Articles de revues : « President Soeharto »

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Pausacker, Helen. « Presidents as Punakawan : Portrayal of National Leaders as Clown-Servants in Central Javanese Wayang ». Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, n^o 2 (juin 2004) : 213–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404000128.

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The trend to portray Indonesian presidents as punakawan (clown servants) in wayang (shadow puppetry) was started under the former President Soeharto. Whereas Soeharto chose to be conveyed as Semar, a clown but also a former god, greater artistic freedom post-Soeharto led to a more farcical depiction of Habibie and Gus Dur as Semar's sons, Gareng and Bagong.

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Wibowo, Indiwan Seto Wahju. « Mengungkap Makna Kematian Soeharto pada Cover Tempo ». Jurnal ULTIMA Comm 2, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2010) : 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31937/ultimacomm.v2i2.192.

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Soeharto’s death becomes a major topic of Tempo Magazine ,issue No.50/XXXVI/04-10 February, 2008 specially in the magazine’s cover. And this cover is so controversial as describes Soeharto as Jesus at the last supper an iconic Christianity symbol. The last supper is the final meal that according to Christian belief, Jesus shared with his apostles in Jerusalem before his crucifixion. This research is about to describe what Tempo Magazine play their role as social control and it’s rivalitation towards Soeharto. The purpose of this Research is to find out the meaning behind the Tempo Magazine Cover as describes Soeharto – the former Indonesia President- as Jesus. Kata kunci : makna kematian Soeharto, Semiotika Charles Sander Peirce, Kualitatif

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Purwanto, Sugeng. « The Mysterious Fall of Soeharto : A Genre Analysis of Richard Mann’s Plots and Schemes that Brought Down Soeharto (PSBDS) ». Excellence in Higher Education 3, n^o 2 (28 décembre 2012) : 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ehe.2012.62.

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The real cause of Soeharto’s fall from the Indonesian presidency remains a mystery. Richard Mann (1998) launched three significant rhetorical questions: (a) Was President Soeharto toppled by student demonstrators and people’s power? (b) Was he brought down by the withdrawal of support from the United States? (c) Or, was his sudden fall brought about by all of the two plus large doses of Oriental plotting and scheming? This article attempts to analyze Richard Mann’s PSBDS in terms of its macrostructure in order to find out the real cause of Soeharto’s fall. The analysis is substantiated by different resources as linguistic evidences, to justify the validity of the findings. The study revealed a proposition that critical reading is the key to successful comprehension of a text which may include a crosschecking with other resources, a careful identification of the generic structure of a text, and paying attention to how an author positions his or her readers. The article concludes, that in fact, Soeharto resigned from presidency on his own wisdom in order to avoid more bloodshed in Indonesian dreamland.

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Fatgehipon, Abdul Haris. « THE RELATIONSHIP AMONGST SOEHARTO, MILITARY, AND MUSLIM IN THE END OF NEW ORDER REGIME ». Paramita : Historical Studies Journal 26, n^o 1 (20 février 2016) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v26i1.5141.

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In the end of Suharto's authority, he began to embrace the power of Islam; he realized the position of Muslims was very important and strategic. While some high-ranking military, like LB Moerdani felt unhappy with business built by Soeharto’s family. Suharto built a new political power through the ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar) organization. The emergence of ICMI has been confronted by much of the military officers, they assessed that ICMI shaped sectarian mindset, Gus Dur as NU leader also did not approve the establishment of ICMI. ICMI was chaired by BJ Habibie who at that time had a special affinity with Suharto that made ICMI has the most important role in Indonesian and clout. At the end of Suharto's power, he embraced the power of the Muslim Civilians, Reviews such as ICMI and Muhammadiyah organization. He tried to minimize the political dependence on the military. Hereinafter, Habibie has successfully elected as a vice president of Indonesia based on the general assembly in 1998, after the riots in May 1998, Habibie replaced Suharto's position that has discharged due to students and citizens' demonstrations. By the pretense of the 1945 constitution, the military endorsed the nomination of BJ Habibie as president. Pada akhir otoritas Soeharto, ia mulai merangkul kekuatan Islam; ia menyadari posisi Muslim sangat penting dan strategis. Sementara beberapa petinggi militer, seperti LB Moerdani merasa tidak bahagia dengan bisnis gurita yang dibangun oleh keluarga Soeharto. Soeharto membangun kekuatan politik baru melalui organisasi ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar). Munculnya ICMI telah dihadapkan oleh banyak perwira militer, mereka menilai ICMI berbentuk pola pikir sektarian, Gus Dur sebagai pemimpin NU juga tidak menyetujui berdirinya ICMI. ICMI dipimpin oleh BJ Habibie yang pada waktu itu me-miliki kedekatan khusus dengan Soeharto yang membuat ICMI memiliki peran paling penting dalam Indonesia dan pengaruh. Pada akhir kekuasaan Soeharto, ia memeluk kekuatan Sipil Muslim, Ulasan seperti ICMI dan Muhammadiyah organisasi. Dia mencoba untuk meminimalkan ketergantungan politik pada militer. Selanjutnya, Habibie telah berhasil terpilih sebagai wakil presiden Indonesia berdasarkan sidang umum pada tahun 1998, setelah kerusuhan Mei 1998, Habibie menggantikan posisi Soeharto yang telah habis karena mahasiswa dan de-monstrasi warga. Dengan berdasar UUD 1945, militer mendukung pencalonan BJ Habibie sebagai presiden.

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Permatasari, Iman Amanda, et Junior Hendri Wijaya. « THE COMPARISON OF FOOD POLICY ERA THE LEADERSHIP OF SOEHARTO AND SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO ». Jurnal Kebijakan Pembangunan Daerah 2, n^o 1 (30 juin 2018) : 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37950/jkpd.v2i1.35.

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ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perbandingan kebijakan pangan pada masa kepemimpinan presiden Soeharto dan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Unit analisa data yang diambil berupa kepemimpinan Soeharto dan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono serta kebijakan pangan, dengan jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian sejarah. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan Studi dokumentasi. Kemudian, teknik analisa datanya terdiri dari: Heuristik, Kritik dan Analisis Saran, Interpretasi, dan Historiografi. Hasil penelitian dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa posisi kebijakan pangan pada masa kepemimpinan Soeharto dan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono baru berada bada posisi ketahanan pangan, tidak bisa mencapai kemandirian atau bahkan kedaulatan pangan. Soeharto memiliki kebijakan Swasembada beras dan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono memiliki kebijakan Revitalisasi Pertanian. Keduanya menggunakan strategi masing-masing dalam menjalankan kebijakan tersebut. Selain itu, terdapat pengaruh positif dan juga negatif dari kepemimpinan keduanya terhadap berjalannya kebijakan pangan. Kata kunci: Kebijakan, Pangan, Kepemimpinan, Soeharto, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia ABSTRACT This study aims to identify comparative food policies during the presidency of President Soeharto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The data analysis unit obtained is the management of Soeharto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the nutritional guidelines taken. The type of research is historical research. Data collection techniques are the study documents. Then the data analysis techniques consist of heuristics, critique and analysis of suggestions, interpretation and historiography. The results of this study show that the position of food policy during the leadership of Soeharto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is unable to achieve independence or even the sovereignty of food. Suharto has a policy of self-sufficiency in rice and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has a policy of reviving agriculture. Both have their own strategies in implementing the policy. In addition, it has a positive and negative impact on its leadership in food policy. Keywords: Policy, Food, Leadership, Soeharto, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesian

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Syugiarto, Syugiarto, et Nasir Mangngasing. « GAYA KEPEMIMPINAN PRESIDEN INDONESIA ». Citizen : Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin Indonesia 2, n^o 1 (16 décembre 2021) : 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.53866/jimi.v2i1.26.

