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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 25 juillet 2024

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Abdulhasan Ali, Basma, and Sabah Atallah Diyaiy. "Violence in Martin McDonagh's The Pillowman." Al-Adab Journal 2, no. 136 (2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v2i136.1279.

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The 1990s have been of utmost importance for Ireland and the Irish as this decade is characterised by a great diversity of problems: economic problems, unemployment and migration which came as a result of these problems, racial harassment experienced abroad, psychological problems, the Troubles whose serious impact was felt not only in Northern Ireland but also in the Republic of Ireland, which emerged as a consequence of the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants because of the political status of Northern Ireland and which began at the end of the 1960s and ended in 1998 with Belf

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Loane, Geoff. "A new challenge or a new role? The ICRC in Northern Ireland." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (2012): 1481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000520.

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AbstractDespite the narrative of success surrounding the Northern Ireland peace process, which culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there remain significant humanitarian consequences as a result of the violence. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened an office in Belfast after its assessments demonstrated a need for intervention. While a two-year ‘dirty protest’ in Northern Ireland's main prison has been recently resolved, paramilitary structures execute punishments, from beatings to forced exile and even death, outside of the legal process and in violation of

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Dobrianska, Nadia. "The Weaver Street bombing in Belfast 1922: violence, politics and memory." Irish Historical Studies 47, no. 172 (2023): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2023.45.

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AbstractOn 13 February 1922, an unidentified person threw a bomb into Weaver Street, which was full of Catholic children at play, killing four children and two women. The bombing became a locus of political controversy between the British government, the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and the government of Northern Ireland, and became the archetypal story of innocent Catholic lives taken by the intercommunal conflict in the six counties which became Northern Ireland in 1920‒22. This article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of this intercommunal conflict in I

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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Alice C. Schermerhorn, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow, and Ed Cairns. "Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland." Development and Psychopathology 22, no. 2 (2010): 405–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579410000143.

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AbstractRelations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations,

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Merrilees, Christine E., Laura K. Taylor, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow, and E. Mark Cummings. "Age as a Dynamic Moderator of Relations between Exposure to Political Conflict and Mental Health in Belfast, Northern Ireland." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 14 (2022): 8339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19148339.

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Identifying how, when, and under what conditions exposure to political conflict is associated with youth mental health problems is critical to developing programming to help youth exposed to various forms of political violence. The current study uses Time Varying Effects Modeling (TVEM) to examine how relations between exposure to ethno-politically motivated antisocial behavior and mental health problems change as a function of age in a sample of youth from Belfast, Northern Ireland. Young people (N = 583, Mage 16.51 wave 1, 17.23 wave 2) self-reported their exposure to sectarian antisocial be

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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Laura K. Taylor, Peter Shirlow, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, and Ed Cairns. "Longitudinal relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland." Development and Psychopathology 25, no. 3 (2013): 615–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579413000059.

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AbstractAlthough relations between political violence and child adjustment are well documented, longitudinal research is needed to adequately address the many questions remaining about the contexts and developmental trajectories underlying the effects on children in areas of political violence. The study examined the relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and adolescent adjustment problems over 4 consecutive years. Participants included 999 mother–child dyads (482 boys, 517 girls),Mages = 12.18 (SD= 1.82), 13.24 (SD= 1.83), 13.61 (SD= 1.99), and 14.66 (SD= 1.96) years,

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Knox, Colin, and Seamus McCrory. "Consolidating peace: Rethinking the community relations model in Northern Ireland." Administration 66, no. 3 (2018): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2018-0025.

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Abstract Northern Ireland has now moved from ‘negative’ peace (the absence of violence, largely) to ‘positive’ peace (confidence-building measures to consolidate gains in voting practice and in reducing discrimination against the minority community in employment and housing allocation). This transition has involved funders at the European, regional and local levels investing in peace and reconciliation measures to consolidate political gains made since the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in 1998. This paper examines the achievements made to date, the extent to which they have resulted in a pea

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Lehni, Caroline. "Murals after “the Troubles”: Rebuilding the Image of Northern Ireland (1994- 2012)." Leaves, no. 1 (November 30, 2015): 331–47. https://doi.org/10.46608/leaves.vi1.205.

