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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Political violence – Europe »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

KERSHAW, IAN. "War and Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe." Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (2005): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002164.

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This article takes the obvious link between war and political violence in twentieth-century Europe to ask three questions. Did the cause of such a massive upsurge in violence have roots extending beyond the technologies of modern warfare? What shapes the relative propensity of states and societies towards violence? And what is specifically ‘modern’ (other than the technology of destruction) about mass killing in the twentieth century? It finds answers in the use of popular sovereignty to justify unprecedented ethnic conflict, in a mix of ingredients linked to political culture and contested st

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Solomos, John. "Racist violence in Europe." International Affairs 71, no. 2 (1995): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623514.

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Pargeter, Alison. "North African Immigrants in Europe and Political Violence." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 29, no. 8 (2006): 731–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100600701990.

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Schumann, Dirk. "Europa, der Erste Weltkrieg und die Nachkriegszeit: Eine Kontinuität der Gewalt?" Journal of Modern European History 1, no. 1 (2003): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2003_1_24.

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Europe, the First World War, and its Aftermath: A Continuity of Violence? This essay summarizes the contributions of this volume and suggests paths for further research. Political and other violence, rather than resulting from a general «brutalization» of the soldiers on all sides, followed a pattern consistent with Theodor Schieder's threefold typology of the formation of nation-states in modern Europe. Violence was most pronounced in those parts of Eastern Europe where, after the collapse of authoritarian governments, new ideological conflicts exacerbated deep-rooted ethnic tensions. The vis

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Body-Gendrot, Sophie. "Urban Violence in Contemporary Europe." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 13, no. 1 (2005): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571817053558284.

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Häberlen, Joachim C. "Political violence and democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940." Modern & Contemporary France 24, no. 4 (2016): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2016.1188790.

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Skordos, Adamantios Theodor. "Ethno-Political Violence in Southeast Europe – The Cyprus Case." Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 19, no. 1 (2017): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15736512-01901027.

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Lutz, Brenda J., and James M. Lutz. "Political Violence in the Republic of Rome: Nothing New under the Sun." Government and Opposition 41, no. 4 (2006): 491–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00201.x.

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AbstractAt various times the Roman Republic faced outbreaks of domestic political violence, including riots and intimidation, assassinations and conspiracies to overthrow the government. Violence was particularly noticeable in the Early Republic and the Late Republic. These activities were quite similar to the terrorism and violence used by mobs and groups during the French Revolution and the tactics of fascists and leftists in Europe in the 1920s or 1930s. More accurately, the actions of mobs and others during the French Revolution and leftists and fascists in Europe were very similar to the

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SMITH, STEVE. "Comment on Kershaw." Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (2005): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002176.

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In his wide-ranging and thought-provoking analysis of war and political violence in twentieth-century Europe, Ian Kershaw contrasts the immense violence wrought in Europe in the first half of the century with its relatively pacific history in the second half. Resisting the temptation to think of the violence of the first half of the century as a dysfunctional interruption to an underlying tale of economic, social and political progress, the author poses three astute questions concerning: (i) the causes of state-sponsored violence; (ii) the reasons why some states presided over low levels of vi

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Eggert, Jennifer Philippa. "Researching Terrorism and Political Violence." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 6, no. 1 (2018): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v6i1.266.

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Professor Louise Richardson is a political scientist focusing on terrorism and political violence. She became Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford in January 2016, having previously served at the Universities of St. Andrews and Harvard. She has written widely on international terrorism, British foreign and defence policy, security, and international relations. Professor Richardson holds a BA in History from Trinity College Dublin, an MA in Political Science from UCLA as well as an MA and PhD in Government from Harvard University. She visited the University of Warwick in November 2017 to

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Pfeiffer, Christian. "Juvenile Crime and Violence in Europe." Crime and Justice 23 (January 1998): 255–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449272.

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GERWARTH, ROBERT, and JOHN HORNE. "The Great War and Paramilitarism in Europe, 1917–23." Contemporary European History 19, no. 3 (2010): 267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000160.