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This study examines the leadership styles of seven Indonesian presidents, from President Soekarno to President Joko Widodo. The method used in this study is a literature review. The theory used in this study is the theory proposed by Northouse (2016) which explains 15 leadership styles, namely: Trait Approach, Skill Approach, Behavioral Approach, Situational Approach, Path-Goal Theory, Leader-Member Exchange Theory, Transformational Leadership, Authentic Leadership, Servant Leadership, Adaptive Leadership, Psychodynamic Approach, Leadership Ethics, Team Leadership, Gender and Leadership, and Culture and Leadership. The results of this study indicate that the leadership styles shown by the seven Indonesian presidents are different from one another. President Soekarno is identical with the Trait Approach leadership style, President Soeharto with Path-Goal Theory leadership style, President BJ Habibie with Behavioral Approach leadership style, President Abdurahman Wahid with Skill Approach leadership style, President Megawati Soekarno Putri with Gender and Leadership leadership style, and President Joko Widodo with the leadership style of Servant Leadership

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Regina, Adisthy, et Andi Suwirta. « KIPRAH SUDHARMONO DALAM SEJARAH GOLONGAN KARYA (1983-1988) ». FACTUM : Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 7, n^o 2 (1 octobre 2018) : 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v7i2.15600.

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The main problem discussed in this study, “how was the role of Sudharmono in leading the Golongan Karya (1983-1988)”. The research method used was the historical method including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Based on result’s study, Sudharmono was Soeharto’s right-hand man in New Order’s era. This proven with the candidacy of Sudharmono as Golkar Chairman from 1983-1988, that was directly elected by Soeharto. Sudharmono was a figure who contributed to Golkar’s progress in the New Order (1983-1988). Sudharmono was a Chairman from civilian,however, he could take Golkar to maximum advancement. These advancements were made because Sudharmono had taken formal and non-formal education with tremendously well. His great accomplishments made Sudharmono become a figurewho could work more. Sudharmono has made Golkar better through his policy called Tri Sukses Golkar, such as Sukses Konsolidasi, Sukses Repelita IV and Sukses Pemilu 1987, as well as General Assembly of MPR 1988. The policy that made by Sudharmonohave connectedness because if consolidation succeeded, it would affect success for other policy namely Repelita and the General Election of 1987. A great victory of Golkar in General Election of 1987, had succeeded made Sudharmono became the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia in 1988. This accomplishment became a threat to Soeharto because he could replace him from the presidency position. To prevent such action, Soeharto forbade Sudharmono to proposed back to became Golkar’s Chairman for 1988-1993 period.

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Kitley, Philip. « Televisi Bangsa Baru : Television, Reformasi and Renewal in Indonesia ». Media International Australia 104, n^o 1 (août 2002) : 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0210400111.

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For nearly 30 years, television in Indonesia was dominated by the state broadcaster TVRI and five commercial channels with very close links to former President Soeharto. In the reform period since Soeharto's resignation, there has been a new sense of public and publicness, an expansion of the public sphere and the break-up and re-imagination of the Indonesian audience. These developments have been led by media sector insiders. This paper argues that, despite the progressive work of new licensees and civil society media groups, it is media sector outsiders which are needed to lead television in Indonesia out from under the totalising, essentialist models of the past to establish televisi bangsa baru — television for a new nation.

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Siringoringo, Poltak. « KEWENANGAN MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT MENURUT UNDANG- UNDANG NOMOR 2 TAHUN 2018 TENTANG MPR, DPR, DPRD, DAN DPD ». to-ra 5, n^o 1 (13 mai 2019) : 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/tora.v5i1.1192.

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Abstract Indonesia has experienced rapid development in the state administration system since the demands for reform were marked by the fall of Soeharto from power in May 1998. Reformation as a form of total correction of the practice of running a centralized state that occurred during the leadership of the Orde Baru Era. The hegemony of the power of the President during the Orde Baru Era placed other state organs in a weak position functionally, including the Indonesian People's Representative Assembly. Since the Soeharto regime ended there was a fairly fundamental ow of change in the life of the Indonesian state administration. In the Indonesian constitutional structure, the People's Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesiais one of the important pillars of the people's representative institutions besides the House of Representatives and the Regional Representative Coun- cil Keywords:Orde Baru Era; Soeharto Regime; State Administration; Indonesian constitutional structure.

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George, Kenneth M. « Designs on Indonesia's Muslim Communities ». Journal of Asian Studies 57, n^o 3 (août 1998) : 693–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658738.

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On october 15, 1991, Haji Muhammad Soeharto, President of Indonesia, became the first official calligrapher for theAl-Qur'an Mushaf Istiqlal—The National Independence Illuminated Qur'an—by inking in the initial letter of theBasmallahin the opening sura (Al-Fatihah, the prologue; see Fig. 1). Four years later, just after commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of Indonesian independence, he put the finishing touch to the closing sura of the Qur'an (An-Naas, or “Humanity,” Suta 114), signed the completed manuscript, and presented it to the people of Indonesia and to the Muslim world community. Although he is adept at using or reciting the Qur'anic Arabic needed for daily prayer, the profession of faith, and the verbal exchanges that bond Muslims with each other, Soeharto is a decidedly unpracticed calligrapher when it comes to Arabic orthography.

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Cakranegara, Joshua Jolly Sucanta. « DIVERSITAS PANGAN POKOK DALAM SEJARAH KEBIJAKAN PANGAN DI INDONESIA ». Handep : Jurnal Sejarah dan Budaya 6, n^o 1 (28 décembre 2022) : 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33652/handep.v6i1.283.

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This article aims to explain the history of food policy in Indonesia related to the diversity of staple foods in 1945-2021. This research used historical methods and literature studies on food policy studies. The results indicate that no continuity of staple food diversity which is the historical reality of contemporary Indonesian food policy. In the beginning, the diversity of staple food, the local wisdom of the archipelagic community, had received a considerable attention in the idealism of President Sukarno. However, it still was not fulfilled in the next period, such as in the rice politics of President Soeharto, the food security movement of President Megawati Soekarnoputri, the food import policy of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to the food barn policy of President Joko Widodo. The diversity of staple foods in contemporary government policies is accommodated in short-term, local, or partial scale programs, and not adaptive to changing times. Thus, the fulfillment of community’s staple food is still dominated by non-inclusive food policies.

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Hosen, Nadirsyah. « Indonesian Political Laws in Habibie Era : Between Political Struggle and Law Reform ». Nordic Journal of International Law 72, n^o 4 (2003) : 483–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181003772759494.

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AbstractFollowing the resignation of President Soeharto in May 1998, political and civic leaders,along withgovernmental officials,began the process of developing a new political system. The most important step was to create a new legal framework for early national elections. New political laws governing elections, political parties and the structure of legislative bodies were signed by President B.J. Habibie on 1 February 1999. The article examines the three 1999 political laws at three levels: political and legal processes, content and implementation. The article argues that those laws were a reflection of political compromise and, therefore, did not meet demands for genuine reform: promoting good governance and the rule of law.

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Rüland, Jürgen. « Democratizing Foreign-Policy Making in Indonesia and the Democratization of ASEAN : A Role Theory Analysis ». TRaNS : Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 5, n^o 1 (21 décembre 2016) : 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2016.26.

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AbstractWith the resignation of President Soeharto in 1998 and subsequent democratization, Indonesia's foreign policy underwent major changes. More stakeholders than under Soeharto's New Order regime are now participating in foreign-policy making. The country seemed to make democracy promotion a hallmark of its foreign policy, especially under the presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004–2014). This raises the questions of whether and, if so, to what extent Indonesian democratization changed the country's established foreign-policy role conceptions and how much impact Indonesia's democratization had on the democratization of regional governance. The paper seeks to answer these questions by developing a theoretical framework based on a constructivist version of role theory. On the basis of speeches held by Indonesian political leaders in the United Nations General Assembly and major domestic foreign-policy pronouncements, it documents changes in Indonesia's foreign-policy role concepts. It shows that, indeed, in the Era Reformasi, democracy became a major component in the country's foreign-policy role concept, although many elements of the role concept such as development orientation, Third Worldism, peace orientation, and a mediator's role remained constant. However, the litmus test for a democracy-oriented foreign policy, that is, the democratization of regional governance in Southeast Asia, remains ambiguous, and concrete policy initiatives often declaratory.

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Sri Handayani Retna Wardhani, Nita Ariyani et Paryadi. « Tindak Lanjut Penuntasan Kasus Korupsi Mendiang Presiden Soeharto dalam Rangka Mewujudkan Cita-Cita Reformasi ». Kajian Hukum 7, n^o 1 (20 mai 2022) : 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37159/kh.v7i1.9.

