £44.00. ISBN 0-8204-5278-5.] ». China Quarterly 172 (décembre 2002) : 1065–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902350629.
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Manchuria is slowly beginning to rival Shanghai in popularity as a topic for new work in Republican Chinese history. As in Shanghai, it is clear that the most crucial questions about nationalism, war, stability and modernization all came to a head in the north-eastern provinces of China. Ronald Suleski's book is a welcome addition to the studies on these topics, providing an innovative and well-supported argument to show that, far from being merely a desert of endless warlord battles, the early Republic (1911–1928) was a time when differing ideas of the way forward for China battled for supremacy.
18
Hogic, Nedim. « The European Union’s Economic Conditionality and Europeanization of the Western Balkans ». Southeastern Europe 46, no 2 (31 octobre 2022) : 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-46020001.
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Abstract This article evaluates the role that the economic conditionality of the European Union (EU) toward the six Western Balkan countries may play in the transformation of these countries as a part of their EU accession process. The article is a case study of a temporary policy shift that occurred in 2014 in relation to conditions that Bosnia and Herzegovina must fulfill to qualify for opening negotiations on EU membership. It also aims to address what this shift has achieved for the Europeanization of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its progress towards EU accession. The shift, implemented via an economic plan called the Reform Agenda, was an attempt at Europeanization of the country’s economic policies that temporarily put aside the constitutional reform demands that had previously dominated the Europeanization discourse. After the first five years of the Reform Agenda, moderate gains primarily in the domain of economic development and fiscal stability were made; however, political fragmentation and nationalistic and secessionist ideas have prevented the reforms from making a stronger impact. Additionally, the lack of a defined desired outcome in terms of measurable economic reforms and the inadequate planning by the EU were not conducive to a more transformative impact.
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Seferović, Relja. « Preachers, Sermons, and State Authorities in late Baroque Dubrovnik ». Slovene 6, no 2 (2017) : 648–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.2.28.
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In order to keep its traditional neutrality in foreign policy and to preserve inner stability after the disastrous earthquake of 1667, the state authorities of the Republic of Dubrovnik controlled the entire public life in this city-state, which was clamped between Ottoman and Venetian possessions on the coast of the south Adriatic. They managed to impose their will on archbishops of the local Church in various aspects of religious life, including the election of public preachers in the city cathedral. Treated as simple officials in service of the government, these clerics (mostly members of various religious orders who came from Italy) played their role according to their employers’ desires, with only formal concern for their flock. However, sermons by their local counterparts, who preached mostly in smaller city churches, left a deeper mark in this highly conservative Catholic milieu. An analysis of their experiences and preserved texts of their sermons offers a new perception of the political, social, linguistic, and even theological culture of late Baroque Dubrovnik, a city whose importance remained incomparable within the Slavonic world in the Mediterranean.
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HOWLETT, JONATHAN J. « ‘The British boss is gone and will never return’ : Communist takeovers of British companies in Shanghai (1949–1954) ». Modern Asian Studies 47, no 6 (22 avril 2013) : 1941–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000140.
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AbstractIn May 1949 the Chinese Communist Party seized Shanghai. Rather than being elated at the prospect of harnessing the economic power of China's largest city to complete the revolution, the Communists approached it cautiously. How would the Chinese Communist Party set about transforming this free-wheeling port city with a ‘semi-colonial’ past into an orderly and socialist city? How would it balance ideology and pragmatism in reshaping Shanghai? This paper uses the takeover of two British companies as case studies to explore these issues at the ground level. It is argued that the means by which these companies were transformed tell us much about the Party and its state-building policies. When cadres entered foreign companies, their priority was not radical change and anti-imperialism, but rather fostering a sense of stability and unity to avoid disrupting production. Their gradual approach was due in large part to the Party's awareness of its own limited skills, resources and manpower, but also to its leaders and cadres recognizing that before they could remake Shanghai anew they had first to deal with the material and human legacies of the past.
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Gaman-Golutvina, O., et M. Dudaeva. « Center-Regional Relations in Italy ». International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no 1 (2022) : 6–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.6.