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AbstractIn this comparative conclusion, the authors consider some of the most influential trends in the historiography of political and paramilitary violence, with particular reference to the relationship between wartime and post-war violence. The heuristic value of the ‘aftershocks’ metaphor is considered, as are the advantages (and potential pitfalls) of the contributors’ transnational approach. Finally, the authors suggest an agenda for future research on paramilitary violence, which looks at the phenomenon in a global perspective.

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Holland, Alisha C., and Margaret E. Peters. "Explaining Migration Timing: Political Information and Opportunities." International Organization 74, no. 3 (2020): 560–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081832000017x.

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AbstractHow do migrants decide when to leave? Conventional wisdom is that violence and economic deprivation force migrants to leave their homes. However, long-standing problems of violence and poverty often cannot explain sudden spikes in migration. We study the timing of migration decisions in the critical case of Syrian and Iraqi migration to Europe using an original survey and embedded experiment, as well as interviews, focus groups, and Internet search data. We find that violence and poverty lead individuals to invest in learning about the migration environment. Political shifts in receivi

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Subotić, Jelena. "Out of Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (2015): 409–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415569763.

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What is the contribution of Eastern European scholarship to the study of human rights and transitional justice? This essay takes stock of the most significant empirical and theoretical contributions of the study of Eastern Europe, specifically the study of the difficult case of the former Yugoslavia, to the scholarship on transitional justice. I identify three main challenges the scholarship on the former Yugoslavia has presented to the larger field of transitional justice: the political challenge of multiple overlapping transitions, the inability of international institutions to effect domest

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Kury, Helmut, Joachim Obergfell-Fuchs, and Gunda Woessner. "The Extent of Family Violence in Europe." Violence Against Women 10, no. 7 (2004): 749–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801204265550.

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Gledhill, John. "States of Contention: State-Led Political Violence in Post-Socialist Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 1 (2005): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270967.

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Throughout the 1990s, Romania's transition from authoritarianism was witness to repeated instances of intense collective violence. Specifically, miners from the country's Jiu Valley region descended on Bucharest—attacking civilians, offices of the free press, and the headquarters of opposition parties. This article attends to the strikes of June 1990 and, in so doing, addresses the broader issue of political violence during the early phases of a political transition. As one of the few cases of (nonethnic) transitional violence in Central and Eastern Europe, the miners' strikes have been put fo

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Banke, Cecilie Felicia Stokholm. "Kustode – et essay om skønhed og udyr i Europas erindring." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 60 (March 9, 2018): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i60.103985.

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During the past two decades, memory culture surrounding the Second World War has developed from a narrow focus on “when we were at war” to the current broader focus on complex and universal issues such as human rights, reconciliation, justice, and atonement. This development has given the war and Holocaust museums a dynamic position within the current political culture of Europe. But what do we actually remember when we insist on keeping alive the memory of the Holocaust, genocide, and political mass violence: The lives which were lost during these atrocities? Or the violence that created the

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Smail, Daniel Lord. "Violence and Predation in Late Medieval Mediterranean Europe." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 1 (2012): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000570.

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In the full-text databases of Latin sources from Europe from the period between 400 and 1500, the Latin word for violence crops up around two thousand times, about as often as “justice” (2,400) though not as often as other interesting words like “envy” (6,000) or “vengeance” (3,800). The frequency of use of the word, adjusted for the vagaries of survival, reveals an interesting trend. From the tenth to the eleventh centuries, an age of predatory castellans and violent territorial expansion, the frequency nearly doubles in the extant literature, and remains high for several centuries to come. T

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Rodriguez Martinez, Pilar. "Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Scandinavia and Southern Europe." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 3 (2019): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341500.