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Abstract Follow-up to the Completion of the Corruption Case involving the late President Suharto has only managed to handle the Supersemar Foundation but has not touched 6 other foundations or been sued by the state to be held accountable for the management of state assets and funds which began during “Orde Baru” era. Meanwhile, many legal cases related to gross human rights violations have not been tried until today. This study aims to analyze the follow-up to the completion of the corruption case involving the late President Soeharto and the juridical steps that must be taken in solving the corruption case. The researcher uses a normative type of research using a legal approach and an analytical approach. effective steps related to accountability as well as allegations of misappropriation of state-owned funds and/or assets causing state losses related to the corruption case.

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Adeney-Risakotta, Bernard. « Power from Below : Deconstructing the Dominant Paradigm of Power ». Asian Journal of Social Science 33, n^o 1 (2005) : 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568531053694699.

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AbstractIn 1998, Indonesia was shaken to the bone by a political, economic, social and cultural crisis that has lasted at least six years. As the 32-year-old regime of President Soeharto collapsed under massive protests, the country began a process of democratization that unleashed conflicts and power struggles all over the country. The ending of an authoritarian regime, the de-legitimization of the military and the euphoria of Reformasi (Reformation) did not usher in a golden age of freedom and prosperity but rather, a period of serious conflicts between races, tribes, religions, political groups, regions and naked economic interests that seem impossible to quench. The long drawn-out crisis in Indonesia may be viewed as a period of power struggles that are an inevitable result of the power vacuum that followed the fall of Soeharto. Conflicts that had been repressed for decades under a militaristic regime roared into life under the banner of "democracy".

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Aplianta, Derry. « Indonesia’s Response in the South China Sea Disputes : A comparative analysis of the Soeharto and the post-Soeharto era ». JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 3, n^o 1 (30 juillet 2015) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v3i1.749.

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Before it developed into a dispute among China and Southeast Asian nations, the South China Sea has been disputed long before it became what it is today. The post-World War II era brought a fresh start to a new chapter of dispute, as China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei Darussalam laid their claims one by one. This study contends that under Suharto’s iron fist rule, Indonesia’s interest to the South China Sea dispute grew from maintaining Indonesia’s territorial integrity to maintaining domestic stability. The former took shape after being threatened by China’s map which claimed a part of the former’s territorial waters, while the later grew in through establishing deeper trade cooperation with China. Despite the half-hearted normalization with China, Indonesia managed to establish a track-two forum for parties involved in the South China Sea dispute, which is later proven to be instrumental. Under President Yudhoyono, Indonesia gradually played its initial role from a passive into an active honest broker, which brought improvements to the process. This research attempts to show that constraint to Indonesia’s role in the South China Sea dispute originates from both the ideological and historical factors. Indonesia’s long-running ideological constraints set its priorities to its interest to the dispute, while its foreign policy doctrine serves as a pragmatic means to achieve its goals of interests. Indonesia’s past relationship with China also played a part in influencing Indonesia’s response which later evolved as the relations went through ups and downs. Moreover, the unclear integration process of ASEAN sets the task of the honest broker became a one-country-show for Indonesia.

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Mahmudi, Zaenul. « MENYIKAPI BUDAYA KEKERASAN ». El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 4, n^o 3 (2 juin 2018) : 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v4i3.5169.

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Violence that occurred during the reign of Abdurrahman Wahid, whether nuanced, religion, race and intergroup (SARA) or nuanced disintegration of the nation can not be seen from the side lahiriyah, but the violence needs to be studied in depth from various aspects which surrounds it, as Abdurrahman Wahid's rise as president is a national compromise reflected in his cabinet structure that seeks to accommodate the aspirations of all political contestants who participate in the elections, so the cabinet is called the "National Unity" cabinet. This has led to the emergence of leadership dualism from his cabinet ministers, under certain conditions to his political party and in other conditions to the President. And more exacerbating, the rise of Abdurrahman Wahid inherited the condition of 'doomsday' in all its fields as the legacy of the New Order regime under the leadership of General Soeharto. In this paper the authors will examine the violence that occurred during the reign of Abdurrahman Wahid from various aspects. In addition the author offers several solutions from Islamic perspective. Kekerasan-kekerasan yang terjadi pada masa Pemerintahan Abdurrahman Wahid, baik yang bernuansa Suku, Agama, Ras dan Antar Golongan (SARA) maupun yang bernuansa disintegrasi bangsa tidak bisa dilihat dari sisi lahiriyah saja, tetapi kekerasan-kekerasan tersebut perlu dikaji secara mendalam dari berbagai aspek yang melingkupinya, karena naiknya Abdurrahman Wahid sebagai presiden merupakan suatu kompromi nasional yang tercermin dalam susunan kabinetnya yang berusaha mewadahi aspirasi dari semua kontestan politik yang ikut pemilu, sehingga kabinet tersebut dinamakan kabinet "Persatuan Nasional". Hal ini berimbas kepada munculnya dualisme kepemimpinan dari para menteri kabinetnya, dalam kondisi tertentu kepada parpolnya dan dalam kondisi yang lain kepada Presiden. Dan yang lebih memperparah, naiknya Abdurrahman Wahid mewarisi kondisi 'kiamat' dalam segala bidangnya sebagai warisan rezim Orde Baru di bawah pimpinan Jendral Soeharto. Dalam tulisan ini penulis akan mengkaji kekerasan-kekerasan yang terjadi pada masa Pemerintahan Abdurrahman Wahid dari berbagai aspek. Selain itu penulis menawarkan beberapa solusi dari perspektif Islam.

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George, Kenneth M. « Some Things That Have Happened toThe Sun After September 1965 : Politics and the Interpretation of an Indonesian Painting ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, n^o 4 (octobre 1997) : 603–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750002082x.

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As most tell the story, the mysterious and fearful twilight of Sukarno's Indonesia began in Jakarta sometime after sundown on the last day of September 1965. That night and in the early hours of October 1, a group led by leftist, middle-ranking military officers calling themselves the September Thirtieth Movement kidnapped and killed six generals in an attempted putsch. In its radio broadcasts the following morning, the movement announced its loyalty to President Sukarno and claimed that it had acted in order to thwart a coup planned by a ‘Council of Generals.’ In the year leading up to the putsch, the president's hold on power had been strained by the increasing polarization between the army and disaffected Muslims on the one hand, and Sukarno and the PKI—the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Kommunis Indonesia)— on the other. Sukarno's ill health, factionalism within military ranks, and the shadow of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) only added to the anxiety and uncertainty. It is unclear whether this Council of Generals had anything more than a phantom existence. What is clear is that the head of the strategic reserve command in Jakarta, Major General Soeharto, was quick to manipulate the situation and bring the movement to a halt within hours. In an evening radio broadcast on October 1, Soeharto described the putsch as a counter-revolutionary movement and told listeners that the army and police under his leadership had regained control.

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Hadi, Atika S. « Cerita Si Kuncung : Membaca Relasi Kuasa dalam Majalah Anak-anak Indonesia ». Indonesian Historical Studies 2, n^o 2 (14 janvier 2019) : 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v2i2.3724.

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Si Kuncung is the first kid's magazine that officially accepted as a national kid's magazine by the Indonesian government in the era of President Soeharto. Aside from being a media for education and culture, the government also helped Si Kuncung's publications, especially in marketing and financing. The relationship between the publishers and the government expanded the deployment of Kuncungand strengthened its position in the national children's reading materials. However, on the other hand, Si Kuncung who dissolved in the leadership of power also faded along with the collapse of the New Order era.

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Padiatra, Aditia Muara. « Ketika Pers Bicara Korupsi : Analisis Tajuk Rencana Harian Pedoman pada Awal Orde Baru 1969 – 1974 ». Paradigma, Jurnal Kajian Budaya 5, n^o 2 (6 avril 2016) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v5i2.51.