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Although the history of mural painting in Northern Ireland started long before the conflict erupted in the late 1960s, this iconic genre became deeply associated with the “Troubles”. In the 1980s, Republicans adopted mural painting as an effective tool for political communication and a visual call to arms, while Loyalist murals experienced a rebirth. Besides a few other themes, depictions of armed members of paramilitary organisations started to cover the walls of both Catholic and Protestant areas of Belfast and Derry, mirroring the levels of unrest in the province. After the ceasefires and t

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Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.

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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fract

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Prince, Simon. "Against Ethnicity: Democracy, Equality, and the Northern Irish Conflict." Journal of British Studies 57, no. 4 (2018): 783–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.117.

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AbstractThe study of the Northern Irish Troubles is dominated by ethnic readings of conflict and violence. Drawing on new scholarship from a range of different disciplines and on fresh archival sources, this article questions these explanations. General theories that tie together ethnicity with conflict and violence are shown to be based on definitions that fail to distinguish ethnic identities from other ones. Their claims cannot be taken as being uniquely or even disproportionately associated with ethnicity. Explanatory models specifically developed for the case of modern Ireland do address

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Thèses sur le sujet "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Lee, Stuart Joseph Wilson. "The relationship between political violence and conventional crime in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609888.

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Richards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.

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This thesis outlines the evolution and roles of the political fronts in Northern Ireland and their potential for attaining political change. It will assess the impact of a number of selected 'variables', both 'internal' and 'external', on the utility (or lack of utility) of these fronts. The variables that have been selected for consideration are: 1) Ideology, structure and leadership, 2) The notion of violence as a habit, 3) Popular support, 4) State response and 5) Other factors and events in the External Environment. Alexander George's 'structured, focused, comparison' methodology will be e

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Ives-Allison, Nicole D. "P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925.

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Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involve

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O'Kane, Damian Patrick. "Stress and the appraisal of political violence : a longitudinal study in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260477.

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Reilly, Paul John. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.<br>Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.

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Ellis, Kate. "The impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.554240.

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The following body of work consists of 4 studies examining the impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel. The first study is an examination of mother's reports of their children's experiences and examines a number of factors including social identity, emotional security as well as emotional and behavioural adjustment. The first phase of the study involved conducting four focus groups in Belfast to guide the construction of two measures of sectarian and non sectarian anti social behaviour in Northern Ireland. The second phase then involved the adminis

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de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.

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Brock, Christopher. "Political violence and inter-ethnic conflict : An analysis with reference to Chechnya and Northern Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523009.

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Voronkova, Anastasia. "Understanding the dynamics of ethnonationalist contention : political mobilization, resistance and violence in Nagorno-Karabakh and Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/2516.

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This thesis analyzes the dynamics of ethnic conflict evolution, mobilization and radicalization with a focus on Nagorno-Karabakh (1987–1992) and Northern Ireland (early 1960s–1969). It concentrates upon the periods when intersocietal communication was gradually being reinterpreted and reshaped on an ethnic basis, which also became increasingly crucial to public discourse. I argue that many of the weaknesses of the existing interpretations of these conflicts arise from an absolutization of single theoretical and methodological approaches. This study utilizes a synthesis of the literatures on et

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Marotte, Guilhem. "« The war is not over » : Analyse géopolitique d'une stratégie violente de contrôle du territoire communautaire républicain dans un Belfast post-conflit." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080071/document.

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Grâce au Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signé en 1998, l’Irlande du Nord connait une période de pacification sans précédent depuis les Troubles (1969-1998). Dans cette situation de post conflit, la violence liée aux affrontements entre groupes paramilitaires et forces de sécurité britannique a très largement diminué. Cependant, de petits groupes paramilitaires républicains s’opposent toujours au traité de paix. Cette thèse a pour objectif comprendre pourquoi les paramilitaires républicains anti-GFA continuent d’utiliser la violence alors qu’ils reconnaissent que, dans le contexte actuel, la lutte

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Livres sur le sujet "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Parker, Tony. May the Lord in His mercy be kind to Belfast. Cape, 1993.