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The article examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the development of center-regional relations on the example of the Italian Republic. The pandemic has become a serious test of the effectiveness and strength of interaction between central governments and regions, and analysis of the socio-political results of almost two years of the difficult test makes it possible to clarify the understanding of the nature of modern Italian regionalism, and allows us to present a forecast for its further development. The study of this research is inscribed in a broad analytical and historical context. The conceptualization of analytical tools has been clarified, including the concepts of decentralization, regionalization, federalization, devolution, separatism, irredentism, autonomism. Political decentralization in Italy is considered in a historical retrospective by analyzing the goals, drivers and main milestones of the emergence and development of autonomist and separatist projects, including taking into account the study of the "North-South" issue. Various alternatives for the further evolution of center-periphery relations are considered, taking into account the negative impact of the pandemic. The conclusion is argued that the central government as a whole has demonstrated the ability to mobilize and pursue a flexible policy that meets social demand in key parameters, as a result of which society has rallied around the anti-crisis agenda and increased support for the central government. At this stage, it is considered that a relative public agreement has been reached taking into account the increase of current problems in case of active support of separatist political actors. Provided that the national government develops a further effective policy that keeps in mind the needs of the regions, it will help maintain the stability of the center-regional relations for the future.
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Davey, Dolores, et Andrew Pithouse. « Schooling and Looked after Children : Exploring Contexts and Outcomes in Standard Attainment Tests (SATS) ». Adoption & ; Fostering 32, no 3 (octobre 2008) : 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030857590803200308.
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Dolores Davey and Andrew Pithouse outline the findings from a longitudinal case study which ran from 2002 to 2006 and explored the educational achievement of all the young people looked after (in foster and residential care) in one local authority in South Wales. Among this group were 14 young people at a point one year before taking their Standard Attainment Tests (SATS), which are applied universally in UK schools. They were then followed up to the age at which they could complete any General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) exams. Hence, the young people's school history was tracked from the beginning of school Year 9 (sample age 13 years), at the end of which they took their SATS, through to the end of school Year 11 (sample age 15 years), at which point GCSEs are normally taken. This article focuses mainly on the outcome of the SATS and the looked after arrangements of the 14 young people in the year leading to these important tests. The authors' concluding comments refer briefly to their Year 11 outcomes in order to indicate continuities and changes in attainment. The SATs results are presented in a context of school attendance, the type and stability of care placements and education moves. Associations between schooling and separation are explored using an analysis of trajectories and outcomes that reveal how and why some young people clearly achieve while others do not. In doing so, the article seeks to add to studies and policy pronouncements in this field that too often represent looked after children by their collective statistical failure rather than by notable differences in educational outcomes and related circumstances.
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Widiastuti, Rr Siti Kurnia. « Research Method for Exploring Discourse on the Rights for Religion for Transgender ». ESENSIA : Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 18, no 1 (20 mai 2018) : 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/esensia.v18i1.1473.
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This paper explores several research methods used by researchers and published in various scientific journals to examine transgender issues in various countries. Transgender individuals are one of the gender-based minorities in social life. They live in uncomfortable conditions. They face life’s problems, which include problems in expressing religious rights, economic stability, and getting professional jobs. Like other human beings, they also have the right as citizens. These rights include civil rights, including religious rights, political rights, and social rights. There are several research methodologies that may be appropriate to be applied in research on transgender-related issues, namely life history, ethnography, phenomenology, feminist approach, textual or hermeneutic interpretation, and case studies.[Tulisan ini mengeksplorasi beberapa metode penelitian yang digunakan oleh para peneliti yang dipublikasikan dalam berbagai jurnal ilmiah untuk meneliti isu-isu transgender di berbagai negara. Para individu transgender merupakan salah satu kelompok minoritas berdasarkan gender di dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat. Mereka hidup dalam kondisi yang tidak nyaman. Mereka menghadapi berbagai problem kehidupan, yang termasuk di dalamnya adalah problem dalam mengekspresikan hak beragama, stabilitas ekonomi, dan mendapatkan pekerjaan profesional. Sebagaimana layaknya manusia lainnya, mereka juga memiliki hak sebagai warga negara. Hak tersebut antara lain adalah hak sipil yang termasuk di dalamnya hak beragama, hak berpolitik, dan hak bersosial. Ada beberapa metodologi penelitian yang mungkin sesuai untuk diterapkan dalam penelitian pada isu-isu yang berkaitan dengan transgender, yaitu sejarah hidup (life history), etnografi, fenomenologi, pendekatan feminis, interpretasi teks atau hermeneutik, dan studi kasus.](This article is based on a preliminary of Dissertation that is written by Rr. Siti Kurnia Widiastuti for an Inter-Religious Study (IRS), Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.)