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This article discusses the role of the press in uncovering cases of corruption, using the editorial of Pedoman daily newspaper in the early years of the New Order period 1969-1974. The newspaper was eventually prohibited to publish because of its stand to oppose the authoritarian Soekarno government. At the time of president Soeharto’s New Order, the newspaper was allowed to run again, but was officially banned in January 1974 because of the publication of the students’ demonstration in the Malari or Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari opposing the government welcoming the Japanese companies operating in Indonesia. At both the Soekarno and Soeharto governments, Rosihan Anwar was the chief editor of Pedoman. The content analysis will also refer to Indonesia Raya newspaper, which like Pedoman, was suppressed not to criticize the government. The newspaper was no longer free to express its opinion after the graft case in three key offices, Bulog (the National Logistics Agency), Pertamina (the state-owned national oil company), Bea Cukai (the Directorate General of Customs and Excise), and the police force, were exposed. The press was finally co-opted with the government rules.

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Retsikas, Konstantinos. « The semiotics of violence : Ninja, sorcerers, and state terror in post-Soeharto Indonesia ». Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 162, n^o 1 (2008) : 56–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003674.

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In July 1998, two months after President Soeharto resigned from power, several reports appeared in Indonesian and international media of a series of killings taking place in Java. The killings initially involved the murders of people suspected of practising black magic (dukun santet). Many of the alleged sorcerers and victims were kyai, venerated scholar/teachers of Islam who head boarding schools (pesantren). The bloodshed, entailing the killing of several hundred people over a period of five months, from July to November 1998, has come to be known as the ‘ninja killings’, named after the fabled Japanese martial arts experts with supernatural powers. The reason for this name is that the perpetrators of the killings, rumour had it, were dressed in black-clad ninja fashion and possessed mystical powers similar to their Japanese counterparts.

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Adi, Danendro. « Memaknai Bahasa Visual pada Ilustrasi Bergambar Soeharto di Sampul Muka Majalah Tempo ». Humaniora 5, n^o 2 (30 octobre 2014) : 612. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v5i2.3118.

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Illustration on publication media has become a form to deliver message visually that is more powerful than written message. Illustration is able to build readers perception and attention. Illustration on the cover of a magazine needs the writer and the artist synergy in order to create artwork that deliver messages in a certain visual language at the same time gives identity to the magazine. This paper will discuss the illustrations and visual language used and the extent of utilization and the impact of the illustrations of the readers and the media in which the illustration shown. Illustrations of the former President Soeharto on the cover of Tempo magazine since 1998 edition, after his retirement until his death in 2008 become the case study and the cover of the magazines during the New Order era as the comparison. The research method used in this study is qualitative research methods including data collection in the form of a literature study and interviews, followed by analyzing the data findings. This study should obtain a clearer picture on how illustrations affect the news media and the relation to the audience’s perception about the character in the illustration.

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Alawiyah, Tuti. « Religious non-governmental organizations and philanthropy in Indonesia ». Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 3, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2013) : 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v3i2.203-221.

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Religious non-governmental organizations (RNGOs) and philanthropic activities in Indonesia have a long history. They existed prior to the creation of the nation state. Social, political and economic changes in this country have influenced the development of non-profit organizations for more than sixty years after the Inde-pendence of the Republic Indonesia in 1945. Modernization and development projects during the President Suharto era influenced the development of Non-governmental organizations (NGOs). In more recent years, RNGOs have largely developed as a response to the socio-economic crisis after the downfall of Presi-dent Suharto regime. Discovering the dynamics of RNGOs in a broader context of non-profit organizations in Indonesia provides insights into the strengths and weaknesses of philanthropic activism in recent years. An historical overview of non-profit organizations, legal structures, functions, and financial resources are among the themes that are described in this paper. Organisasi Agama Non Pemerintah (RNGOs) dan kegiatan filantropi di Indonesia memiliki sejarah yang panjang. Mereka ada sebelum penciptaan negara bangsa. Perubahan sosial, politik dan ekonomi di negara ini telah memengaruhi perkembangan organisasi nirlaba selama lebih dari enam puluh tahun setelah Kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia pada tahun 1945. Modernisasi dan pembangunan proyek-proyek selama era Presiden Soeharto memengaruhi perkembangan organisasi non-pemerintah (LSM). Dalam tahun-tahun terakhir, RNGOs sebagian besar telah dikembangkan sebagai tanggapan terhadap krisis sosial-ekonomi setelah jatuhnya rezim Presiden Soeharto. Menemukan dinamika RNGOs dalam konteks yang lebih luas dari organisasi nirlaba di Indonesia memberikan wawasan ke dalam kekuatan dan kelemahan dari aktivisme filantropi dalam beberapa tahun terakhir. Sebuah gambaran sejarah organisasi non-profit, struktur hukum, fungsi, dan sumber daya keuangan adalah salah satu tema yang dijelaskan dalam makalah ini

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Adha, Anggi Muhammad. « KEBIJAKAN POLITIK NAHDLATUL ULAMA MENGENAI DASAR NEGARA 1945-1984 ». FACTUM : Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 9, n^o 1 (11 avril 2020) : 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v9i1.21015.

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ABSTRACTThis article entitled NAHDLATUL ULAMA’S POLITICAL POLICY ABOUT BASIS STATE IN 1945-1984. The main problem examined in this article is "Why has there been a change in Nahdlatul Ulama's political attitudes regarding the basis of the state". The main problem is divided into three questions.Based on the results of the study, Nahdlatul Ulama's views on relations between religion and the state changed. At first the Nahdlatul Ulama figures supported that the Indonesian state must be based on Islam but in the following years Nahdlatul Ulama supported the Pancasila as the country's foundation. Nahdlatul Ulama’s support for the country foundation must be based on Islam, as can be seen from Nahdlatul Ulama leaders who convene at the Constituent Assembly. The Nahdlatul Ulama constituent assembly along with other Islamic factions tried hard to make the state foundation based on Islam. However, the proposal was rejected by other factions who wanted the state foundation to be Pancasila.The debate between state supporters based on Islam and supporters of the Pancasila found no conclusion. So on 5th July, 1959 President Soekarno issued a Presidential Decree to end the debate. In the 1980s President Soeharto issued a policy of making Pancasila a single principle for organizations in Indonesia. At first Nahdlatul Ulama rejected this policy. But in the end Nahdlatul Ulama accepted this policy. The cause of Nahdlatul Ulama accepting this policy besides the pressure from the government was the birth of a new generation of Nahdlatul Ulama that was different from before. This generation emphasizes pluralist life in Indonesia and aims to make the country the guardian of all religions.ABSTRAKArtikel ini berjudul KEBIJAKAN POLITIK NAHDLATUL ULAMA MENGENAI DASAR NEGARA 1945-1984. Masalah utama yang dikaji dalam skripsi ini adalah “Mengapa terjadi perubahan sikap politik NU mengenai dasar negara”. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa pandangan NU mengenai hubungan agama dan negara mengalami perubahan. Pada mulanya tokoh-tokoh NU mendukung bahwa negara Indonesia harus berdasarkan Islam namun ditahun-tahun selanjutnya NU mendukung Pancasila sebagai dasar negara. Dukungan NU terhadap dasar negara harus berdasarkan Islam dapat dilihat dari tokoh-tokoh NU yang bersidang di Konstituante. Disidang konstituante NU bersama fraksi Islam yang lain berusaha keras agar dasar negara berdasarkan Islam. Namun usulan itu ditolak oleh fraksi-fraksi yang lain yang menghendaki agar dasar negara adalah Pancasila. Perdebatan antara pendukung negara berdasarkan Islam dan pendukung Pancasila tidak menemukan titik temu. Sehingga pada 5 Juli 1959 Presiden Soekarno mengeluarkan Dekrit Presiden untuk mengakhiri perdebatan. Di tahun 1980-an Presiden Soeharto mengeluarkan kebijakan menjadikan Pancasila sebagai asas tunggal bagi organisasi di Indonesia. Pada mulanya NU menolak kebijakan ini. Namun pada akhirnya NU menerima kebijakan ini. Penyebab NU menerima kebijakan ini selain adanya desakan dari pemerintah adalah telah lahirnya generasi baru NU yang berbeda dari sebelumnya. Generasi ini menekankan kehidupan pluralis di Indonesia dan bertujuan menjadikan negara sebagai pengawal semua agama.