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Abstract This article will focus on the significant differences shown by the data found by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) survey of women who may or may not have suffered physical Intimate Partner Violence against Women (IPVAW). The authors present the model and result of the discriminant function analysis that they carried out separately for the countries from southern Europe (Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, and Malta) and Scandinavia (Denmark, Finland, and Sweden). Their hypotheses were that women with less income, lower educational level, who are divorced, wh

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Asal, Victor, and Brian J. Phillips. "What explains ethnic organizational violence? Evidence from Eastern Europe and Russia." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 2 (2015): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894215614504.

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Why do some ethnopolitical organizations use violence? Research on substate violence often uses the state level of analysis, or only analyzes groups that are already violent. Using a resource mobilization framework drawn from a broad literature, we test hypotheses with new data on hundreds of violent and non-violent ethnopolitical organizations in Eastern Europe and Russia. Our study finds interorganizational competition, state repression and strong group leadership associated with organizational violence. Lack of popularity and holding territory are also associated with violence. We do not fi

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Ebner, Michael. "Donald Bloxham and Robert Gerwarth, editors. Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe." American Historical Review 117, no. 4 (2012): 1288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1288.

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Kalyvas, S. N. "Political Violence in Twentieth Century Europe, ed. Donald Bloxham and Robert Gerwarth." English Historical Review 128, no. 531 (2013): 470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ces396.

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Steege, Paul. "Donald Bloxham and Robert Gerwarth (eds), Political Violence in Twentieth Century Europe." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 4 (2012): 894–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009412450827e.

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Haspeslagh, Sophie. "Collective emotions and political violence: narratives of Islamist organisations in western Europe." International Affairs 100, no. 2 (2024): 869–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae044.

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Legvold, Robert, and John Borneman. "Settling Accounts: Violence, Justice, and Accountability in Postsocialist Europe." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 3 (1998): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048932.

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Mareš, Miroslav. "Strategies for Creating Insurgencies and Civil Wars in Europe :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (2012): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.33.

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The article assesses the role of violent acts committed by extremist forces in Europe. Through an understanding of contemporary social, ideological and political background it analyses selected strategies of insurgencies and civil wars that will remain an important element of Europe’s future security development. Islamist strategies and responses to left wing West European political and military power are described. From the perspective of extremist forces, the author concludes with a vision of Europe deeply dissected into extreme left and right wing politics of control underscored with threat

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Montalvão Sarmento, Cristina. "The Pathways to the war in Europe | Os caminhos da guerra na Europa." Political Observer | Revista Portuguesa de Ciência Política (Portuguese Journal of Political Science), no. 19 (December 11, 2023): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.59071/2795-4765.rpcp2023.19/pp.17-22.

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War broke out in Europe when Europeans were convinced of their lasting peace, based more on ideas than reality. Pacifism, the dream of Europeans in the 60s and 70s, was replaced by the violence of conflict. Analysts, historians, militaries, sociologists and other commentators on war have found it difficult to deal with the novelty of a nationalist war of defense in a global world. The global turn in political theory has been put to the test. In its analytical capacity, in the normative projection of the desired world in the face of the strategic and political reality of resources, multilateral

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Markwick, Roger D. "Violence to Velvet: Revolutions—1917 to 2017." Slavic Review 76, no. 3 (2017): 600–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.167.

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From their inception, the 1917 Russian Revolutions, specifically the October Revolution, have been synonymous with Bolshevik violence. In the course of the last century, almost all observers have believed that violence was inherent in the Russian revolutions and revolutions generally. Such views have obscured what a revolution actually is. Closer examination of the October Revolution confirms violence was not its defining feature. Further, the Bolsheviks conceived October as the opening salvo of international, socialist revolution; expectations largely crushed by overwhelming counter-revolutio

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Dancygier, Rafaela M., and David D. Laitin. "Immigration into Europe: Economic Discrimination, Violence, and Public Policy." Annual Review of Political Science 17, no. 1 (2014): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-082012-115925.

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Malmenvall, Simon. "Magnus Erlendsson, Medieval Ruler Martyrs and Realization of Christian Ideals amid (Political) Violence." Diacovensia 30, no. 1 (2022): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31823/d.30.1.1.