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Barnes, Nicole Elizabeth. « Disease in the Capital : Nationalist Health Services and the ‘Sick [Wo]man of East Asia’ in Wartime Chongqing ». European Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no 2 (2012) : 283–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-20121108.
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The Chongqing Bureau of Public Health, established shortly after the Nationalists relocated to the wartime capital, faced frequent air raids, rampant inflation, and acute personnel shortages. Still it accomplished an astonishing amount of work, demonstrating its commitment to public health as a barometer of modernity, national stability, and political fitness. The Bureau also treated male and female bodies differently, institutionalizing gender roles through its public health administration. This paper illustrates differences between medical care for men and women, arguing that Chongqing health officials’ myopic focus on maternal issues when discussing women’s healthcare, their failure to address highly skewed gender ratios in the patient reports and vaccination statistics that their office received on a monthly basis, and the relatively late opening of the city’s most substantial maternal health facilities, all point to male-centric priorities within the administration. Military health took priority not only because of the war, but because soldiers’ health conditions and facilities were so appallingly dismal. Thus, wartime health conditions reveal the continued haunting of modern China’s great specter, the “Sick Man of East Asia,” and two types of disease in the wartime capital: the Nationalist state, politically diseased, failed to protect its civilians and soldiers from common diseases.
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Dmitrieva, Zoia, Marina Rumynskaia et Tatiana Sazonova. « Belozersk Monasteries in Crisis Years (1570s – 1610s) ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 5 (novembre 2021) : 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.6.
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Introduction. The article examines the situation of the monasteries of the Belozersk region in the last quarter of the 16th century – the first decade of the 17th century: regional manifestation of crisis phenomena, the reasons for their occurrence, the degree of influence of individual factors (epidemic, famine, foreign invasion). Methods and materials. The topic is disclosed using the methods of historical research (analysis, synthesis, external and internal criticism of documents). The source base was made up of acts and monastic business books, including inventory of property. Analysis. In the last quarter of the 16th century – the first decade of the 17th century the Russian state was going through a deep crisis, which was observed in all aspects of the life of Russian society: political, dynastic, economic and social; it was intensified by the great famine of 1601–1603. During these years monasteries remained centers of economic stability, providing the brethren, servants, ministers and beggars with the necessary products and household items. In the years of famine, grain from the monastic granaries was “loaned” to the peasants for consumption and sowing. The devastation of the monastic economy and the physical destruction of the population began in the Time of Troubles. As a result, the authors came to the following conclusions: the crisis of the last quarter of the 16th century and the Great Famine of the early 17th century did not lead to degradation and disruption of the traditional way of life in the region; the destruction of Belozersk monasteries begins in 1612 and continues until 1618; only the Kirillov Monastery, headed by Abbot Matthew, was able to organize the defense and protect the fortress, preserving the Cyril’s heritage from the Polish-Cossack plunder.
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Vaughan, Mary Kay. « Primary Education and Literacy in Nineteenth-Century Mexico : Research Trends, 1968-1988 ». Latin American Research Review 25, no 1 (1990) : 31–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023190.
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Mexico as a nation has endowed education with magical meaning. From the moment when twelve Franciscans set foot in the New World in 1524 to evangelize, education assumed a transforming mission in Mexico. If schooling during the colonial period slumped into the less grandiose task of transmitting relatively fixed values and knowledge to new generations, it resumed its transforming role with the Enlightenment. Under the Bourbon kings, the first steps were taken toward introducing free primary education as a means of modernizing society. With independence, liberals and conservatives alike came to perceive primary schooling as critical to citizen formation, political stability, and economic progress. But the obstacles to realizing mass literacy have been multiple and prolonged. In 1910 an estimated 68 percent of all Mexican adults could not read. Yet even this limited proportion of literate adults were active and contributed significantly to the Revolution of 1910.
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Bdoyan, David. « Historical background and consequences of the kanal Istanbul construction ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, no 6 (2022) : 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080021146-7.