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Boden, Ragna. « The ‘Gestapu’ events of 1965 in Indonesia : New evidence from Russian and German archives ». Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 163, n^o 4 (2008) : 507–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003693.

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One of the unsolved riddles of Indonesian history in the twentieth century is the so-called Gestapu affair and its aftermath. For the murder of six army generals on the night of 30 September 1965 the Indonesian communists and President Soekarno were widely held responsible. Indonesian leftists – real and alleged – were persecuted; hundreds of thousands were killed. The longterm consequences affected Indonesian domestic as well as foreign policy: the changeover in government resulted in 30 years of rule by Soeharto; the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, Indonesian Communist Party) and leftist organizations were banned; relations with China were severed, those with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) were reduced; and ties with Washington and the Western world intensified.

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Steenbrink, Karel. « Christianity and Islam : civilizations or religions ? Contemporary indonesian discussions ». Exchange 33, n^o 3 (2004) : 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254304774249899.

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AbstractThis article wants to look at the problem of the relation between Islam and Christianity and their definitions of civilization or religion, from the angles of the Indonesian Muslims and Christians. In the colonial past both Islam and Christianity behaved like complete communities or civilizations. Therefore religious affiliation had always social and political impact and it was and is often not possible to change religion, like people cannot change their ethnic or gender status. During the pastfifty years there has been a tendency towards a pluralist society, not taking religious identity as a major classification mark. The uncertainties after the fall of President Soeharto (May 1998) and the aftermath of increasing Muslim-Christian conflicts, challenge this development.

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Kurniawan, Iwan Jaconiah. « Intercultural Interaction : Indonesia and Soviet Society in the Sphere of Art Paintings in the Second Half of the XXth Century ». Contemporary problems of social work 6, n^o 2 (29 juin 2020) : 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17922/2412-5466-2020-6-2-65-71.

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the paper studies the problem of defining an intercultural interaction. The authors analyzed scientific works to identify and classify the Indonesian social realism art painting. In the second half of the XXth century, Indonesian artists had a close relationship with the Soviet Society in the sphere of fine art. The true influence can be found in the social-realism art movement between 1950–1965s in Indonesia during the first President Soekarno era. But the social-realism art movement was no longer because of the horizontal political conflict on September 30, 1965 as well-known as revolution. During the President Soeharto regime (1965–1999), all social realism fine art was destroyed. Socialist and communist ideology was banned in Indonesia. That’s why they represented socialism and communism style not growing freely until now. However, some paintings can be saved abroad by Russian scientists and art collectors. Since 2016, more than 30 Indonesian social-realism paintings were conserved, served, and shown into a historical exhibition in the State Museum of Moscow Oriental Art. These paintings became important in Indonesian social realism art history

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SARI, NI LUH ARININGSIH, et I. WAYAN SUWANDA. « KEBIJAKAN DI ERA PEMERINTAHAN JOKO WIDODO DAN JUSUF KALLA (PERSPEKTIF POLITIK HUKUM DAN AGRARIA) ». GANEC SWARA 13, n^o 2 (2 septembre 2019) : 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.35327/gara.v13i2.87.

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The political development of agrarian law in Indonesia is inseparable from the policies of the ruling government in each period of government. The period of development can be divided into 4 {four} periods, namely the colonial period, the Soekarno administration, the Soeharto era and the Reformation period. After the reformation, several presidential changes, namely Habibie, Gusdur, Megawati and Susilo Bambang Yudoyono, policies on the regulation of natural resources and resources are not clearly seen as the implementation of TAP MPR No. IX / 2001. Discourse related to changes in diagrammatic arrangements has been discussed but not implemented optimally. At present the Indonesian government is being led by President Joko Widodo trying to implement changes to the political law of diagramming in Indonesia

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Pakaya, Salahudin. « Political Law Regulation of Judicial Institutions in Exercising the Powers of an Independent Judgment : Before and After Amendments to the 1945 Constitution ». International Journal Papier Public Review 1, n^o 2 (20 novembre 2020) : 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47667/ijppr.v1i2.91.

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The Supreme Court is a judicial institution that has existed since the Indonesian state was formed in 1945. This institution was formed based on the mandate of the constitution in article 24 of the 1945 Constitution, namely "judicial power is exercised by a Supreme Court and other judicial bodies according to law". But in fact, in the course of Indonesia's national and state life from its independence in 1945 to 1998, the judicial power exercised by the Supreme Court was not free and independent, both institutionally and independently of its judges. The influence of the executive power held by the president on the judicial power exercised by the Supreme Court can actually be observed in the politics of regulating judicial power through laws by the executive and legislative bodies during the old order government (President Soakarno 1945-1966) and the new order (President Soeharto 1967-1998). The judicial power law that was formed has actually subordinated the judiciary under the power of the president. This is the result of efforts to form the state of Indonesia as a country based on kinship that does not adhere to a separation of powers (executive, legislative and judicial) as the trias politica concept put forward by John Locke and Montesquie. With the 1998 reforms which in turn succeeded in amending the 1945 Constitution in order to realize the Indonesian state as a democratic legal state, the judiciary has been strengthened as an institution that is truly free and independent from the influence of extra-judicial powers.

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Thiono, Gabriella. « HERS : Understanding the Reason Behind a Woman’s Choice not to Get Married ». K@ta Kita 7, n^o 1 (28 février 2019) : 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.9744/katakita.7.1.32-37.

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This creative project is a screenplay. The screenplay is about a woman who struggles to defy the idea of getting married. In the New Order, President Soeharto led Indonesia using Javanese culture. Until today, there is a belief that women in Indonesia are obliged to get married because of the culture. In Javanese culture, there is a value called 3M (macak, masak, manak). The value created a definition of a true woman. A true woman has to be able to look pretty and cook. In order to fulfil the third value, a woman has to get married and have a family. This value burdens some modern Indonesian women, especially those who have careers. Through this screenplay, I want to encourage women that being married is a matter of choice and not an obligation. Keywords: Indonesian women, Javanese value, Javanese culture, marriage, single woman.

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Maiwan, Mohammad. « HEGEMONI, KEKUASAAN, DAN GERAKAN MAHASISWA ERA 1990-AN : PERSPEKTIF DAN ANALISA ». Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi 16, n^o 1 (31 octobre 2016) : 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jimd.v16i1.1182.

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ABSTRACT The student movement that emerged in the 1990s was a response to the authoritarian New Order policies. Although New Order succeeded in economic development but lead to inequality. Student activists form an alliance with pro-democracy groups such as NGOs, unions, farmers, and critical opposition groups. Therefore, their movements become an important part of the pro-democracy movement. In general the issues presented students are: First, the issues of democratization and human rights. Secondly, issues related to land, environment and labor. In addition to address issues of local and national, their movements also a response of international issues To control the student movement, the government established the SMTP (Student Senate Higher Education), accompanied by harsh measures. Nevertheless, their movement is still weak and disunited. The existence of a strong student movement and spread emerge when the economic crisis hit Indonesia, dropping of President Soeharto in May 1998. Keywords: Student movement, politics, New Order, 1990s-era.

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Kingsley, Jeremy J. « Redrawing Lines of Religious Authority in Lombok, Indonesia ». Asian Journal of Social Science 42, n^o 5 (2014) : 657–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04205010.

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Indonesia’s democratic reform and decentralization after the fall of authoritarian President Soeharto has brought both painful transformations and the potential of new beginnings. This is also the case for the island of Lombok where political changes have affected not only obvious political players, but also local Muslim religious leaders (Tuan Guru). These religious leaders wield a high level of socio-political and religious authority. Their significant social standing is largely due to the central role of Islam across Lombok which not only relates to people’s spiritual lives, but is also identified in long established local forms of governance that are focused upon Tuan Guru and their organizations. This article will seek to understand how to delineate their religious authority and conceptualize its application in these fast changing circumstances. In doing so I argue that the complex and unstable times that have occurred alongside the transition to democracy are transforming the potent authority of Tuan Guru.

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Ayu Rai Wahyuni, Anak Agung. « Tanggung Jawab Sejarah dan Kebudayaan di Balik Pelarangan Buku di Indonesia ». Humanis 24, n^o 4 (23 novembre 2020) : 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jh.2020.v24.i04.p16.