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The phenomenon of ruler martyrs was common between the tenth and twelfth centuries in the recently Christianized lands on the eastern and northern periphery of Europe—one of them were the Orkney Islands with jarl Magnus Erlendsson (died in 1115/1117). Like Christ, who gave his life for the peace and redemption of the world, Magnus gave his life for the peace and redemption of the people of the Orkneys. This also explains why the earliest texts produced on the peripheries of medieval Europe were all about local saints. Wherever God’s presence was manifested through a saintly ruler, his people w

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Panu, Mihai Adrian. "The biopolitics of violence: Instances of Anti-Semitism in interwar Romania." Journal of Education Culture and Society 6, no. 2 (2020): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20152.43.52.

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The primacy of totalitarian ideologies in interwar Europe represents even nowadays a major historiographical challenge due to its multicausal character and various forms of appearance. This paper attempts to analyze the anti-Semitic phenomenon in interwar Romania primarily by taking into account its determinant factors. We assume that the emergence of radical ideologies in Central and Eastern Europe can optimally be understood if both regional and systemic causes are properly highlighted. The regional causes include local societal predispositions, ethno-cultural cleavages and specific politica

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Manion, Kathleen, Laura H. V. Wright, Vanessa Currie, and Laura Lee. "Creative and participatory methods for bolstering violence prevention in schools in South East Europe through shifting social and gender norms." Intersections 9, no. 2 (2023): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v9i2.1117.

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Children have the right to be free from violence in schools, yet violence in schools persists. The social and gender norms, or unwritten rules of behavior that drive our collective beliefs, attitudes, and perspectives, perpetuate both positive and harmful behavior related to violence. However, social norms are malleable. To explore this further, the Regional‌ ‌Research‌ ‌on‌ ‌Violence‌ ‌Against‌ ‌Children‌ ‌in‌ ‌Schools‌ ‌in‌ ‌South‌ ‌East‌ ‌Europe project, supported by Terre des hommes and the Child Protection Hub and led by the International Institute on Child Rights and Development (IICRD)

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Hardy, Samuel Andrew. "Narratives of the provenance of art and antiquities on the market and the reality of origins at the source." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 32, no. 18 N.S. (2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.9022.

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This essay presents the findings of the International Conference on Handling of Cultural Goods and Financing of Political Violence and introduces provenance research that examines the market in Europe for antiquities from Asia and the market in North America for antiquities from Europe. It summarises findings, such as the involvement of violent political organisations, transnational organised criminals and politically-exposed persons (PEPs) in illicit trafficking of cultural objects. It also highlights some foundations for progress, such as enhanced traceability and due diligence in the art ma

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Likarchuk, Daria. "Political Terrorism: Forms of Manifestation." International Relations: Theory and Practical Aspects, no. 6 (December 9, 2020): 32–43. https://doi.org/10.31866/2616-745x.6.2020.218770.

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One individual's terrorist policy can turn into terrorism for the whole world. Terrorism has become one of the global problems of today. It affects all spheres of existence of modern society, especially the security, stability and functioning of political institutions of the state, the stability of a multilevel system of socio-political and international relations. The study of political terrorism is extremely important for modern Ukraine, where the problems of violence, along with economic, social, spiritual, ideological and others, do not allow the country to develop in the direction of

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Latter, Richard. "Policing the rising tide of violence in Europe." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 2, no. 3-4 (1994): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181194x00111.

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Morrissey, Susan K. "Terrorism and Ressentiment in Revolutionary Russia*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (2019): 191–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz027.

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Abstract During the late nineteenth century, revolutionary terrorism emerged as a political tactic in Europe and across the world, where it formed one part of anti-colonial, anti-capitalist and national liberation movements. While its public spectacle took advantage of the new media landscape to communicate affective and political messages, terrorism was ultimately a ‘weapon of the weak’, a means for individuals and small groups to fight against the increasingly powerful modern state. The turn to insurgent violence was consequently imbricated with the experience of state violence. Focusing on

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Onyango, Georgine Anyango, Pontian Godffrey Okoth, Kizito Muchanga Lusambili, and Lukes Ahaya Ochieng. "Colonialism, Weaponisation of Ethnicity & Intermittent Political Violence." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 7, no. 2 (2024): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v7i2.91.