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The security and stability of the Black Sea Region is vital for the interests of Russia. The current status of the Black Sea Straits, which is regulated by the 1936 Montreux Convention, generally ensures this security. A destabilizing factor for the region may become Turkey’s desire to strengthen control over the Straits and the construction of an alternative channel, which will be under Turkish jurisdiction and which will not be subject to the Montreux Convention. The construction of the Kanal Istanbul in the context of global instability and the existence of serious contradictions between Western countries and Russia can lead to an imbalance of forces in the Black Sea region. In this regard, this article provides a brief historical overview of how Russia has defended its vital interests in this region over the centuries, as well as how the control over the passage from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean by the different actors was influencing the balance of power in the region. In addition, for a better understanding of the military, political, economic, and ecological consequences of the construction of the Kanal Istanbul the article analyzes the current situation around this project using a matrix of interests. Consequently, by studying the historical and modern processes taking place in the Black Sea region, and also considering the importance of this region for the security and economic well-being of Russia, the author came to the conclusion that the future status of the Kanal Istanbul should be included in the Russian-Turkish agenda.
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Abell, P. « History, Case Studies, Statistics, and Causal Inference ». European Sociological Review 25, no 5 (23 décembre 2008) : 561–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcn072.
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Piirimäe, Kaarel. « “Tugev Balti natsionalistlik keskus” ning Nõukogude välispropaganda teel sõjast rahuaega ja külma sõtta [Abstract : “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda : from war to peace and toward the Cold War] ». Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no 4 (10 septembre 2019) : 305–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.03.
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Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War
This special issue focuses on censorship, but it is difficult to treat censorship without also considering propaganda. This article discusses both censorship and foreign propaganda as complementary tools in the Soviet Union’s arsenal for manipulating public opinion in foreign countries. The purpose of such action was to shape the behaviour of those states to further Soviet interests. The article focuses on the use of propaganda and censorship in Soviet efforts to settle the “Baltic question”– the question of the future of the Baltic countries – in the 1940s. This was the time when the wartime alliance was crumbling and giving way to a cold-war confrontation.
The article is based on Russian archival sources. The Molotov collection (F. 82), materials of the department of propaganda and agitation of the Central Committee (CC) of the CPSU (F. 17, opis 125), and of the CC department of international information (F. 17, opis 128) are stored in the Russian State Archive of Socio-political History (RGASPI). The collection of the Soviet Information Bureau (F. R8581) is located at the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). The article also draws on previous research on Soviet propaganda, such as Vladimir Pechatnov’s and Wolfram Eggeling’s studies on the work of the Soviet Information Bureau (SIB) and on discussions in the Soviet propaganda apparatus in the early postwar years. However, this article digs somewhat deeper and alongside general developments, also looks at a particular case – the Baltic problem in the Soviet contest with the West for winning hearts and minds. It analyses Soviet policies without attempting to uncover and reconstruct all the twists and turns of the decision-making processes in Moscow. The archival material is insufficient for the latter task. Nevertheless, a look into the making of Soviet propaganda, the techniques and practices utilised to bring Soviet influence to bear on an important foreign-policy issue (the Baltic problem), is interesting for scholars working not only on propaganda and censorship but also on the history of the Soviet Union and Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
The Baltic question was related, among other things, to the problem of repatriating people from the territories of the Soviet Union who had been displaced during the Second World War and were located in Western Europe at the war’s end. Moscow claimed that all these displaced persons (DPs) were Soviet citizens. This article helps correct the view, expressed for example by the Finnish scholar Simo Mikkonen, that the Soviet propaganda campaign to attract the remaining 247,000 recalcitrants back home started after a UN decision of 1951 that condemned repatriation by force. This article clearly shows that propaganda policies aimed at the DPs were in place almost immediately after the war, resting on the war-time experience of conducting propaganda aimed at national minorities in foreign countries. However, Mikkonen is right to point out that, in general, repatriation after the Second World War was a success, as approximately five million people in total returned to the USSR. The Baltic refugees were a notable exception in this regard.
Research shows that despite displays of obligatory optimism, Soviet propagandists could critically evaluate the situation and the effectiveness of Soviet agitation. They understood that war-time successes were the result of the coincidence of a number of favourable factors: victories of the Red Army, Allied censorship and propaganda, the penetration by Soviet agents of the British propaganda apparatus, etc. They knew that the British media was extensively controlled and served as a virtual extension of Soviet censorship and propaganda. Nevertheless, the Soviets were wrong to assume that in the West, the free press was nothing but an empty slogan. Moscow was also wrong to expect that the Western media, which had worked in the Soviet interest during the war, could as easily be turned against the Soviet Union as it had been directed to support the USSR by political will. In actual fact, the Soviet Union started receiving negative press primarily because earlier checks on journalistic freedom were lifted.