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Book prohibition in Indonesia has been going on since the first President of the Republic of Indonesia, Soekarno. This prohibition continued in greater quality and quantity during the reign of the second President of the Republic of Indonesia, Soeharto. In the reform era, when freedom of expression found its space, book prohibition continued. This article examines the historical and cultural responsibility behind book banning. How about the prohibition of books in the Soekarno, Suharto era, and the reform era. What are the pros and cons that occur, as well as what solutions satisfy various parties. The method used is the library method, by reading, inputting data, and studying based on library data. This article explains that the author of the book must be responsible for the content of his writing. Themes such as the Movement of the PKI are sensitive themes, therefore writers must have historical and cultural awareness. Likewise, the government is expected to be able to review a book, and not to unilaterally freeze or ban it. Bringing a book into the realm of law is supported by the necessary evidence, so that all parties get justice based on the law, history and culture of the nation for the unity of the Republic of Indonesia based on the pillars of development and survival as a nation.

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Sahrasad, Herdi, Yanuardi Syukur, Al Chaidar, Dedy Tabrany et Muhammad Ridwan. « Osama and The Entry of Al Qaeda to Southeast Asia in Historical Perspective : A Preliminary Note ». Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, n^o 2 (10 mai 2019) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i2.232.

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Southeast Asia captivates Al Qaeda (Saudi Arabia/Middle East) to enter this region because Osama Bin Laden knows that Southeast Asia is the second priority of the US in fighting international terrorism. Southeast Asia is also referred to as "home" for terrorist groups or movements such as Jemaah Islamiah (JI), Abu Sayyaf and the Mujahideen Malaysia Group (KKM)) which were allegedly involved in the WTC case. Regardless of whether or not the involvement of "radical Islamic" groups was involved with ‘’the September 11(9/11)’’ case, which clearly has changed US relations with Southeast Asian countries. Meanwhile, the Islamic political movement, especially the political violence groups have increased and flourished in Indonesia since President Soeharto fell in 1998. Since the mid-1990s, a number of terrorist attacks have been planned in the Southeast Asia region, including attacks on church leaders (Pope), President Bill Clinton, and commercial aircraft. But these plans are not always successful, and all of the above factors, combined with the arrest of several people from the Al-Qaeda network operating in Southeast Asia, are seen as a strong enough driving factor to carry out the terrorism attacks in this region. Al Qaeda succeeded in building networks, supporters and cells through regional extremist movements affiliated with it. According to Asean intelligent report, they received financial and weapons amounted to US$ hundred thousands from Al Qaeda on a scale that worried many people.

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Vicki Dwi Purnomo et Kelik Endro Suryono. « The Collapse of the New Orde Regime Resulted in Changes in Indonesia's Economic Policy ». Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Formosa 1, n^o 5 (30 décembre 2022) : 395–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/jpmf.v1i5.2230.

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The reform era or the post-Suharto era in Indonesia began in 1998, to be precise when President Soeharto resigned on May 21 1998 and was replaced by the then vice president, BJ Habibie . This period was founded bya more open socio-political environment. Issues during this period included the push for democracy and a stronger civilian government, elements of the military trying to maintain influence, growing Islamism in politics and society in general, and demands for greater regional autonomy . The reform process resulted in a higher degree of freedom of speech , in contrast to the widespread censorship during the New Order . As a result, political debate has become more open in the mass media and artistic expression has increased. Events that have shaped Indonesia in this period include a series of terrorist incidents (including the 2002 Bali bombings ) and the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami . Using the knife of deconstruction of critical legal theory and socio-legal methodology with statutory, historical, conceptual and legal political economy approaches, three questions are raised, firstly the role of law in the market reform agenda which underlies the idea of limiting the role of the state in the economy; second, how is the role of the state in the economy being debated in the MPR and; third, what are the implications of the market reform agenda for the results of changes to the economic constitution.

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Anam, Khairil, Lala M Kolopaking et Rilus A Kinseng. « The Effectiveness of Social Media Usage within Social Movement to Reject the Reclamation of the Jakarta Bay, Indonesia ». Sodality : Jurnal Sosiologi Pedesaan 8, n^o 1 (21 avril 2020) : 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22500/8202028955.

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Presidental Degree No. 95 of 1995 in the era of President Soeharto was a fundamental basis in reclamation planning. The reason for the reclamation is to develop the Pantura area as an economic area and land expansion in Jakarta. However, this policy was opposed by many groups, one of which was the Ministry of the Environment by issuing the results of the 2003 Environmental Impact Study which stated that reclamation was not feasible to be continued. In addition, the reclamation plan had the potential to harm 17,000 fishermen who lived in the Jakarta bay reclamation development area; they felt the impact socially, economically and environmentally. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of the reclamation rejection movement in the digital age. The paradigm of this research is constructivism, with qualitative and quantitative method approaches. Data retrieval on social media was carried out in Python 3 and Drone Emprit Academic to obtain SNA results and conversation trends and the distribution of issue locations on Twitter. This research was conducted in the Kaliadem and Kalibaru Fishermen Village, North Jakarta, involving 50 respondents and 5 informants. The result showed that social media has an effective role in encouraging the sensitivity of public attitudes in the movement. This is evidenced by the expansion of the message to reject reclamation in various regions, and it can encourage policy changes. Keywords: digital activism, fisherfolkfisher folk movement, reclamation, social media, social movement

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Zainuri, Luqman H. « The Problem of Policy Coordination in a Newly Decentralised Government : A Study of Policy Implementation in the Province of Bali, Indonesia ». Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, n^o 5 (1 septembre 2018) : 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0140.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to describe inter government relations resulted from disorganized political change from Autocratic political system to the Democratic one. This purpose is described through a challenge against Governor’s moratorium policy in 2010 made by three Heads of Districts within the province of Bali over the issuance of principle of building permit of new hotels and tourist accomodations. The method by which this research is conducted is exploratory. The research found that the problems of coordination in the policy emanate from a radical change in politics and government from centralised to decentralised government and termination of President Soeharto from the office. The un-coordinated political transition at the national level being faced by Indonesia has brought about serious problems on coordination of inter government institutions of the local governments. In effect, to the large extent, the performance of local governments -as it has been the case in the province of Bali-is contra productive in fulfilling societal needs of public services as well as local-economic development.

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Djakababa, Yosef. « The Initial Purging Policies after the 1965 Incident at Lubang Buaya ». Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 32, n^o 3 (décembre 2013) : 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341303200302.

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After the Lubang Buaya incident on 1 October 1965 in which six top Indonesian Army generals and a lieutenant were killed, the Army began to implement a nationwide purging campaign with the assistance of civilian anti-communist groups. Thousands of PKI members, supporters and pro-Sukarno groups/individuals immediately became the target of this purge. For organisational purposes, several purging policies were released and then strictly enforced. The official purging policies that are highlighted in this paper are a series of initial directives that were released within days of the generals’ executions. They do not explicitly translate into orders to kill, but are more of a guideline to help anti-communist officials classify and contain communists and other PKI followers. This article attempts to show how these initial directives evolved and also discusses competing purge policies from non-military sources. The co-existence and overlapping nature of the various directives indicate that a power struggle existed between the anti-communist group led by General Soeharto and the presidium of the Dwikora Cabinet who were loyal to President Soekarno.

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Aryono, Aryono. « Pergulatan Aliran Kepercayaan dalam Panggung Politik Indonesia, 1950an-2010an : Romo Semono Sastrodihardjo dan Aliran Kapribaden ». Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 3, n^o 1 (31 mars 2018) : 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v3i1.17855.

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This article discusses about the efforts of creeds religion flourished to maintain their existence since the 1950s until the late 2010’s in Indonesia. Using historical method, this article found the interesting facts about the struggle of creeds religion in political stage of Indonesia. In 1953, for example, the Ministry of Religion Affairs noted that there were 360 groups protected by the government according on the Constitutional Law 1945 Article 29. After the tragedy of 1965, migration of members to the religions took place. When Soeharto became president, these groups was allowed to flourish. However, they got discrimination and always being watched. The new hope was arose in 2006, when the government issued Law No. 23/2006 about Population Administration, although it still requires to fill the religious column in national identity card (KTP). In the end 2017, the Constitutional Court issued a fatwa related to the status of religious column in KTP of the creeds religion. This condition also encompassed to Aliran Kapribaden’s Romo Semono Sastrodiharjo in Purworejo, Central Java. This discrimination must be terminated, in the name of unity in diversity.