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Ethnic conflicts have increased across the globe, and especially after the Cold war; and indeed affected various countries in Europe, Africa, Asia and America. In most of these cases, it has been triggered by struggles for the meagre resources and domination of political power. In Africa, studies on ethnic conflicts have indicated a strong interplay between ethnicity and the colonial phenomenon. This article endeavours to connect the intermittent political violence in Uasin Gishu, Kenya, within the purview of the colonial phenomenon particularly, when the violence was viewed historically as a

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Zahra, Tara. "Going West." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 4 (2011): 785–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398917.

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“Going West” explores the potential of integrating East European History into broader histories of Europe and the world. Placing the history of Eastern Europe in a European context, I argue, may enable us to challenge the tropes of backwardness, pathology, and violence that still dominate the field. I also suggest that historians explore the extent to which conceptions of minority rights, development, and humanitarianism first developed in Eastern Europe radiated beyond the region in the twentieth century.

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Gilby, Lynda. "Roggeband, C. & Krizsán, A. (2021) Politicizing gender and democracy in the context of the Istanbul Convention. Palgrave MacMillan." Intersections 7, no. 4 (2021): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.925.

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The Council of Europe Convention on Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, commonly referred to as ‘the Istanbul Convention,’ came into force in 2014, and is one of the most extensive legal and policy instruments on tackling violence against women (p. 2). However, opposition to the Istanbul Convention has become a focal point of broader opposition to gender equality in the European Union. This book explores the emergence and dynamics of this opposition. It investigates its implications for policies combating violence against women and contributes to scholarship of social movements, part

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Mourre, Martin. "L’Armée, la haute function publique et le massacre de Thiaroye en 1944 au Sénégal." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 1 (2022): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400105.

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This article focuses on the Thiaroye massacre on 1 December 1944. Senegalese tirailleurs returning from Europe were killed by their officers simply for claiming the money they were owed. In this article I do not focus on the course of events, nor even on their political consequences, but rather on the way the events were explained by French authorities just after the tragedy. I take as my subject the biographies of several figures from the French state who were involved in the narration of these events. I try to see how these men were socialised in similar spaces. I am more specifically intere

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Goodey, Jo. "Racist violence in Europe: Challenges for official data collection." Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, no. 4 (2007): 570–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870701356007.

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Calafà, Laura. "[Psychosocial risks: policies in Europe]." Giornale Italiano di Medicina del Lavoro ed Ergonomia 38, no. 3 (2025): 162–65. https://doi.org/10.4081/gimle.691.

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The essay envisages the topic of psycological risks (PSRs) not only from a strictly legal perspective but also from a more specifically political one. In this reconstruction, the author highlights how the key question underlying the development of the EU regulative system in the field of PSRs does not concern the actual existence of a solid protection basis at hard law level89/391/Eec directive - but rather to the effectiveness of such protection and to the functionality of soft law in ensuring its implementation and detailing its content. The system effects are measured on the transposition a

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Laakkonen, Ville. "Ágnostoi: Greece and the forensic bordering of Fortress Europe." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 47, no. 2 (2023): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.122031.

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This article explores migrant disappearances and border deaths at the Greek borderlands through the notion of forensic bordering. Based on fieldwork in the Evros region, Athens and its surroundings, and on the island of Lesvos, I argue that disappearance and non-identification in the event of death are effectively border violence by other means. Three forms of symbolic and political post-mortem border violence are then explicated: the act of disappearance, the act of non-identification, and the act of denying proper mourning. Crucially, this article unpacks the underlining logic that, if migra

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Dolghin, Dana. "Re-emerging memories: humanitarianism and sovereignty in the Târgu Jiu Camp." Heritage, Memory and Conflict 3, no. () (2023): 57–63. https://doi.org/10.3897/ijhmc.3.71277.