The Soviet Union may have been a formidable propaganda state internally, but in foreign propaganda it was an apprentice. Soviet propagandists felt inferior compared to their Western counterparts, and rightly so. In October of 1945, an official of the SIB noted jealously that the Foreign Department of the British Information Ministry had two thousand clerks and there were four hundred British propagandists in the United States alone. Another Soviet official in the London embassy noted in February of 1947 that they had so few staff that he was working under constant nervous strain.
Soviet propagandists were aware of the problems but could not effect fundamental changes because of the nature of the Stalinist regime. The issue of foreign journalists working in Moscow was a case in point. The correspondents were handicapped in their work by extremely strict censorship. They could report mostly only those things that also appeared in Soviet newspapers, which was hardly interesting for their readers in the West. There had been suggestions that some restrictions should be lifted so that they could do more useful work and tell more interesting and attractive stories about the Soviet Union. Eventually, during Stalin’s first postwar vacation in the autumn of 1945, Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov took the initiative and tried to ease the life of the press corps, but this only served to provoke the ire of Stalin who proceeded to penalise Molotov in due course. This showed that the system could not be changed as long as the extremely suspicious vozhd remained at the helm. Not only did correspondents continue to send unexciting content to newspapers abroad (which often failed to publish them), the form and style of Soviet articles, photos and films were increasingly unattractive for foreign audiences. Such propaganda could appeal only to those who were already “believers”. It could hardly convert.
Moscow considered the activities of Baltic refugees in the West and the publicity regarding the Baltic problem a serious threat to the stability of the Soviet position in the newly occupied Baltic countries. Already during the war, but even more vigorously after the war, the Soviet propaganda apparatus realised the importance of tuning and adapting its propaganda messages for audiences among the Baltic diaspora. The Soviet bureaucracy expanded its cadres to enable it to tackle the Baltic “threat”. Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian officials were dispatched to the central organs in Moscow and to Soviet embassies abroad to provide the necessary language skills and qualifications for dealing with Baltic propaganda and working with the diaspora.
The policy was to repatriate as many Balts as possible, but it was soon clear that repatriation along with the complementary propaganda effort was a failure. The next step was to start discrediting leaders of the Baltic diaspora and to isolate them from the “refugee masses”. This effort also failed. The “anti-Soviet hotbed” of “intrigues and espionage” – the words of the Estonian party boss Nikolai Karotamm – continued to operate in Sweden, the United States and elsewhere until the end of the Cold War. All this time, the diaspora engaged in anti-Communist propaganda and collaborated with Western propaganda and media organisations, such as the Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and even Vatican Radio. In the 1980s and 1990s, the diaspora was instrumental in assisting Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to regain their independence from the collapsing Soviet Union. They also helped their native countries to “return to Europe” – that is to join Western structures such as the European Union and NATO. Therefore, the inability to deal with the Baltic problem effectively in the 1940s caused major concerns for the Soviet Union throughout the Cold War and contributed to its eventual demise.
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Park, Zin-Wan. « Civic Education in a Democratic Republic- Focusing on the review of populism from the perspective of constitutional theory ». Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 28, no 2 (31 août 2022) : 157–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2022.28.2.157.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Among several important constitutional principles, populist constitutionalism emphasizes the principle of popular sovereignty or popular sovereignty. The principle of popular sovereignty is not only an important ideology of democracy, but also an important ideology of populism. The principle of popular sovereignty in harmony with representative democracy accepts the principle of rule of law as an essential component, whereas the principle of absolute popular sovereignty pursued by populism seems to be incompatible with the principle of rule of law. This is where the incompatibility between populism and liberal constitutionalism begins.
Although populism's critique of liberal constitutionalism provides a very important insight into structural problems in liberal democracy, populist constitutionalism ultimately leads to the completion of an authoritarian or dictatorial ruling system to maintain their permanent maintenance of political dominance. It poses a serious threat to democracy in that it seeks to justify it through constitutional amendment or constitutional enactment.
As the legal-practical approach of populism, the instrumentalist approach holds that the legal values pursued by populism are determined according to how effectively they are useful as a tool for environmental domination that well explains and predicts current social phenomena. This instrumentalist approach can be seen to contain elements of an opportunistic and seditious nature within it. Paradoxically, using the instrumentalist approach of the populists to overthrow the liberal-democratic constitutional system and to realize their political programs, the most used tool is also the constitution.