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Kusuma, I. Dewa Gede. « Semangat Perlawanan Musik Indie (Kasus Bali) ». Journal of Music Science, Technology, and Industry 1, n^o 1 (31 août 2018) : 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.31091/jomsti.v1i1.508.

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ABSTRAKPengalaman atas reklamasi Pulau Serangan merupakan tolak ukur bagaimana kegagalan nyata reklamasi di wilayah Tenggara Bali. Situasi Orde Baru (ORBA) pada masa Presiden Soeharto adalah Pulau Serangan terpisah dengan gugusan Pulau Bali, lalu terjadilah penimbunan wilayah pantai hampir tiga kali luas awal Pantai Serangan. Akses ke Serangan akhirnya dapat menyatu tanpa menggunakan kapal atau boat. Masyarakat adat pasubayan di Bali selatan, berhasrat tidak ingin tertimpa persoalan serupa pengalaman terjadi di Pulau Serangan. Masyarakat di Bali selatan terlibat menolak dan melawan rencana reklamasi lewat praktik musik indie secara damai, kreatif, dan tanpa aksi anarkisme. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode kualitatif dalam konteks kajian budaya kritis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa aktivis lingkungan dan musisi indie di Bali sejak tahun 2012 semakin gelisah pascamunculnya isu rencana reklamasi Teluk Benoa. Musisi indie perlahan-lahan mengarahkan ideologi pergerakannya menolak gagasan pemerintah dan investor pengembang untuk mereklamasi Teluk Benoa seluas 838 Ha di Tanjung Benoa, Jimbaran, Kabupaten Badung, Bali. Musik Indie memiliki kepentingan melawan dalam menyampaikan pesan sosial atas kondisi riil yang terjadi di masyarakat. Gerakan musik indie berkolaborasi bersama aktivis dan masyarakat adat dalam menyampaikan pesan-pesan perlawanan sebagai upaya melindungi lingkungan alamiah Bali di masa mendatang.Kata kunci: musik, perlawanan, reklamasi. ABSTRACTThe experience of Serangan Island reclamation is a benchmark for the real failure of reclamation in the Southeast of Bali. The New Order (ORBA) situation during the time of President Soeharto was a separate Serangan Island with the cluster of Bali Island, and then there was a hoarding of coastal areas almost three times the initial area of Serangan Coast. Access to Attack can eventually blend without using a boat or boat. Indigenous peoples pasubayan in southern Bali, eager not to get hit by similar problems experience occurred in Serangan Island. Communities in south Bali are involved in resisting and resisting the reclamation plan through the practice of indie music peacefully, creatively, and without anarchism. This research is conducted by qualitative method in the context of critical culture study. The results show that environmental activists and indie musicians in Bali since 2012 are getting more agitated after the emergence of the issue of the Bay of Benoa reclamation plan. Indie musicians are slowly directing the ideology of their movement to reject the idea of government and developer investors to reclaim the Benoa Bay area of 838 Ha in Tanjung Benoa, Jimbaran, Badung regency, Bali. Indie music has a counter-interest in conveying the social message of the real conditions that occur in society. Indie music movements collaborate with activists and indigenous peoples in conveying resistance messages as an effort to protect Bali's natural environment in the future.Keywords: music, resistance, reclamation.

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Manan, Munafrizal. « Seeking Transitiona Justice In Indonesia : Lessons From The Cases of Aceh, Papua And East Timor ». Constitutional Review 1, n^o 2 (28 mars 2016) : 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev124.

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This article analyses the Indonesian efforts to resolve past human rights abuses under the mechanism of transitional justice following the downfall of President Soeharto on May 21, 1998. The focus of analysis is the implementation of transitional justice in the cases of Aceh, Papua, and East Timor during the transitional period. This article shows that the efforts to enforce transitional justice in these cases have been faced with obstacles. Although there have been notable efforts in terms of both judicial and non-judicial to enforce transitional justice, the final results are not satisfactory. Transitional justice mechanism to resolve past human rights abuses was implemented only with half-baked and supported with half-hearted. As a result, it has failed to bring justice for the victims. There are lessons can and should be learned from these transitional justice cases for resolving other past human rights abuse cases in Indonesia today. The current Indonesian government should pay attention to the lessons in order to resolve past human rights violations in accordance with its promise during presidential election campaign in 2014. Otherwise, it is likely to repeat the same mistake and failure of justice dealing with past human rights violations.

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Rochwulaningsih, Yety, Noor Naelil Masruroh, Fanada Sholihah, Sutejo K. Widodo et Susilo Budiyanto. « Capitalism Penetration and Ecological Degradation in South Kalimantan : A Historical Sociology Perspective ». E3S Web of Conferences 317 (2021) : 04007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202131704007.

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This article analyses the relationship between capitalism penetration and growing ecological degradation in South Kalimantan. Capitalism is manifested through excessive logging and the conversion of tropical rainforests into oil palm plantations, a practice that has been rampant since the New Order era. During the President Soeharto in office, natural resources were exploited extensively under the pretext of national development by granting forest concessions to private and state-owned companies. Continuing land clearing and concession burdens of up to 50 percent are the causes of the ecological disaster that occurred in South Kalimantan. The heavy flood phenomenon that happened in January 2021 reflects a long history of capitalism penetration on estate business rooted since the 1980s, when Forest Concession Rights holders began to intensively deforest. This fact is authoritatively opposed by some businessmen who claim that the issue of deforestation is deliberately raised as a trade policy strategy for developed countries. By using a sociological historical approach, it traces the roots of capitalism penetration and looks at to what extent of its influence to the ecological balance in South Kalimantan. Ironically, local communities also take part to strengthen the capitalism chain.

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Cohen, Matthew Isaac. « Wayang Kulit Tradisional dan Pasca-Tradisional di Jawa Masa Kini ». Jurnal Kajian Seni 1, n^o 1 (7 novembre 2014) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/art.5965.

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Regional traditions of wayang kulit puppetry remain alive and vibrant in contemporary Indonesia, responding to currents of global culture, changing configurations of patronage, and the challenges of doctrinal Islam. Enterprising artists tap into new funding sources to renew audiences, strategic alliances are struck between academics and performers, and after the long hiatus of a military dictatorship under President Soeharto, wayang kulit has resumed its role as a mouthpiece for political commentary and dissent. In addition to traditional wayang kulit, the last decade has seen a surge of post-traditional wayang kulit. Post-traditional productions, which are generally not linked to ritual events or functions, etiolate and hybridize the conventions of the form, intentionally violating sacred norms and taboos. Traditionally-trained practitioners alive to global popular culture and the demands of the international contemporary art market, sometimes in collaboration with other artists, create new work that draws deeply on wayang kulit conventions and practices to speak to new audiences about issues of current relevance. While traditional and post-traditional wayang kulit present strikingly different aesthetic profiles, practitioners happily cross between the two art worlds, benefiting from contemporary society’s cultural pluralism.

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Samir, Salman. « DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE AND ITS IMPACT ON FISCAL GOVERNMENT IN INDONESIA ». Hasanuddin Economics and Business Review 1, n^o 2 (14 novembre 2017) : 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.26487/hebr.v1i2.1242.

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Indonesia experiences demographic change because of basically the result of successful policies in the past. Especially in the health sector where in the era of Orde Baru[1] the family planning program was successfully implemented. Productive age over non productive age are the two main variables in addition to some other variables that are also shaping demographic change. This study highlighted the demographic changes, particularly with the increasing burden of government dependents in the allocation of education, health, and social security. This study attempted to see the effect of demographic change on government fiscal using the Error Correction Model. The choice of this model was because ECM could be used to see the short-run dynamic relationship of variables that have cointegration relationship. The results showed that there are cointegration so that it could be continued by estimating using ECM and the results show that demographic change have an influence on government fiscal where proxies used such as mortality, birth rate, life expectancy have significant effect while productive and non-productive age have no significant effects. [1] Orde Baru is Period when Soeharto occupied as The 2nd President of Indonesia

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Madril, Oce. « The President’s Power and Anti-Corruption Policy : What Can Be Learned from New Order Experience ». Hasanuddin Law Review 3, n^o 3 (10 janvier 2018) : 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/halrev.v3i3.1318.