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Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. Penguin Books, 1988.

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Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. Viking, 1987.

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Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. Viking, 1987.

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Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. Penguin Books, 1988.

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Parker, Tony. May the Lord in His mercy be kind to Belfast. H. Holt, 1994.

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Baróid, Ciarán De. Ballymurphy and the Irish war. Aisling Publishers, 1989.

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Cadwallader, Anne. Holy Cross: The untold story. Brehon Press, 2004.

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Myers, Kevin. Watching the door: A memoir 1971-1978. Lilliput Press, 2006.

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Myers, Kevin. Watching the door: A memoir 1971-1978. Lilliput Press, 2006.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Teague, Paul. "The Northern Ireland economy since the Belfast Agreement." In Brexit and the Political Economy of Ireland. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003153283-2.

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de Búrca, Aoibhín. "Northern Ireland and the Provisional IRA." In Preventing Political Violence Against Civilians. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137433800_3.

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Mourlon, Fabrice. "Kenneth Branagh’s Belfast: A Message to the World." In Ireland in the Concert of Nations. Presses universitaires de Caen, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4000/14c88.

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In 2021, while Northern Ireland was dealing with increased political and social tensions brought about by Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, Kenneth Branagh’s film Belfast received regular and steady national and international media coverage and acclaim, thus counterbalancing and eclipsing the fragmentation of society and the contentious centenary celebrations as it provided an inclusive and emotional representation of Belfast. In turn the film was subject to criticism for depicting an unrealistic, apolitical and nostalgic period of Northern Ireland history. However, the universal messa

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Cairns, Ed, and Ronnie Wilson. "Stress, Coping, and Political Violence in Northern Ireland." In International Handbook of Traumatic Stress Syndromes. Springer US, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-2820-3_30.

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Hunter, John A., Maurice Stringer, Anita A. Azeem, Qiuyi Kong, and Damian Scarf. "The Language of Political Violence in Northern Ireland." In Leadership and Politics. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-56415-4_18.

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Borooah, Vani K. "Growth and Political Violence in Northern Ireland, 1920–96." In The Political Dimension of Economic Growth. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26284-7_14.

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White, Lisa. "Masculinities, Pain and Power: Gendering Experiences of Truth Sharing in Northern Ireland." In Gender, Agency and Political Violence. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-37024-1_11.

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Farrington, Christopher. "Introduction: Political Change in a Divided Society — The Implementation of the Belfast Agreement." In Global Change, Civil Society and the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582552_1.

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McKiernan, Joan, and Monica McWilliams. "The Impact of Political Conflict on Domestic Violence in Northern Ireland." In Gender Relations in Public and Private. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24543-7_13.

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Simpson, Kirk. "Untold Stories: Unionist Remembrance of Political Violence and Suffering in Northern Ireland." In Unionist Voices and the Politics of Remembering the Past in Northern Ireland. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244894_4.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Roberts, Alice, and Jennifer Paskins. "14 Supporting survivors of sexual violence in palliative care: a pilot teaching session." In Accepted Oral and Poster Abstract Submissions, The Palliative Care Congress, Looking back, moving forwards, 20–21 March 2025, International Convention Centre Belfast, Northern Ireland. British Medical Journal Publishing Group, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1136/spcare-2025-pcc.14.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Milligan, James. Power-Sharing as a Means of Conflict Resolution. IFF, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2023.40.

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Historical ethnic cleavages transpiring into periods of intense violence and political disarray are features that characterise both Northern Ireland and Cyprus in their recent history. Many similarities about the conflicts in both countries can be observed, yet Northern Ireland has been successful at securing peace and Cyprus has not. This paper aims to explain why this has been the case and if it could be possible for Cyprus to reach an agreement in the future. The approaches used in both countries concerning power-sharing are addressed and a considerable focus is applied to the theory of pow

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