Populists criticize the liberal understanding of constitutionalism and the rule of law.
Their critique is the constitutional control mechanism for political phenomena based on liberal constitutionalism. What they criticize is the control of politics through the rule of law, that is, the establishment of limits for political domains through the law, that is, the pursuit of depoliticization through the law. Populists prefer the theoretical approach for critique of liberal constitutionalism and the arguments formed through it, and they share and spread their opinions on it through various media as well as various media.
Despite these populists' criticisms of liberal constitutionalism and the rule of law, the starting point of the constitutional evaluation of populism must be evaluated from the perspective of democracy and the rule of law from the point of view of the liberal constitutionalism they criticize.
A democratic constitutional state attempts to find a constitutional theory formed within the framework of a constitutional system in the rule of law, as a clue to solving problems related to various domestic and international political phenomena such as populism. The principle of the rule of law, which has justice, legal stability, and proportionality as its ideological components, is a dynamic constitutional concept that can be continuously developed. Therefore, in relation to the continuous development of the principle of the rule of law and the guarantee of the possibility of formation, the constitutional order is newly formed and developed dynamically in the form of populism in the conceptual framework of the modern rule of law, which has been confirmed through the practice of law and the theory of law. What legal control standards can be established and suggested over the political realities that exist? Otherwise, a democratic constitutional state must be able to develop and develop a new constitutional interpretation that seeks an appropriate and balanced point that can accommodate constitutional-developmental constitutional policies based on populism to some extent within the scope of the constitutional order.
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Costalli, Stefano, et Francesco N. Moro. « Political Transitions and Macro-level Foundations of Political Stability ». Ethnopolitics 18, no 5 (22 juillet 2019) : 462–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1640504.
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Yun, Hee-Sung, et Seong-Soon Cho. « The Effect of Vessel Employment Types on the Cash Flow Volatility of Shipping Companies ». Korea International Trade Research Institute 18, no 5 (31 octobre 2022) : 159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jiyc.22.5.202210.159.
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Purpose - There are two different vessel employment types in shipping: providing cargo transport services and letting vessels out to other shipping companies. The former is typically in the form of voyage charters or contract of affreightments, and the latter, time charters or trip time charters. This paper analyzes the effect of vessel employment types on the cash flow volatility (CFV) of shipping companies.
Design/Methodology/Approach - A historical simulation was performed to measure the relationship between transport voyage ratio (TVR, as a proxy of vessel employment type) and realized CFV. The CFV without (Case 1) and with (Case 2) the variation of freight and bunker prices was captured by simulation, and then the relationship was identified by regression analysis. Time series data from Clarkson Research was used to simulate revenues and costs.
Findings - The results show that the TVR of shipping companies is closely related to the CFV. The TVR reveals a strong positive relation with the CFV both in Case 1 and Case 2, where other determinants, i.e. hire and bunker prices, are included.
Research Implications - The relationship between vessel employment types and CFV has been neglected in shipping research. This is a novel attempt to analyze the effect of TVR on the CFV of shipping companies. The forecast of CFV is crucial because it is closely related to the financial stability of shipping companies. This research has a practical meaning in enhancing the visibility of corporate CFV in addition to academic contribution in uncovering an additional determinant of CFV.
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Trinkunas, Harold A. « The Crisis in Venezuelan Civil-Military Relations : From Punto Fijo to the Fifth Republic ». Latin American Research Review 37, no 1 (2002) : 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910001935x.
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AbstractFor many who thought of Venezuela as a consolidated democracy, the 1992 coup attempts came as a complete surprise. Those familiar with the deterioration of its democratic regime, in contrast, were more surprised that the coups did not succeed. This article provides an institution-centered explanation of the puzzle of why the 1992 coup attempts occurred, why they failed, and why the Venezuelan military has remained quiescent in the years that followed. Institutions of civilian control created during the post-1958 “Punto Fijo” period, particularly those based on fragmenting the officer corps, prevented the collapse of the democratic regime in 1992. These same institutions allowed civilians to regain authority over the armed forces during the Rafael Caldera administration and have ensured the subordination of the armed forces to elected authorities to the present. It is also argued that the institutional basis for civilian control has been dismantled during the Fifth Republic, heightening the likelihood of future civil-military conflict and threatening regime stability.