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The New Order government led by President Soeharto was supposed to be a regime that would ameliorate the abuse of power conducted by the previous government. One of the important agendas for the New Order government was overcoming the issues regarding the abuse of authority and corruption in the government sector. Several legislations, Presidential legal policies and institutions were formed to carry out such mission. However, the New Order government eventually failed and became a corrupt regime. This study concludes that notwithstanding Indonesia theoretically had an institutional framework to combat corruption under the New Order government, it failed to eradicate corruption. The failure of anti-corruption policies under the New Order era was caused by 3 forms of failure. Firstly, the failure to build a democratic and anti-corruption presidential power. Secondly, the failure to build a comprehensive anti-corruption policy. Thirdly, the failure to build an effective anti-corruption agency. The method employed in this study is a combination of several approaches between the statutory approach, historical approach and conceptual approach. The main data used in this study is the literature which are consists of previous research, legislation and Presidential policies.

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Hanum, Nia Namirah, et Hanifa Fijriah Wasnadi. « JEJAK BETON DAN MODERNISASI ARSITEKTUR DALAM PEMBANGUNAN PERIODE PASCAKOLONIAL DI INDONESIA ». RUSTIC 1, n^o 2 (30 juin 2021) : 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32546/rustic.v1i2.1743.

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1959 was a turning point for Indonesia to become a country with a new 'identity', where it was the first year of the revival of the 1945 Constitution, including the actions, decisions, and powers of the President to initiate large-scale development. For President Soekarno, concrete was able to become a tool to symbolize modernity and equality for the Indonesian people who experienced long imperialism from the Europeans (colonies). Indonesia's long history triggered Soekarno to make Indonesia an equal country with other countries, so through the Nation and Character Building mission, megaprojects were carried out. While the next era is in the hands of President Soeharto, national stability which refers to the development of basic needs and infrastructure is one of the important plans in the PELITA program series. How was the modernization process in Indonesia in the post-colonial period presented through concrete materials and what factors or events were related to it; become the focus of the problem in this research. The purpose of exploring these problems is to get a new perspective to explore and assess the role of concrete in the Indonesian modernization process in physical development which was influenced by important factors and events in the two postcolonial regimes. The data on domestic cement production and consumption activities in Indonesia serve as glasses to see how the traces of the modernization of the Indonesian nation are in the context of physical development. The results show that there are two peaks of the highest domestic consumption of cement which proves that concrete is an important part of the development process in the post-colonial period: (1) In 1961 it was 788,000 tons in the era of the construction of the Istiqlal Mosque, an increase of 73.6% from the previous year; (2) In 1970, it reached 1,214,603 tons in the PELITA I era, with an increase of 27% from the previous year.

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Surapati, Putri Jasmine, Nada Nur Maulidina, Fayza Maritza Putri Agustono et Hilda Ferira Pohan. « Comparative Analysis of President Soeharto and Kim Dae Jung's Policies in Overcoming the 1997 Economic Crisis based on Small Theory and Idiosyncratic Theory ». Khazanah Sosial 3, n^o 2 (30 avril 2021) : 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i2.11503.

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The 1997 economic crisis was a situation in which the Asian economy experienced a drastic decline which was triggered by Thai finance. At that time Thailand, burdened by huge foreign debt, decided to develop the Baht currency after attacks by currency speculators on the country's foreign reserves. This monetary shift was aimed at stimulating export earnings but this strategy actually had a bad impact. This has had the effect of transmitting to several countries in other Asian regions, such as South Korea and Indonesia. In responding to the formulation of this phenomenon, South Korea and Indonesia have their own policies to overcome the 1997 Economic Crisis.Thus, in order to understand the decision-making process in foreign policy, a level of analysis is needed, namely using idiosyncratic theory and small theory. Using a qualitative approach, this research generates ideas to understand the background to the policy process it created to address the issue of the 1997 Economic Crisis.

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Eddyono, Luthfi Widagdo. « The Constitutional Court and Consolidation of Democracy in Indonesia ». Jurnal Konstitusi 15, n^o 1 (29 mars 2018) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1511.

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The amendment of 1945 Constitution was stipulated and conducted gradually and became one of the agendas of the Meetings of the People’s Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat) from 1999 until 2002. It happened after the resignation of President Soeharto on May 21, 1998, that already in power for almost 32 years. In the reform era, Indonesia has taken comprehensive reform measures by bringing the sovereignty back to the hand of the people. To safeguard the supremacy of the 1945 Constitution, the Constitutional Court of Indonesia is formed as one of the judiciary authority organizing court proceedings to enforce the law and justice. This article analyzes the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia, the role of Constitutional Court of Indonesia based on its authority and describe how its decision has significant support for consolidation of democracy in Indonesia. The result of the research then shows that the Constitutional Court has made a positive influence in Indonesian consolidation of democracy. The Constitutional Court is also handy for upholding the constitutional norm, especially about state institutions and human rights. The Constitutional Court has taken an essential role in the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia through its decisions in judicial review of acts and resolving election disputes.

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Putri, Leovina Prinanda, Muhammad Ahsan Ridhoi et Novita Anggraini. « JOKOWI DI DEPAN DAN BELAKANG PANGGUNG POLITIK ». JOURNAL OF DIGITAL EDUCATION, COMMUNICATION, AND ARTS (DECA) 5, n^o 01 (27 mars 2022) : 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30871/deca.v5i01.3890.

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Indonesia reached a turning point in its implementation of eradicating corruption after the fall of the Soeharto regime in 1998. Corruption then became a sexy issue that became the commitment of politicians and public officials. Jokowi appeared and became a favorite media. In the 2014 presidential election campaign, Jokowi carried 9 Nawa Cita promises, on the 4th point containing: "rejecting weak countries by reforming the system and law enforcement that is free of corruption, with dignity, and trustworthy". Eradication of corruption in Indonesia has not been fully effective. This shows commitment to eradicating corruption and strengthening the KPK through words like what Jokowi did, only dramaturgy to deal with communication and self-image crises. Jokowi does not want to present himself as supporting the revision of the KPK Law. Jokowi seems to be with the people, united to support the strengthening of the KPK. By collecting qualitative data related to a collection of statements by President Jokowi about strengthening the KPK in a number of mass media in the 2014-2021 period, the researcher uses the Front Stage and Back Stage theories by Erving Goffman. This study explains how Jokowi uses him as head of state and also as part of the people based on the best version of himself.

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Alkadrie, Jafar Fikri, Gorby Faisal Hanifa et Annisa Chantika Irawan. « Dinamika Diaspora Subkultur Etnik Cina di Kota Singkawang ». Intermestic : Journal of International Studies 1, n^o 2 (26 mai 2017) : 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v1n2.4.

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Diaspora conducted by Chinese people to various regions of the world make them have their own culture with their own peculiarities, because it has acculturated with the new place where they are. One of the significant areas is Singkawang city. Singkawang is a historic place for Tionghoa ethnic, because there is where they grow and have their own civilization, complete with their sub-culture brought from China. During the reign of President Soeharto, their existence is very marginalized. They have a variety of cultures that only after the new Reformation is open to public. They have a unique sub-culture, so it takes time to be accepted in the community. Celebrations such as Imlek, Cap Gomeh and the others, are a distinct identity that falls within the indigenous communities and influences the economic, politics and cultural fields. So it is interesting to study about the Tionghoa sub-culture with it’s various dynamics, taking the background of Singkawang City, because the majority of the people are Tionghoa ethnic. The research was conducted by descriptive-qualitative methods, with the aim to describe the dynamics of Tionghoa sub-culture in Singkawang City. The result is, the dynamics of Tionghoa ethnic in Singkawang City has undergone significant changes and affect the social, economic, political life in Singkawang

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