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This article briefly charts the debates surrounding the afterlife of a heritage space of political violence, the Târgu Jiu camp in Western Romania, and locates the ensuing narratives in the current contestations of the liberal democratic consensus in Central and Eastern Europe. The camp was an important Holocaust site and an equally relevant space for the early communist movement. Contrary to similar sites where competing interpretations of these histories are at play, this camp has been largely absent from debates on public memory of past political violence nationally. The significance of thi

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Godwin, Matthew, and Elisabeth Trischler. "Reimagining the Medieval: The Utility of Ethnonational Symbols for Reactionary Transnational Social Movements." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (2021): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.3979.

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Scholars have explored the rise of far-right reactionary political parties in Europe over the last decade. However, social movements reflecting similar political orientations have rarely been conceptualized as “reactionary.” To better understand the political orientations of reactionary transnational social movements such as the Identitarians and the Defence Leagues, we explore how and why ethnonational symbols derived from the medieval period are utilized by adherents. This interdisciplinary investigation argues that, through processes of mediated political medievalism, ethnonational symbols

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Bartha, Ákos. "Terrorists and freedom fighters : Arrow Cross Party militias, "Ragged Guard" and "KISKA" auxiliary forces in Hungary (1938–1945)." Studia historica Brunensia, no. 2 (2022): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/shb2022-2-3.

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This study analyzes the correlations of three Hungarian right-wing organizations between 1938 and 1945 focusing on a political party (Arrow Cross Party), a paramilitary unit ("Ragged Guard") and a military auxiliary force (KISKA). After clarifying the meaning of key-word racialism, the paper aims to show the origins, the similarities, the differences, and the transitions of these organizations interpreting their connections to political violence and their different approaches to the German-led "New Europe".

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Burds, Jeffrey. "Sexual Violence in Europe in World War II, 1939—1945." Politics & Society 37, no. 1 (2009): 35–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1059601108329751.

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Feral, Marc. "Sport et ordre public : la prévention et la lutte contre la violence dans les manifestations sportives." Revue française d'administration publique 97, no. 1 (2001): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.2001.3457.

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Sport and Public Policy : the Prevention of, and Fight Against, Violence at Sporting Events. While the violence of football supporters — known as hooliganism — is its most widespread form, spectator violence also occurs at other kinds of sporting events. In particular, the development of other forms of violence during matches taking place in certain sensitive urban areas deserves to be highlighted. This kind of threat to public order and the security of people and property has led to reactions on the part of public authorities, as much at the national as the European level (Council of Europe a

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Proshyn, Denys. "Breaking the Waves: How the Phenomenon of European Jihadism Militates Against the Wave Theory of Terrorism." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 17, no. 1 (2015): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2015-0007.

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David Rapoport’s Wave theory of terrorism is one of the most oftencited theories in the literature on terrorist violence. Rapoport is praised for having provided researchers with a universal instrument which allows them to explain the origin and transformation of various historical types of terrorism by applying to them the concept of global waves of terrorist violence driven by universal political impulses. This article, testing the Wave theory against the recent phenomenon of homegrown jihadism in Europe, uncovers this theory’s fundamental weaknesses and questions its real academic and pract

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NAKEVA, Marijana. "Politica de extindere a Uniunii Europene în Balcanii de Vest." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 20 (June 15, 2022): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2021.13.

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The period of peace and stability that Europe has gone through is largely due to an unprecedented political and legal construction: the European Union. Witnessing the violence that has ravaged the countries of Europe twice in just half a century, the elites of that time have seen in regional integration the right solution to remove the causes of military conflagrations. Of course, the idea of politically uniting Europe was not new, but as old as the “old continent”. This time, however, the polarization of the post-war world between capitalism and communism convinced the European West to embrac

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