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Tharadara, G. D. « Atypical Fracture of Axis With False Localising Sign ». Back Bone Journal 2, no 1 (2021) : 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.13107/bbj.2021.v02i01.019.
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Introduction: Injuries of upper cervical spine many times associated with false localizing signs as a neurological deficit means there is a no clinic-radiological correlation. Purpose of this case report is to diagnose rare clinical presentation due to injury of pyramidal tract decussating at lower medulla. Method and Materials: A 21 years old male patient presented with traumatic quadriplegia (Frankel-A). Primary treatment was given along with immobilization of neck with collar. Routine X-ray of cervical spine was taken. X-ray was showing shear fracture of C 2 vertebra with intact dens. Crucified tong was inserted. Methyl Prednisolon injection in proper dose within 8 hours was given. (NASCIS II) CT SCAN was done to know exact fracture geometry. It was showing a fracture of C2 body in an oblique plane shearing off in one piece with the dens tilted towards right side and with subluxation of C1-C2 articular process on left side. Clinically patient improved in 24 hours in form of 4/5 power grade in all limbs except left upper limb. Left upper limb shoulder and elbow muscle power was grade 2/5 and o/5 in hand. Bladder/bowel was improved. Even though there was a weakness of left upper limb, but reflexes were preserved remarkably (Cruciate paralysis as a false localizing sign). Considering atypical unstable fracture, open indirect reduction of C-1-2 done from posteriorly and stabilization done with apofix clamps after fusion between C1-C2 posterior arches. Result: Patient had Frankel grade-A on admission. At three months follow up patient had almost full neurological recovery except finger grip power grade was 4/5. On final follow up at 12 months, neurology improved to Frankel grade-E. He had no neck pain with mild restriction of rotation. X-ray of cervical spine in flexion-extension shows stability and fusion of C1-C2 posterior elements. Conclusion: Atypical clinical presentation like cruciate paralysis as a false localizing sign should be kept in mind while dealing with fracture of upper cervical spine. As this fracture has good prognosis, proper treatment is needed. If close reduction is not achieved then open reduction and stabilization with fusion will provide early mobilization and faster neurological recovery. Keywords: Fracture; Axis; Cruciate; Paralysis.
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Palmer, Alison, Frank Chalk et Kurt Jonassohn. « The History and Sociology of Genocide. Analyses and Case Studies ». British Journal of Sociology 44, no 1 (mars 1993) : 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591693.
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BREITINGER, ECKHARD. « Theatre and Political Mobilisation : Case Studies from Uganda ». Matatu 11, no 1 (26 avril 1994) : 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-90000057.
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Iati, Iati. « Samoa's Price for 25 Years of Political Stability ». Journal of Pacific History 48, no 4 (décembre 2013) : 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2013.841537.
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Kenny, Michael. « The Case for Disciplinary History : Political Studies in the 1950s and 1960s ». British Journal of Politics and International Relations 6, no 4 (novembre 2004) : 565–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2004.00159.x.
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Bayar, Murat, et Andreas Kotelis. « Democratic Peace or Hegemonic Stability ? The Imia/Kardak Case ». Turkish Studies 15, no 2 (3 avril 2014) : 242–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2014.933948.
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DAVIES, SARA E. « Healthy populations, political stability, and regime type : Southeast Asia as a case study ». Review of International Studies 40, no 5 (25 novembre 2014) : 859–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210514000321.
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AbstractOver the past decade, there have been increased attempts to understand the contributing factors to the relationship between healthy populations (that is, populations that have long life expectancy from birth), the prevention of conflict, and governance regimes that enable ‘healthy nations’ to survive and thrive. These studies have been largely informed by longitudinal studies on the positive relationship between regime type, provision of health care, and conflict prevention. This article examines what insights a comparison of postconflict countries in a regional setting may provide to challenge or indeed extend the findings advanced so far in the literature on the relationship between regime type and health insecurity. The Southeast Asian experience confirms the obvious – that the cessation of armed conflict is related to improved health outcomes. However, it challenges presumptions that democratisation plays a significant role in shaping this relationship.
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Belloni, Roberto, et Francesco N. Moro. « Stability and Stability Operations : Definitions, Drivers, Approaches ». Ethnopolitics 18, no 5 (18 juillet 2019) : 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1640503.
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Khan, Imran, Ali Shan Shah et Muhammad Azhar. « Political Stability and Institutionalization in Pakistan : an Overview of Major Political Developments During 2008-2016 ». Review of Economics and Development Studies 5, no 1 (30 mars 2019) : 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/reads.v5i1.565.
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Political development refers to the significance of institutionalization and is a closely interrelated trend of modernization. Political development in a state depends on political participation while political participation depends on institutionalization. Political stability increases the prospects for civilian rule, and institutionalization strengthens the political system. Political history of Pakistan presents the infrequent institutionalization of political system for democratic stability and the political experiences of Pakistan are just a posed in order to understand the problems of political institutionalization. This paper explores the close relationship between institutionalization, political development and political stability, and also highlights the views provided by different social scientists in an explanation of these terms. The purpose of this study is to evaluates the democratic process and major political developments during 2008-2016 as a case study because this is the unique era for political stability and institutionalization in the political history of Pakistan.
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O'Brien, Jay, Douglas H. Johnson, David M. Anderson, Donald Curtis, Michael Hubbard, Andrew Shepherd, Mohamed Lamine Gakou et A. M. Berrett. « The Ecology of Survival : Case Studies from Northeast African History ». International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no 3 (1989) : 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220240.
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Agnew, Hugh LeCaine. « Noble Natio and Modern Nation : The Czech Case ». Austrian History Yearbook 23 (janvier 1992) : 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002885.
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Czech nationalism differs in one important respect from its Polish and Hungarian counterparts: the Czech nation did not have a “national” aristocracy. As a result, so the conventional wisdom goes, when the modern Czech nationalist movement emerged, even its leading elites were only a few generations removed from the countryside, giving it a supposedly more egalitarian and bourgeois coloring. This affected its ideology and political program, and by extension, helped account for the relative stability of the interwar Czechoslovak democracy, the most successful of the “successor states.”
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Kovaleva, Elena. « Different styles of political transition : The case of Ukraine ». European Legacy 1, no 1 (mars 1996) : 350–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579418.
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Dupont, Christophe. « History and Coalitions : The Vienna Congress (1814–1815) ». International Negotiation 8, no 1 (2003) : 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234003769590703.
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AbstractThis note describes and analyzes the coalition patterns that developed during the 1814–1815 Congress of Vienna negotiations. Useful insights for theory and practice are derived from this historical case, including the dynamics of stability, complexity and ambiguity on the value and effectiveness of coalitions.
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Ghosh, Arunabh. « Before 1962 : The Case for 1950s China-India History ». Journal of Asian Studies 76, no 3 (20 juillet 2017) : 697–727. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911817000456.
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China-India history of the 1950s remains mired in concerns related to border demarcations and a teleological focus on the causes, course, and consequences of the war of 1962. The result is an overt emphasis on diplomatic and international history of a rather narrow form. In critiquing this narrowness, this article offers an alternate chronology accompanied by two substantive case studies. Taken together, they demonstrate that an approach that takes seriously cultural, scientific, and economic life leads to different sources and different historical arguments than an approach focused on political (and especially high political) life. Such a shift in emphasis, away from conflict and onto moments of contact, comparison, cooperation, and competition, can contribute fresh perspectives not just on the histories of China and India, but also on the histories of the Global South.
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Holland, P. « Cook's Case in History and Myth ». Historical Research 61, no 144 (1 février 1988) : 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1988.tb01988.x.
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Sheng, Chunhong. « Petitioning and Social Stability in China : Case Studies of Anti-nuclear Sentiment ». VOLUNTAS : International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 30, no 2 (5 novembre 2018) : 381–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-018-00065-5.
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Müller-Dempf, Harald K. « Generation-sets : stability and change, with special reference to Toposa and Turkana societies ». Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, no 3 (octobre 1991) : 554–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00000896.
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Generation- and age-set systems are found in many parts of the world. They are of particular importance in Africa, and especially in East Africa where some ethnic groups operate socio-political and cultural systems in which generation-sets play a dominant role. Ethnographic descriptions of generation-set systems abound, but their theoretical understanding seems still to be inadequate. With examples from the Toposa and Turkana, this paper aims to contribute to the theory of generation-set systems. Moreover, the processes described and the ideas expressed may also contribute to the general theory of socio-political and cultural systems.